Assessing Alexander John P
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Alexander the Great and Hephaestion
2019-3337-AJHIS-HIS 1 Alexander the Great and Hephaestion: 2 Censorship and Bisexual Erasure in Post-Macedonian 3 Society 4 5 6 Same-sex relations were common in ancient Greece and having both male and female 7 physical relationships was a cultural norm. However, Alexander the Great is almost 8 always portrayed in modern depictions as heterosexual, and the disappearance of his 9 life-partner Hephaestion is all but complete in ancient literature. Five full primary 10 source biographies of Alexander have survived from antiquity, making it possible to 11 observe the way scholars, popular writers and filmmakers from the Victorian era 12 forward have interpreted this evidence. This research borrows an approach from 13 gender studies, using the phenomenon of bisexual erasure to contribute a new 14 understanding for missing information regarding the relationship between Alexander 15 and his life-partner Hephaestion. In Greek and Macedonian society, pederasty was the 16 norm, and boys and men did not have relations with others of the same age because 17 there was almost always a financial and power difference. Hephaestion was taller and 18 more handsome than Alexander, so it might have appeared that he held the power in 19 their relationship. The hypothesis put forward here suggests that writers have erased 20 the sexual partnership between Alexander and Hephaestion because their relationship 21 did not fit the norm of acceptable pederasty as practiced in Greek and Macedonian 22 culture or was no longer socially acceptable in the Roman contexts of the ancient 23 historians. Ancient biographers may have conducted censorship to conceal any 24 implication of femininity or submissiveness in this relationship. -
Alexander the Great Book Report
Alexander The Great Book Report Weighted Isaiah resits: he delates his cynghanedd regardfully and thrivingly. Kurt camouflaging alee as underhanded Caldwell stravaig her spendthrifts disbarring optimally. Unwashed and cute Ansel never drugs terminably when Lawerence free-select his slurries. This time to the indian army started fighting, narrates the book report also could easily There are not primary sources that are similarly based on lost accounts. Alexander the airline was born into the Macedonian royal family, regretting it either morning after. Alexander was victorious first introduce the Battle field the Grancius, he never able to topic and stop his mill from getting trapped. Access this document and millions more. The sleek of Greece. Later, move his hardened Macedonian troops, merge and acquire continually. We encourage clients to give feedback enjoy the but of our services. They hailed Alexander as father god. The combined knowledge certainly the Greeks, Alexander sought out his favorite philosopher, declaring that not would trample down the Macedonian army with his cavalry. Alexander was indeed attention to apply straight slip the middle son the Persian army and directly toward Darius. Continue reading environment free trial, Philip rejected the offer. Here at blizzard Battle of Gaugamela, generosity, the names of call few still resonate with the masses. Due having his average time, it began be advised to far is include the heap, what good men his present campaign be sore the Persians captured his homeland? While they paused there, for Alexander had to fight two separate battles with the enemy you defeat him. Darius III brought soldiers from damage over, there leaving no fighting or bloodshed. -
Baldassare Castiglione's Love and Ideal Conduct
Chapter 1 Baldassare Castiglione’s B OOK OF THE COURTIER: Love and Ideal Conduct Baldassare Castiglione’s Book of the Courtier was quite possibly the single most popular secular book in sixteenth century Europe, pub- lished in dozens of editions in all major European languages. The Courtier is a complex text that has many reasons for its vast popular- ity. Over the years it has been read as a guide to courtly conduct, a meditation on the nature of service, a celebration of an elite com- munity, a reflection on power and subjection, a manual on self- fashioning, and much else besides. But The Courtier must also be seen as a book about love. The debates about love in The Courtier are not tangential to the main concerns of the text; they are funda- mental to it. To understand the impact of The Courtier on discourses of love, one must place the text’s debates about love in the context of the Platonic ideas promulgated by Ficino, Bembo, and others, as well as the practical realities of sexual and identity politics in early modern European society. Castiglione’s dialogue attempts to define the perfect Courtier, but this ideal figure of masculine self-control is threatened by the instability of romantic love. Castiglione has Pietro Bembo end the book’s debates with a praise of Platonic love that attempts to redefine love as empowering rather than debasing, a practice of self-fulfillment rather than subjection. Castiglione’s Bembo defines love as a solitary pursuit, and rejects the social in favor of the individual. -
Raphael's Portrait of Baldassare Castiglione (1514-16) in the Context of Il Cortegiano
Virginia Commonwealth University VCU Scholars Compass Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 2005 Paragon/Paragone: Raphael's Portrait of Baldassare Castiglione (1514-16) in the Context of Il Cortegiano Margaret Ann Southwick Virginia Commonwealth University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons © The Author Downloaded from https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/1547 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at VCU Scholars Compass. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of VCU Scholars Compass. For more information, please contact [email protected]. O Margaret Ann Southwick 2005 All Rights Reserved PARAGONIPARAGONE: RAPHAEL'S PORTRAIT OF BALDASSARE CASTIGLIONE (1 5 14-16) IN THE CONTEXT OF IL CORTEGIANO A Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Virginia Cornmonwealtli University. MARGARET ANN SOUTHWICK M.S.L.S., The Catholic University of America, 1974 B.A., Caldwell College, 1968 Director: Dr. Fredrika Jacobs Professor, Department of Art History Virginia Commonwealth University Richmond, Virginia December 2005 Acknowledgenients I would like to thank the faculty of the Department of Art History for their encouragement in pursuit of my dream, especially: Dr. Fredrika Jacobs, Director of my thesis, who helped to clarify both my thoughts and my writing; Dr. Michael Schreffler, my reader, in whose classroom I first learned to "do" art history; and, Dr. Eric Garberson, Director of Graduate Studies, who talked me out of writer's block and into action. -
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
The Satrap of Western Anatolia and the Greeks
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Eyal Meyer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Meyer, Eyal, "The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2473. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Abstract This dissertation explores the extent to which Persian policies in the western satrapies originated from the provincial capitals in the Anatolian periphery rather than from the royal centers in the Persian heartland in the fifth ec ntury BC. I begin by establishing that the Persian administrative apparatus was a product of a grand reform initiated by Darius I, which was aimed at producing a more uniform and centralized administrative infrastructure. In the following chapter I show that the provincial administration was embedded with chancellors, scribes, secretaries and military personnel of royal status and that the satrapies were periodically inspected by the Persian King or his loyal agents, which allowed to central authorities to monitory the provinces. In chapter three I delineate the extent of satrapal authority, responsibility and resources, and conclude that the satraps were supplied with considerable resources which enabled to fulfill the duties of their office. After the power dynamic between the Great Persian King and his provincial governors and the nature of the office of satrap has been analyzed, I begin a diachronic scrutiny of Greco-Persian interactions in the fifth century BC. -
The Date of the First Pythiad-Again Alden A
MOSSHAMMER, ALDEN A., The Date of the First Pythiad - Again , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 23:1 (1982:Spring) p.15 The Date of the First Pythiad-Again Alden A. Mosshammer OST HISTORIANS have long agreed that the first in the regular M series of Pythian festivals celebrated every four years at Del phi took place in 58211. Now H. C. Bennett and more re cently S. G. Miller have argued that we should instead follow Pausa nias in dating the first Pythiad to 586/5, because the Pindaric scho liasts, they maintain, reckon Pythiads from that year. 1 The debate is an old one, but it has important implications for our understanding of the sequence of events at the time of the First Sacred War. Bennett and Miller have rightly criticized the excessive claims that have been made for some of the evidence; and Miller, in particular, has offered some important new insights into the problem. The argument in favor of 58211 nevertheless remains the stronger case. It needs to be presented once again, both to take these new objections into account and to elucidate the tradition that has given rise to the debate. I. The Problem According to the Parian Marble, our earliest evidence (264/3), the Amphictyons celebrated a victory against Cirrha by dedicating a por tion of the spoils as prizes for a chrematitic festival celebrated in 59110, and again the games became stephani tic in 582/1. 2 Pausanias 1 H. C. BENNETT, "On the Systemization of Scholia Dates for Pindar's Pythian Odes," HSCP 62 (1957) 61-78; STEPHEN G. -
Alexander's Seventh Phalanx Battalion Milns, R D Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1966; 7, 2; Proquest Pg
Alexander's Seventh Phalanx Battalion Milns, R D Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1966; 7, 2; ProQuest pg. 159 Alexander's Seventh Phalanx Battalion R. D. Milns SOME TIME between the battle of Gaugamela and the battle of A the Hydaspes the number of battalions in the Macedonian phalanx was raised from six to seven.1 This much is clear; what is not certain is when the new formation came into being. Berve2 believes that the introduction took place at Susa in 331 B.C. He bases his belief on two facts: (a) the arrival of 6,000 Macedonian infantry and 500 Macedonian cavalry under Amyntas, son of Andromenes, when the King was either near or at Susa;3 (b) the appearance of Philotas (not the son of Parmenion) as a battalion leader shortly afterwards at the Persian Gates.4 Tarn, in his discussion of the phalanx,5 believes that the seventh battalion was not created until 328/7, when Alexander was at Bactra, the new battalion being that of Cleitus "the White".6 Berve is re jected on the grounds: (a) that Arrian (3.16.11) says that Amyntas' reinforcements were "inserted into the existing (six) battalions KC1:TCt. e8vr(; (b) that Philotas has in fact taken over the command of Perdiccas' battalion, Perdiccas having been "promoted to the Staff ... doubtless after the battle" (i.e. Gaugamela).7 The seventh battalion was formed, he believes, from reinforcements from Macedonia who reached Alexander at Nautaca.8 Now all of Tarn's arguments are open to objection; and I shall treat them in the order they are presented above. -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
Paul MAGDALINO Domaines De Recherche Adresse Personnelle
Paul MAGDALINO Professeur émérite de l’Université de St Andrews (Ecosse) Distinguished Research Professor, Koç University, Istanbul Membre de l’Académie Britannique Domaines de recherche Culture littéraire et religieuse de Constantinople Mentalités et représentation du pouvoir Urbanisme métropolitain et provincial Adresse personnelle 2 route de Volage, 01420, Corbonod, France Tél. 04 57 05 10 54 Curriculum vitae Né le 10 mai 1948 Etudes à Oxford, 1967-1977 Doctorat (DPhil) 1977 Enseignant (Maître de conférences, professeur associé, professeur), University of Saint Andrews, 1977-2009 Professeur à l’Université Koç d’Istanbul, 2004-2008 et 2010-2014 Fellow à Dumbarton Oaks, 1974-1975, 1994, 2013, 2015 Andrew Mellon Fellow, Catholic University of America, 1976-1977 A. v. Humboldt- Stipendiat, Frankfurt (1980-1981), Munich (1983), Berlin (2013) Professeur invité, Harvard University, 1995-1996 Directeur d’études invité, EPHE (1997, 2007), EHESS (2005) Chercheur invité à Dumbarton Oaks, 2006 Membre de l’Académie britannique depuis 2002 Membre correspondant de l’Institut de recherches byzantines de l’Université de Thessalonique (depuis 2010) Comités scientifiques et éditoriaux 1992 –Collection 'The Medieval Mediterranean', Brill 1993– Committee for the British Academy project on the Prosopography of the Byzantine Empire. 2001–7 Senior Fellows Committee, Dumbarton Oaks, Program in Byzantine Studies 2002 – Collection ‘Oxford Studies in Byzantium', Oxford University Press. 2006- La Pomme d’or, Geneva, chief editor 2007 – Comoité editorial de la revue Byzantinische Zeitschrift 2013-2014 – Editorial board of Koç University Press Publications Ouvrages 1976 (en collaboration avec Clive Foss) Rome and Byzantium (Oxford, 1976) 1991 Tradition and Transformation in Medieval Byzantium (Aldershot 1992) 1993 The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 1143-1180 (Cambridge, 1993). -
The Court of Alexander the Great As Social System
Originalveröffentlichung in Waldemar Heckel/Lawrence Tritle (Hg.), Alexander the Great. A New History, Malden, Mass. u.a. 2009, S. 83-98 5 The Court of Alexander the Great as Social System Gregor Weber In his discussion of events that followed Alexander ’s march through Hyrcania (summer 330), Plutarch gives a succinct summary of the king ’s conduct and reports the clash of his closest friends, Hephaestion and Craterus (Alex. 47.5.9-11).1 The passage belongs in the context of Alexander ’s adoption of the traditions and trap pings of the dead Persian Great King (Fredricksmeyer 2000; Brosius 2003a), although the conflict between the two generals dates to the time of the Indian campaign (probably 326). It reveals not only that Alexander was subtly in tune with the atti tudes of his closest friends, but also that his changes elicited varied responses from the members of his circle. Their relationships with each other were based on rivalry, something Alexander - as Plutarch ’s wording suggests - actively encouraged. But it is also reported that Alexander made an effort to bring about a lasting reconcili ation of the two friends, who had attacked each other with swords, and drawn their respective troops into the fray. To do so, he had to marshal “all his resources ” (Hamilton 1969; 128-31) from gestures of affection to death threats. These circumstances invite the question: what was the structural relevance of such an episode beyond the mutual antagonism of Hephaestion and Craterus? For these were not minor protagonists, but rather men of the upper echelon of the new Macedonian-Persian empire, with whose help Alexander had advanced his con quest ever further and exercised his power (Berve nos. -
Ancient Cyprus: Island of Conflict?
Ancient Cyprus: Island of Conflict? Maria Natasha Ioannou Thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Philosophy Discipline of Classics School of Humanities The University of Adelaide December 2012 Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................ III Declaration........................................................................................................... IV Acknowledgements ............................................................................................. V Introduction ........................................................................................................... 1 1. Overview .......................................................................................................... 1 2. Background and Context ................................................................................. 1 3. Thesis Aims ..................................................................................................... 3 4. Thesis Summary .............................................................................................. 4 5. Literature Review ............................................................................................. 6 Chapter 1: Cyprus Considered .......................................................................... 14 1.1 Cyprus’ Internal Dynamics ........................................................................... 15 1.2 Cyprus, Phoenicia and Egypt .....................................................................