Research and Science Today Supplement 1/2014
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ADEPT Political Commentaries
ADEPT Political Commentaries September-December 2004 Concerns on the eve of elections Igor Botan, 15 September 2004 Democracy and governing in Moldova e-journal, II year, no. 37, August 30 - September 12, 2004 With the launch of the fall political season analysts and media alike engaged in assessing preparations for parliamentary elections. According to their estimates, elections might be held late May or even June next year. The source for such predictions is the Constitution itself. Paragraph 3 Article 61 of the Constitution provides that "election of Parliament members will be started not later than 3 months from the end of the previous mandate or from the dissolution of the previous Parliament". Article 63 specifies that "the mandate of the current Parliament may be extended until the structure of the new Parliament has been completed and the latter can meet in full session" that according to the same article is held "within at most 30 days from election day". That is why it is considered that Parliament mandate commences on the day of its first session. Given that the last parliamentary elections were held on February 25, while the Parliament was convened on a first session via a Presidential Decree on March 20, 2001, it is expected that parliamentary elections would be held sometime during the three months March 21 - June 21, 2005. This estimation is logical and at the first glance seems accurate. Arguments cited by those who claim election date would be set for the end of May or even June cite, derive from the supposed interests of the ruling party. -
On Romanian Political Nicknames
ÀÍÒÐÎÏÎÍÈÌÈß GIOROCEANU, Alina (Craiova, Romania) ON ROMANIAN POLITICAL NICKNAMES Çà ïðîçâèùàòà íà ðóìúíñêèòå ïîëèòèöè On Romanian Political Nicknames The nickname which is given to a person and is initially used by a small group of people turns into a byname as the person becomes more popular in society. The byname contains indications about the individuality or the public image of its carrier. There is also a connection with the physical and psychic features of the person or to activities or events connected with him or her. On the political scene (the Romanian political scene is no exception) a byname is used as a weapon for disctediting or demonizing political oppo- nents. Linguistic analysis of bynames of Romanian politicians shows the variety of linguistic resources and means used in the creation of a byname such as contraction, composition, derivation and abbreviation. Keywords: nickname, byname, politics, truncation, composition, derivation, ab- breviation O poreclã, atribuitã unei persoane ºi utilizatã, la început, în colectivitãþi mai mici, odatã ce intrã în conºtiinþa publicã devine supranume. Supranumele capteazã indicii despre personalitatea sau imaginea/percepþia publicã a posesorului. Dincolo de nume, existã legãturi cu trãsãturile fizice sau psihice ale persoanei sau cu o acþiune/întâmplare a acesteia. Pe scena politicã (scena politicã româneascã nu face excepþie!), supranumele este folosit ca armã pentru discreditarea sau demonizarea oponenþilor politici. Analiza lingvisticã a supranumelor din politica româneascã va scoate în evidenþã varietatea resurselor ºi mijloacelor limbii utilizate în atribuirea unui supranume (trunchierea, compunerea, derivarea, abrevierea). A name given to someone by few people, once become public knowledge, is often used instead of the person’s formal name. -
DIRECTORATE GENERAL for RESEARCH Directorate a Division for International and Constitutional Affairs ------WIP 2002/02/0054-0055 AL/Bo Luxembourg, 13 February 2002*
DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR RESEARCH Directorate A Division for International and Constitutional affairs ------------------------------------------------------------------- WIP 2002/02/0054-0055 AL/bo Luxembourg, 13 February 2002* NOTE ON THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC SITUATION IN ROMANIA AND ITS RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE FRAMEWORK OF ENLARGEMENT This note has been prepared for the information of Members of the European Parliament. The opinions expressed in this document are the author's and do not necessarily reflect the position of the European Parliament. * Updated 11 March 2002 Sources: - European Commission - European Parliament - European Council - Economic Intelligence Unit - Oxford Analytica - ISI Emerging Markets - Reuters Business Briefing -World Markets Country Analysis - BBC Monitoring Service WIP/2002/02/0054-55/rev. FdR 464703 PE 313.139 NOTE ON THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC SITUATION IN ROMANIA AND ITS RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE FRAMEWORK OF ENLARGEMENT CONTENTS SUMMARY................................................................................................................................ 3 I. POLITICAL SITUATION a) Historical background......................................................................................................3 b) Institutions...................................................................... .................................................5 c) Recent developments...................................................... .................................................6 -
Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs
HIIA Papers T-2012/1 ZSUZSANNA VÉGH Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Publisher: Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Editor and typesetting: Andrea Tevelyné Kulcsár Editorial office: H-1016 Budapest, Bérc utca 13-15. Tel.: +36 1 279-5700 Fax: +36 1 279-5701 E-mail: [email protected] www.kulugyiintezet.hu www.hiia.hu © Zsuzsanna Végh, 2012 © Hungarian Institute of International Affairs, 2012 ISSN 2060-5013 Zsuzsanna Végh Winds of Change A RESOLV A BLE CONFLI C T A T THE BO R DE R S OF THE EU R OPE A N UNION he Transnistrian conflict is often referred to as the most easily resolvable territorial conflict in the neighbourhood of the European Union (EU). The reason is the Tnature of the conflict. For one, there has been no violence since the Transnistrian war in 1992 between the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria, the separatist entity and it is very unlikely that any violent clash would occur in the future. For two, as opposed to other territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet space, the conflict between Moldova and Transnistria is not based on ethnic differences. Both Moldova and Transnistria are ethnically mixed, there is no ethnic violence between Moldovans, Russians and Ukrainians, and the inhabitants of both territories generally have multiple citizenships. The resolution, nonetheless, despite several attempts, is still only a distant goal. The EU became engaged in the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in 2005 through the so-called ‘5+2 talks’ which got to a halt in 2006. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
ETHNIC WAR AND PEACE IN POST-SOVIET EURASIA By SCOTT GRANT FEINSTEIN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2016 © 2016 Scott Grant Feinstein To my Mom and Dad ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In the course of completing this monograph I benefited enormously from the generosity of others. To my committee chair, Benjamin B. Smith, I express my sincere appreciation for his encouragement and guidance. Ben not only taught me to systematically research political phenomena, but also the importance of pursuing a complete and parsimonious explanation. Throughout my doctoral studies Ben remained dedicated to me and my research, and with his incredible patience he tolerated and motivated my winding intellectual path. I thank my committee co-chair, Michael Bernhard, for his hours spent reading early manuscript drafts, support in pursuing a multi-country project, and detailed attention to clear writing. Michael’s appreciation of my dissertation vision and capacity gave this research project its legs. Ben and Michael provided me exceptionally valuable advice. I am also indebted to the help provided by my other committee members – Conor O’Dwyer, Ingrid Kleespies and Beth Rosenson – who inspired creativity and scientific rigor, always provided thoughtful and useful comments, and kept me searching for the big picture. Among institutions, I wish to gratefully acknowledge the support of the Center of European Studies at the University of Florida, IIE Fulbright Foundation, the American Council of Learned Societies, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, IREX, the American Councils, and the Department of Political Science at the University of Florida. -
Str. Tunari, Nr. 41, Sect.2, Bucureşti-Romania, Tel. 004.021.2102409, Fax.004.021.2104165 Str
DEPARTAMENTUL COMUNICARE ȘI IMAGINE REVISTA PRESEI 10 Ianuarie 2018 Site-uri: Ziare centrale Agenții de știri ADEVĂRUL www.adevarul.ro COTIDIANUL www.cotidianul.ro CRONICA ROMÂNĂ http://www.cronicaromana.ro/ CURIERUL NATIONAL http://curierulnational.ro/ PUTEREA http://puterea.ro EVENIMENTUL ZILEI www.evz.ro GÂNDUL www.gandul.info JURNALUL NAŢIONAL www.jurnalul.ro ROMÂNIA LIBERĂ http://www.romanialibera.ro/ ZIARUL FINANCIAR www.zf.ro Click! www.click.ro Libertatea www.libertatea.ro Capital www.capital.ro Hotnews www.hotnews.ro Ring http://www.ziarulring.ro/ Mediafax www.mediafax.ro Agerpres www.agerpres.ro ADEVĂRUL Ecaterina Andronescu, despre schimbarea planurilor-cadru pentru liceeni, propusă de Pop: O mare greşeală. Nu poţi să ghilotinezi discipline de bază adev.ro/p2aizf Fostul ministru al Educaţiei Ecaterina Andronescu a declarat, la Adevărul Live, că propunerile de planuri-cadru ale şefului de la Învăţământ Liviu Pop, care printre altele vizează diminuarea numărului de ore de Fizică, respectiv de Tehnologia Informaţiei şi Limbi Străine, reprezintă o mare greşeală. Senatorul PSD a criticat noile propuneri de planu-cadru pentru liceu, argumentând că nu poţi să ghilotinezi materii de bază şi să le înlocuieşti cu discipline ce ar trebui să regăsească în zona extracurriculară. „Este o mare greşeală. Voi propune colegilor din Comisia de Învăţământ să ne întâlnim în ultima săptămâna din ianuarie cu ministrul Educaţiei şi să avem o discuţie aplicată despre aceste planuri-cadru. Trebuie ridicată problema unor discipline esenţiale. Am introdus Informatica în ciclul gimnazial de aproape 17 ani. De altfel, a crescut industria IT. Nu avem de ce să nu recunoaştem acest lucru. Avem şi facultăţi mai dezvoltate din zona asta de electronică şi de calculatoare. -
Ambassade De France En Roumanie Revue Des Médias
AMBASSADE DE FRANCE EN ROUMANIE REVUE DES MÉDIAS ROUMAINS DU 27 MAI 2014 n° 18643 Elections européennes – résultats. La presse présente les résultats quasi définitifs des élections européennes du 25 mai en Roumanie. L’alliance PSD-UNPR-PC a remporté la moitié des 32 sièges. Les résultats, après le dépouillement des 99,99 % des bulletins de vote, sont les suivants : alliance PSD-UNPR-PC - 37,6% des voix, PNL - 15%, PDL - 12,23%, Mircea Diaconu (candidat indépendant) - 6,81%, UDMR - 6,3% et PMP - 6,21%. Les journaux présentent également la répartition probable des mandats : les 16 députés européens de l’alliance PSD-UNPR-PC seront Corina Creţu, Ecaterina Andronescu, Cătălin Ivan, Dan Nica, Maria Grapini, Damian Drăghici, Daciana Sârbu, Ioan Mircea Pascu, Viorica Dăncilă, Sorin Moisa, Victor Boștinaru, Claudiu Tănăsescu, Doru Frunzulică, Constantin Rebega, Claudia Tapardel et Andi-Lucian Cristea. Les six représentants du PNL seront Norica Nicolai, Adina Vălean, Ramona Mănescu, Cristian Bușoi, Renate Weber et Eduard Hellvig. Le PDL accordera les cinq sièges obtenus à Theodor Stolojan, Monica Macovei, Traian Ungureanu, Marian-Jean Marinescu et Daniel Buda. Les deux députés européens de l’UDMR seront Iuliu Winkler et Csaba Sogor, tandis que les deux du PMP seront Cristian Preda et Siegfried Mureșan (Gandul.info). Ziarul Financiar remarque que la bataille pour l’élection présidentielle a débuté tout de suite après la fin du scrutin européen. Le Premier ministre Victor Ponta a appelé à une nouvelle alliance sociale-libérale, alors que les représentants du PDL ont évoqué l’unification de la droite. D’autre part, le faible score obtenu par le PNL (15%) a provoqué une crise interne qui a conduit à la démission de la direction du parti, dont son président Crin Antonescu et son premier vice-président Klaus Iohannis. -
“Sheriff” in Town: Corruption and Captive Markets in Transnistria
There’s a new “Sheriff” in Town: Corruption and Captive Markets in Transnistria Michael Bobick Cornell University Havighurst Center Miami University Young Researcher’s Conference 2012 Please do note cite without the author’s permission Abstract Crime and corruption have plagued Transnistria since its initial declaration of independence in 1990. Transnistria has all of the requisite symbolic and institutional aspects of statehood but lacks international recognition. Transnistria’s economy, like the state itself, exists outside of any normative regulatory or juridical framework. Long viewed a black spot on the political map of Europe, the region’s economy has played a central role in illicit transactions throughout the post-Soviet period. This paper explores the issue of corruption in Transnistria through the lens of a single company, Sheriff. As a holding company that controls the vast majority of the region’s profitable enterprises, Sheriff is the most visible economic entity in the region (its businesses include supermarkets, gas stations, internet, telecommunications, textile production, broadcast and cable television, auto sales, publishing, cognac production, light manufacturing, publishing, and advertising). Sheriff has turned Transnistria’s liminality into a means of generating immense profits and rents due to its close relationship to the state. Yet Sheriff serves as a crucial buffer between residents who face an otherwise bleak material existence, offering both charity and other modern conveniences to residents. Sheriff has, in the words of one informant, brought a “civilized” consumer experience to the region. This paper examines the wider political context that gave rise to Sheriff (i.e., its murky rise to its monopoly position), its position as a facilitator of illicit economic transactions, and how Sheriff, through its provisioning of goods and services, displaces, masks, and ultimately disarms allegations of corruption both inside and outside of the region. -
Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (2) Republic of Moldova
Pridnestrovian War Cabinet Public Character Profiles (1) Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (2) Republic of Moldova Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic Igor Smirnov - President of Transnistria ● Focus: Transnistrian independence and recognition, sustained territorial control ● Responsibilities: Military, Ideological, Cultural ● Resources: Full standing Transnistrian military (Shares this with Atamaniuk and Chitac) An active member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union since 1960, Smirnov has played an integral role in the politics of Moldova and , later, the PMR for decades. He served as the director for a number of different electrical plants, which allowed for him to build his political reputation. In 1989, he became the chairman of the city council of Tiraspol and only a year later the president of the PMR. Aleksandr Lebed - Co-Commander of the Russian 14th Army ● Focus: Expanding Russian influence in Transnistria, re-establishing Russian influence in Moldova ● Responsibilities: Military, Ideological ● Resources: Russian 14th Army A decorated Russian military commander, Aleksandr Lebed successfully lead campaigns in Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Afghanistan before being given co-command of the Russian 14th Army. Understanding that Commander Lebed held a firm sense of Patriotism, the Russian government trusted him with leadership of the 14th Army knowing that he would possess the same goals as his native Russia. Yury Netkachev - Co-commander of the Russian 14th Army ● Focus: Strengthen and support the Transnistrian military ● Responsibilities: Military ● Resources: Russian 14th Army The former independent commander of the Russian 14th Army, he was responsible for supplying the separatists in the newly founded PMR with a wealth of weapons. Moscow was not in favour of the commander letting arms fall into the hands of a potentially dangerous faction. -
Moldova Page 1 of 16
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices in Moldova Page 1 of 16 Moldova Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2006 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 6, 2007 Moldova is a parliamentary republic, with a population of approximately 3.39 million, excluding the estimated 555,000 residents living in the secessionist-controlled region of Transnistria. The constitution provides for a multiparty representative government with power divided among a president, cabinet, a unicameral parliament, and the judiciary. Parliamentary elections in March 2005 generally complied with most international standards for democratic elections. In April 2005 parliament reelected Communist Party leader Vladimir Voronin as president for a second term. In 1990 separatist elements supported by Russian military forces in the area declared a "Transdniester Moldovan Republic," which lies east of the Dniester River along the border with Ukraine. The government has no authority in Transnistria. Unless otherwise stated, all references herein exclude the secessionist region. Voting for March 2005 parliamentary election did not take place in the area east of the Dniester River; however, more than 8,000 voters residing in Transnistria were able to vote at polling stations established by the government on government-controlled territory. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces. The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, there were problems in some areas. Security -
The Moldovan Case
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. TERRITORIAL DIMENSIONS OF ETHNIC CONFLICT: THE MOLDOVAN CASE LTC Neil V. Lamont, U.S. Army Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. A version of this article appeared in The linked image cannot be displayed. The file may have been moved, renamed, or deleted. Verify that the link points to the correct file and location. Military Review December-February 1995 under the title: Ethnic Conflict in the Transdniester Daily you hear or read about armed conflicts occurring or new hostilitiesz breaking out in areas of the former Soviet Union. Soviet newspapers and television carry regular reports of these conflicts. One of those regularly interviewed is Lieutenant General Alexandr Lebed, the commander of the Russian 14th Army in Moldova 1 and an outspoken advocate of decisive action to support Russian interests in that region. The failed Soviet Empire is a region of diverse nationalities possessing different backgrounds, religions, customs and traditions, which has been pulled apart by complex inter-ethnic disputes. Lebed and his Army are symptomatic of this problem. Although introduction of democratic institutions, thoughts and practices has produced some positive changes, in fact, the very pace of this reform, in some measure, has contributed to turmoil and strife that threatens the stability of this huge and critically important region. One aspect of this complex problem is the resolution of border conflicts among the new states created when the former Soviet Union dissolved. -
The Next Crimea? Getting Russia's Transnistria Policy Right
Adrian Rogstad The next Crimea? getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Rogstad, Adrian (2016) The next Crimea? getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right. Problems of Post-Communism . ISSN 1075-8216 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2016.1237855 © 2016 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68611/ Available in LSE Research Online: December 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL ( http://eprints.lse.ac.uk ) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Title Page The next Crimea? Getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right Author: Adrian Rogstad, PhD Candidate, Department of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom. E-mail: [email protected] 1 Abstract Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea in March 2014 sparked so far unrealised international fears that the pro-Russian separatist republic of Transnistria in Moldova might be the next object of Russian territorial revisionism.