H I S T O R Y

m ifi u r k i a r ns 3m cn é b p y

J H N H R I N O . M O R S O

AUT H O R

H ISTO RY O F AM ERI CAN STEAM NAVI G ATI O N

P RESS O F

AM ETZ 6: C0 . W M . F. S

NEW YO R K

C ONT ENT S .

P AG E

CHAPTE R I .

Co lo nia l Perio d

E CHAPT R II .

1 84 to 1 820 7 .

“ ” E a r ly Am er ic a nNew Yo rk Shipbuilders — Th e Clerm ont and Her Builder

E CHAPT R I I I .

Perio d o f Large Devel o pment in Shipbuilding— Marine Ra ilwa y and D r y Do cks — T oo ls

CH AIP 'T E R I V .

o f r E o o o o f T Strikes Shipya d mpl yees , and F rmati n rade Unio ns in New Yo rk City

' CHAPTE R V . M echanics ’ Bell

CHAPTE R VI .

— — w E r a . Ne in Shipbuilding Ocean Steamships Clipper Ships .

I CHAPTE R VI .

Launch i ng o f Vessels and La unching Disasters — D r y Do ck Accidents

CHAPT E R V I I I .

’ “ ” High W ater in Wo oden Shipbuilding— Yacht America Reco rd of Prominent American Clipper Ships

CHAPTE R I ".

' Decline o f W o oden Shipbuild i ng I LL T R AT I U S O NS .

P AG E

” T h e Steamb o at Clerm o nt ( 2 )

’ No a h o S 1 81 2 Adam Br wn s hipyard , Original M echanics ’ Bell

M ’ 1 845 echanics Bell,

“ Steambo at Orego n

“ Steamb o at E mp i re o f Troy

” Steamb oat Th o mas Po well Clipper Ship “ Challenge

Balance D r y Do ck

Steamb o at City o f New Y ork

“ ” Steamb o at Rh o de Island

Clipper Ship Co met

Clippe r Ship Flying Clo ud

Clipper Ship Ga z elle

Clipper Ship S o vereign o f th e Seas

“ Clipper Ship Yo ung America Cl ipper Ship “ Great Republic

“ Clipper Ship Dr eadn o ught

“ T h r ee- Masted Sch o o ner E ckfo rd Webb

“ Steamb o at D a niel Drew

’ Steambo at C. Vibbard

P R E F AC F

HE development of shipbuilding in New York prior to the separation of the colony from the

Mother Country , both under the Dutch as well

a s ver v the English occupation , was of a

uncertain character, m ainly for the reason that for the greater portion of the period the commerce carried on with foreign countries w a s with vessels owned abroad , and it was only toward the latter days of the colony that vessels were constructed in this city for trad ing coastwise for any distance , and to the West Indies .

- b There were vessels built for near y trade , but they were comparatively small in dimensions and number . For the reason that our forefathers were not given to the habit of recording any advancement made in industrial pursuits in this country , it is impossible to cover the subj ect but in a general manner during the Colonial period . It w a s not until after the treaty of peace with Great

i i n 1 7 83 a e Brita n September, , th t th re are any records of shipbuilding in the City of New York . In fact , while the n several States still retai ed their separate governments ,

o 1 7 89 is to the formati n of the Union of States in , there i no record to be found in this city . So there s no official record of ve ssels built in this city prior to President

’ ’ W ashington s administration , and even for a few years later there are some of the offi cial papers of New York

v ea r s a built vessels , that have been for many mong the missing . The indu s tr v now bega n to show much a c tivitv com

its m th e ' r es tl es s e pared to for er condition , and nergy of the American mechanic beg a n to as ser t itself in its first

o stage of freedom fr m foreign control , and while the “ ” pro gress in the art of shipbuilding was very small in

it a deed , was not until after the monop oly of ste m navi g a tio non our rivers was removed in 1 824 that we s ee the vast improvem ents that took place in shipbuildin g in E F CE 4 PR A .

this city . From this period to its final decline about

r w a s fo ty years later, it a rapid development with the large growth of the city and its many industries . a In the first stage of this exp nsion of shipbuilding, the skilled mecha nic bega n the agitation for the relief

a a nd a from his long hours of l bor, in few years he was t e successful , and hrough the s veral changes in the

o f methods of construction , and the use better tools , work was turned out more rapidly and better than b e fore . Then came the building of Ocean and Coastwise

- Steamships, and later the far famed Clipper ships , for

w a s a nd . which New York City so widely noted , j ustly so Th is lasted for a few years ; a nd th en several surrounding

f s conditions , all a fecting the shipbuilding indu try of the

o s h a d efi ec t a city, m re or le s , the to stop the m king of

a nd o new contracts for vessels , to close up s me of the local shipy a rds . The progress in the industry at New York w a s followed during the whole period at all the

a a shipbuilding centers on the Atl ntic Co st , but this city was the most unfortu nate in losing its hold up o n this business so so o n after the close of the c o nflict between

1 5 s ex c e the States in 86 . The State of Maine w a the p

o f or o a ti n , w oden ship building was l rg ely carried on there till very recent date . Had the builders and owners of vessel property at tha t d a y the fo resight to have seen that the da y of the o s w oden hull vessel had pa sed , generally, they would h a ve been s aved many anxio us days waiting for its r e

. o d e turn to prosperity S me no oubt did see it , and retir d

h r e from business before it was too late, while ot ers e a T h main d to the l st . e prosperous d a ys of the wooden hull shipyards had passed , the iron hull shipyards took their business , and the former passed into his tory . The o ld Mechanics Bell and the Bal a nce Dry D o ck are about

n r the o ly material evidences we h a ve left of the indust y . The American wooden - hull shipbuilder was undoubtedly

o h is a credit to the nati n in day .

C H AP T E R I .

C L NI L E I D O O A P R O . D U R I NG DUTCH AND E NG L I SH OCCUPATION O F NE W Y OR K

CITY . HE Atlantic coast being well fitted for ship

o f t building by the abundance its imber , vessels have been constructed at several points on its northern and eastern shores from the first a ctual settlement of the country by Europeans . That which made it almost a work of necessity was the fact that the early colonists were located along the immediate coast, and were forced a t first to b u ild the Indian canoe to obtain the fi s h for a food product for their own use ; but a few years later they built small sail vessels that gave them a wider range in t heir fishing operations than with a canoe . The earliest record we have of the construction of a

a is vessel in this country , other th n small fishing boats , o f one built by c olonists sent to the coast of Maine by 1 607 some merchants of London in , who landed at the mouth of the Kennebec river . They erected building s and constructed a vessel of thir ty tons during that y ear “ ” they named Virginia . They were favorably situated to

w a s construct the vessel , for one of the colonists a ship c arpenter . This body of colonists soon became dis c o u r a g ed ; became involved in diffi culties with the I n d ians , so that some went back the next year to England “ ” o thers took the Virginia and sailed to the English

a . c olony at J mestown , Va The next vessel built in New “ ” England was the b a rk Blessing of the Bay of 60 tons s 1 63 1 b urden on Mystic river, Mas , in for Governor Win 1 00 r . th o p of the colony The next year a vessel of tons , a year later one of near 2 00 tons burden were built on the o s ame river . Shipyards were s on located along the E R 6 COLONIAL P IOD .

Massachusetts coast w here the fishing industry was car ried on , for it was the commerce in the salted fishery pro duct that mu c h of the freight was obtained for the vessels trading to Europe , and the West Indies . Th is

‘ business in th e fisheries was the main cause of the development of shipbuilding on the eastern coast at the early period , with the low cost of the finished vessel . e This low price, placed upon their v ssels by the colonial s w a s o n builder , s one of the reasons ma y vessels were

f r built o several years for foreign ow ners .

NE W AMST E RDAM .

It is well known that the vessel in which H enr v Hudson discovered the river wh ich bears h is name was “ ” i called the Half Moon . She was of small d mensions ,

7 4 1 - 2 t 1 0 being feet length over all , beam fee , and

o 7 . feet depth of h ld , with a draft of water of feet This

o b a 4 1 609 : vessel entered the l wer y on September , on 1 1 th the he came into the upper bay , where he remained but one day, when he left for the upper part of the river , and arrived at the site of the present city of Albany on

1 9 1 609 . e September , After a short stay he return d to

th e o 4th the mouth of river, and on O ct ber following s set sail for England . The fir t trading ships between

a a nd Manhattan , or New Amsterd m , Holland were the “ ” “ ” a Little Fox and the Little Cr ne, which were brought 1 61 1 d here in upon a speculating tra ing voyage , and spent a considerable time in b artering the trinkets and

tr ifi es s o other , much coveted by the Indians for beaver o e and peltry , of which the c untry afford d a bountiful a supply at the time . The adventure was a gre t suc cess “ ” for the promoters , and we find the Little Fox making several voyages to the river at later dates . Capt a in Adrian Block was sent o u t in 1 61 3 in com “ ” mand of the ship Tiger by some merc hants of Holland , in co mpany with two other vessels to New Amsterdam , to trade with the Indians , but through an accident his ship takes fire while lying in the bay and preparing to O O E I OD C L NIAL P R .

return home . Nothing daunted by his misfortune he set

s o a o to building a small yacht, c lled , fr m the timber that w a s growing in su c h a bundance on the island ; and in all probability the construction of th e vessel w a s carried on a t the lower end of the island . The to ols they had to

f o r t e work with were crude h purpose , but the best th ev

a t u a s had hand , and no do bt good a s was in genera l use i at that day . It s not probable that there w a s a nv th ing better for shaping the timber than would be carried ‘ on b a oard a vessel for doing rep ir work , in shape of tools .

w a s th e a t New d This vessel first one built Amster am ,

44 1 - 2 1 6 1 - 2 1 6 was feet long , feet wide and tons burden “ Onr s and named e t. She w a s used in exploring the coast for a distance to the north of Long Island Sound ,

. r and it was in this vessel that Capt Block was the fi st , it

a n o is thought , of y Eur peans , to have visited Block d th e Islan , that lies at entrance of Long Island Sound . But little was done in shipbuilding for some time to 6 1 1 3 . which to call attention , until in The Wes t India

h a d a Company , who the territorial right of tr de with the “ t colony , had built at Manhattan the ship New Ne her ” “ ” o f 600 r ob a b ilitv lands about tons, and it was in all p the largest merchant vessel in the world at the time , and was sent to Holland . She was fitted for carrying thirt y

e s u guns . I V find that the record hows that the b ilding of this vessel w a s severely criticised at a later date as bad man agement on the part of the West India Com

th e fi is pany . At a much later date rst shipyard shown to be on the shore a bout two blocks inland from the e present foot of Broad str et , and known as Hunts ship yard . One o f the most notable m aritime events in connec tion with the e a rly history of M a nhattan w a s the loss of “ the s hip Princess and about sixty of her passengers and crew , some of the former being those whose names have b een h anded down to us in connection with a ffairs t of the Dutch Province . This vessel lef Manhattan for E R 8 COLONIAL P IOD .

1 6 1 647 Holland on August , , having among her pas

ener s s g William Kieft, who had been Director General E ver a r du s a u of the Province , and Dominie Bog rd s , the

first cl ergyman established in the town . The latter mar

nnet e J s ried the widow A j ans, who came into pos ession of the sixty - two acres of ground granted to her first h u s in1 63 6 1 7 05 w a s band , that in leased to Trinity Church by the Colonial authorities , and that periodically is brought into public notice in the present day . Both

ini d - D o m c Bogar us and ex Director General Kieft, with some few other offi cers of the Province were lost with the

s vessel . The first hipwreck on the coast in the vicinity a w a s of Manhattan , of which we have any ccount , in De “ ” c em b r 1 658 e , , when the Prince Maurice went ashore about midnight on the south shore of Long Island at a i k S c k tew a c . place called y, near Fire Island inlet The

s w a s . passengers were aved , but the ship lost At the date of the capitulation of the Dutch proprie tors inth e city to the English in 1 664 a number of property holders of the shipbuilding pro fession resided “ in a part of the town then known as De Smits Valey, “ ” a nd b e afterward as the Fly , along the shore road

a tween W ll street and the present Franklin Square, or

e the line of Pea rl str et . The most of these shipwrights lived outside the water gate or city palisade a t Wall

s . street , while only one resided inside the enclo ure Whether they were all proprietors of shipya rds there is no means of telling at this late d a te . “7 c find in a search through th e old historical

O a records of the Dutch ccup tion , references to many h ships , but no data to show w ether they were of domestic or foreign construction . There is one paper that details the work done at Manhattan during Governor W o u ter ’ T willer s 1 63 3 d Van administration , that in consiste of “ ” the ship Sou th er c k rep a ired and provided with new knees . Other carpenters have long worked on ships “ ” “ ” Om l nden Hope of Greningen , and a . The yacht L E I D CO ONIAL P R O . 9

1 63 2 Hope , captured in , was entirely rebuilt , and “ ” planked up higher . The yacht Prins William has been “ ” i h - fi ns ed . built . The yacht Amsterdam almost A large “ ” or l o o open boat . In the yacht Wesel an p and caboose “ ” V r ee de . were made . In the yacht the same The boat “ ” Om w a l at Fort Orange . The yacht with a mizzen sold ’ ’

ir k en. to Barent D c s The wood cutters boat , divers

f to . fa rm boats , and ski fs were sold various parties Also many boats and yawls made for th e sloops . Moreover the carpenters consta ntly repaired and caulked the old ” craft . We now come to the period of the English occupa e tion of New Amsterdam , when its nam was changed to a New York . The population of the pl ce did not exceed

fifteen hundred inhabitants , and the number of dwellings on the island did not much exceed two hundred . There appears for some years no trace of activity in the ship

a o u yards , prob bly account of the political conditions

a t a affected by the ch nge of the adminis r tion, and also that during the Dut ch oc cup a tion the island was for the d s most time use merely as a trading po t, while under the English administration there was a more free and ex tended commercial spirit manifested . This change took

c th e some time to be ome general , and city had in the meantime extended far beyond the palisade at Wall street, and largely increased in population . There was no longer a close corporation in control of the c o mmerce of the city . There was no doubt many sloops built at this

o w a s period for the trade on Huds n river, for there con s ider a b l e a s business done far up the river as Alb any . The only shipbuilder there is any record of at this

a early date was John L tham , who purchased some “ a 1 7 01 w ter lots in in the vicinity of Dover street , and established a s hipyard . He was no doubt the pioneer in “ ” that locality , that was so long known as the Shipyards 1 40 district . In 7 there were three shipyards in this

D a ll s locality , Daniel and John L a tham , John y , and E R 1 0 C OLONIAL P IOD .

a t John Rivers . Lathams old dwelling house that stood the corner of Cherry and Roosevelt streets was still 1 6 sta nding in 8 0. He seems to have had a disposition to invest in real estate at times in the city . The last record 1 7 52 is of three large plots in on the shore front , near

u Roosevelt street, j ust west of where the stream r nning from Collect pond emptied into the East River . Shall refer to Latham again on the subj ect of timber . Shipbuilding at New York could not h a ve been a

i n very inviting business to engage at this early period , for the builders in the Massachusetts province could con

s o is struct vessels at much less cost, and that one reason why they Obtained s o m any contracts for vessels from

a e a s foreign owners . The labor m rk t w not in harmony w a e ith the loc l build rs , though they no doubt built a few vessels for the inl and waters . The General Assembly of the colony in 1 7 1 8 presented to the Governor of the

Province of New York and New Jersey , th at it was of advantage to change the law s o that vessels built in the province of British owners should be free from certain taxes on shipping , as it was at this time seen that the shipbuilding business w a s in a very depressed condition

tr a ns a c ted b u t in the province for the amount of trade , , it 1 3 6 “ was not until 7 when shipbuilding , which in some of the neighboring provinces is carried on to a large extent , and h a s become a considerable part of their returns to

Great Britain for many years , been much neglected and ” h no t little used in t is province . It was only the new d vessels for London merchants , but New Englan also sent across the Atlantic l a rge shipments of shipbuilding timber . The Governor of the Province a few years later in an address to the legislative body of the province , said “ I have reflected on the decay of shipbuilding which for many years has been much regretted , but little attempted to be retrieved . I am not ignorant that many

its causes may be assigned for decay , some of which , and

r pa ticularly one, it is not in the power of the merchant

E R 1 2 COLONIAL P IOD .

a Atlantic coast , for it was not only at New Amsterd m but at New England as well . The earliest shipment found from New Amsterdam was received at Amsterdam 1 626 from M anhattan in November, , on board ship ” “ s m Arms of Amsterdam , con iderable oak ti ber and hickory . The first extended reference to the shipbuilding tim ber of New Netherl a nds is found in a Holland document “ 1 649 : of , referring to the soil of the province It produces several kinds of timber suitable for the construction of

’ a nd s /z z s houses p , be they large or small, consisting of : various sorts of oak , to wit Post oak , smooth white bark , a a a nd gray b rk , black b rk , still another sort, which by reason of its softness is called butter oak .

a . V rious sorts of nut timber, hickory , large and small

This timber is very abundant here, and much used as

firewood also , for which it is right well adapted . Chest nuts, three sort beeches , axe handle wood , ash , birch ,

l a th w o o d pine, , alder, willow , thorn , with divers other m species adapted to any purposes , but their names are unknown to us . Colonists on arriving in the province in' 1 650 were after a certain formality gra nted and allowed certain “ i : pr vileges And they shall be at liberty , gratuitously , to cut and draw from the public forests as much firewood , and as much timber as they shall require for the con t ” s ruction of houses and vessels . This is an evidence that some shipbuilding w a s done at New Amsterdam at a very early date . The shipment of shipbuilding timber does not appear to have been under the Dutch Administration a a very profit ble business . In regard to the h a s timber that been sent as freight, whoever has any en thing here to load ought not to be repulsed , but c ou r a g ed : if things are to su cceed they must operate in a that w y . The timber was sent th a t l a bor may be sup ported . Though a t present discredited and brought into O E R O COL NIAL P I D . 1 3 disrepute It will soon surmount the diffic u ltv when im proved . That the ship should have arrived sooner home ten or twelve days were empl o yed in takin g the timber In . It lay on the bank alongside the vessel and the crew undertook to haul and load it for 200 g l : it

o was the finest weather that c uld be expected . Though the heavy freight absorb all the profit of the tim

o ber, yet it is better, that the pe ple who are inclined to b ” e d . industrious, should be accommodate Under the English occupation several shiploads o f a nd a d timber pl nk were sent to the British Navy yar s , “ there being a great deal of timber in the country , chiefly

is oak , the white oak the best ; they build many ships ” with it . Sticks of timber for masts of vessels were sent at as late a date as 1 7 00to the parent co u ntry in large quan tity . England had been so wasteful in the use of her timber for many years that they began to s ee they must look outside their local fields for a supply .

B ell o m o nt in Earl , Governor of the province , a letter to the Commissioners of Trade and Plantations of Eng in1 699 land , gives us a view of the timber supply, and “ exportation going on , at the town at that time . My thoughts have been so at work about naval stores and masts for the king ’ s ships that understanding last spring from two honest Dutchmen that had found out a parcel of vast pines on one of the late grants of land by C01.

D elliu s Fletcher to Mr . , which they said were big enough for masts for the biggest ship in the world , I resolved to take an account of them, and for that end sent Mr . d Schermerhorn , one of the Dutchmen that discovere them to me , and with him John Latham , an able ship ’ in s wright , who learned his trade one of the king s yard in England , to view them , and to take a survey of all the r woods in that part of the province , I mean, to the no th r M oh a c k s ward of New York , up the Hudson iver, the Cor lea r s D elliu s river, and along the side of Lake, where , t largest grant was . By my ins ructions Latham was to E R 1 4 COLONIAL P IOD .

report what trees he found fit for masts , what pitch pines for making pitch , tar and rosin , and all other timber fit

s for building ships of war, as beams , planks , wale piece and knees . Upon their return , which was j ust a month th e ago , they sent me the j ournal of their travel in woods

and it is signed by Mr . S chermerhorn and ’ Mr . Latham . I send the Lieut . Governor of New York s proclamation forbidding the cutting aw ay of those great ’ i trees fit for masts for the king s ships . But nthe province of New Yo rk people little mind proclamations ‘ or l a ws either . I am glad to find there are pines of eleven and twelve feet about, for either one of those sizes is big

a s enough for a first rate ship , I am informed , and I am satisfiednthe trees might be floated down the great fall , and the they will be the cheapest in the world , for they ’ ’ may b e all flo a ted down Hudson s river to the ship s side ” that take them in to carry them to England . This fall “ 600 he mentions is yards broad , and at the highest part ” about 50feet high eig ht miles above Albany . It was not o nly from New York that timber for the

British naval vessels was now being sent , but from New

England as well in large quantities , where they were also building vessels for the merchant service for

B ell m n English owners . The next year E arl o o t shipped “ ” “ r another cargo of timber by the ship Fo tune . This £558 1 9 s vessel stands the king in , New York money,

and Mr . Latham , the shipwright of best skill £600 and experience here , values the ship at nearly i sterling . She s nearly nine years old but the k e a a ing will be no los r but gainer, as I h ve ordered the m atter, I mean , by sending home the ship laden with ship t 4 imber . The timber I have provided sta nding me in £ 67

4d . 7 s . . this money Also Capt . Deering for a c h a racter of th e timb er that is left behind on the wharf ’ in this town , and they will tell Lordships tis better than ‘ ’ that which is put on the Fortune, for it seems Mr .

t s a e w d La ham hip ped t h t timb r hich first came to han , E R COLONIAL P IOD . 1 5

” and did not choose the best . A little later he advises the Home o fii c e that he h a s made a contract for a supply th e ’ “ of timber for masts for king s naval vessels . I have made a bargain with two men for masts which if they will perform must prove the best bargain for the king that ever was yet made . The articles, bonds and instructions are my own drawing , for I was forced at drawing them myself to keep this design secret from some ill people at Albany, who are wicked enough to hinder the good effects of such a bargain by p er s u a d ing the M o h a c k Indians either not to part with their woods to the king, or to hold them up at an extravagant m rate . Some of the people at Albany upon y e sending Mr . Latham and th se two undertakers last year to view those woods began to practice with those Indians and persuade them that each of those great pines for masts was worth fifty beaver skins . Mr . Latham assures me th a t there are pines enough in those woods on the M oh a c k river to furnish the navy these thousand years

- to come . The twenty four masts I have articled for will serve a first and second rate man of war . The biggest ’ 3 7 e . in Mr . Taylor s contract was inch s diameter 40 I have agreed for two masts of inches diameter, which will be a rarity when sent home . I cannot but flatter myself that this bargain for masts is a very valuable service to the king and all his dominions : for here is a suffi cient store for all . I believe I shall save the b olts r its king a year in the article of masts , p and ” yards : and more . C H AP T E R I I .

1 84 1 820 7 TO . E AR LY AM E R ICAN NE NY YO R K SHI PBUI LD E R S — T H E “ CLE R '” AND H E R E R MONT BUILD .

HEN the City of New York w a s freed from the presence and authority of a foreign

2 5 1 3 r . 7 8 military power on Nov , , unde whose oppression it had s u fler ed for about w a s seven years, it little else than a heap of ruins . During this period nearly all kinds of ih du s tr ia l occupations were wholly suspended , except i ing those of m litary necessities . The wharves had been permitted to go to decay without any efforts being made to check their ruin , or to restore them when they became almost useless , excepting those used for military l n purposes . Both public and private bui dings had b ee e appropriated by the military authorities , and of cours l had been marred and defaced by such use . A arge por tion of the city was included in the burned district , which had been laid in ruins by two gre at fires that occurred during the early part of the war, and no attempts had been made since the fires to remove the ruins of the buildings . These long and painful years of its military occupation by the British troops had reduced the city to little more than a wreck of its condition at the beginning of the war . Previous to the commencement of hostilities the population of the city had reached over a twenty thousand , but the occup tion of the city by a foreign foe had reduced the number of permanent resi dents to less than half that number . Many of the dwell ings of the refugees from the city were taken by the f British war o ficers for military uses . For the purposes of a naval depot the shipyards at Dover and Roosevelt en streets were occupied, and the adj acent ground was closed and houses erected for storage of material for r e 1 7 84 1 820 TO .

pairs to the naval vessels . The shore front at this locali ty “ being well suited for the purpose, w a s used a s a careen ” ing yard for vessels under repairs . Several of th e dwellin g s situated on Cherry Hill , where Cherry street at present commences , were taken by the n a val offi cers on s hore duty for their private quarters , and for th eir f o fices . This locality at the outbreak of the R evo l u tiona r YVa r y had some of the finest residences in the city . The mechanics for this service were brought from Great

Britain . It will be borne in mind that there were many vessels eng aged in bringing military supplies for the

Army and the Navy during all these years, and these transports must receive greater or less repairs during every voyage : besides several naval vessels were kept at this port to convoy the transports from New York for a certain distance, and meet others coming to the west ward , to prevent their capture by our privateers . This made it necessary to have a plant of some size at the base of operations , for the repair of all naval vessels and

w a s transports , as New York at this period . There does not appear that there were any vessels built in the city for the merchant service during the seven years of

British occupancy of the city . All the old shipyards seem to have passed out of existence, though the locality “ ” w a s a s still known the shipyards, for the owners had sought more congenial surroundings for their business, or had entered the service of the patriot army . So the city became during this period a vast military depot for the army and navy of the British Isles , and what com merce the city had was for their account, or its most loya l i supporters . This is the only interval when the c ty did not have a ship yard from the Dutch occupation . After the treaty of peace many of the families that had fled when the city fell into the hands of the enemy , f returned , but not at once in su ficient numbers to make e up the loss of the early exodus . But the r vival of com a ll merce , and the demand for the labor of mechanics of 1 8 1 7 84 T O 1 820.

kinds, with that of unskilled labor, attracted men from

far removed points, several ship carpenters coming to th e States from even as far as Ca nada to better their condi

tion . In about five years after the restoration of peace the city began to show that it had gained in population th all its losses of e war period, and that it would take its place as one of the foremost cities of the prospective D Union of States . uring this period there was a very limited amount of business done in this city in th e con struction of new vessels on a ccount of the disturbed sta te ff of political affairs , foreign complications , and their e ect upon the commercial interests of the new nation : it had

j ust started out as an independent nation, and was trying

to get its bearings . That there were very limited facilities for shipbuild

ing at New York immediately after the close of. the War of the Revolution is seen by the fact that the ship “ ” . 3 60 Empress of China built at Baltimore, Md , of tons , and owned by Robert Morris of New York and Daniel P Co . a . a s Parker , of Philadelphia, , w cleared from New

York City for China with a cargo of ginseng, being the first vessel from the States to open commercial inter 2 4 ou 2 1 8 . course with that eastern empire, February , 7 What w a s considered a s a novelty in shipbuilding circles at the time was that this vessel had her bottom covered e with sheet copper, being one of the arliest Ameri can

vessels s o fitted . The first American vessel from New York to Great Britain after the close of the war was the “ ” 4 1 . ship Betsy for London in May, 7 8 When our first frigates were designed there was no copper sheet mill in the United States that was able to supply the demand of the United States government for o f m copper sheathing these vessels , so the etal was

obtained in Great Britain . The record in the Treasury department regarding the construction of these vessels “ says : I furnished you with an estimate of the composi C tion metal , sheathing opper, bolts and nails , bunting,

2 0 1 7 84 T O 1 820.

w a s 1 1 at Brooklyn purchased for a navy yard in 80 . The “ Secretary also said : Docks will be highly necessary in repairing our ships, to avoid the tedious , expensive, and ” sometimes dangerous operations of heaving down .

Th e shipbuilder of the colonial period , and for some years the American shipbuilder, had one great advantage in h aving the r a w material for h is structure s o close to a s th his hand . W not e American wooden shipbuilder of the 1 9th century wasteful with his timber in his building operations , and for that reason the present generation is suffering for the want of such material for other pur “ poses ? The Secretary of the Navy in 1 81 4 said : When it is considered that one 7 4 gun ship requires large 57 oak trees , equal to the estimated produce of acres , the importance of securing for public u s e all that valuable species of oak which is found only on the southern s ea

is f board , su ficiently obvious Along the coast of Maine to North Carolina the white oak forests extended several miles inland , and the supply of hickory and white pine

s o . was abundant , and more , for the local shipbuilders Live oak was the product of the coast States below North

Carolina , and it is doubtful if it was used for shipbuild 1 7 50 a ing purposes much before , for in that year vessel “ ” built of live oak, and named Live Oak , arrived at

. C . Charleston , S , and by the knowledge gained of the valuable properties of this timber for shipbuilding, a new era in that industry s et in in that locality . The u s e of this kind of timber in the construction of vessels at New

w a s York , in all probability , not until after the close of the War of the Revolution . The live oak for the first

b v frigates built , was obtained at first sending labor from “ t ' the northern States to fell the trees , and cut hem to partial shape on the ground , but this did not prove a suc cess at first , as the workmen were unacclimated . This was the largest amount of live oak that had been sent to t the shipyards of the nor hern States , for prior to this As o ccasion but a small amount had been brought here . 4 7 84 T O 1 820 . 2 1 e arly as 1 7 9 9 there is record of vessels for sale that “were built of pasture oak , live oak , and locust ; is composition bolted , copper fastened , and coppered to the bends . With the increase of population the city began to s pread out, and the farm land east of the shipyards w a s cut through by streets , lots laid out, and dwellings soon began to be built and occupied mostly by the industrial class of people . The old shipyards were crowded out by the expansion of the city, and the first move made toward Co r lea r s Hook with this industry . On ac count of the very incomplete record the earliest builder found has been Samuel Akerly , (or Ackerly) , who 1 7 92 h is built in at yard , foot Market street, two vessels . At this tim e there were not more than thirty ship car enter s p in the city . There was another builder named m Th omas Cheeseman , father of Forman Cheese an , who will be mentioned more fully at a later date , who had a i yard at the same period , but little is known of h s build ing operations . This Thomas Cheeseman may have been engaged in shipbuilding j ust prior to the Revolutionary w a 5 n1 2 War, for he s the owner of 7 feet shore front i 7 7 between the present Pike and Rutgers streets , and it was this spot Forman Cheeseman occupied after he left the

B r nn firm of Cheeseman and ow e. There were two other V Vil shipbuilders , a few years later, Thomas Vail , and liam Vincent , the former at one time having a yard foot

Rutgers street . There were at this time six Lathams , all s hip carpenters, and no doubt of the family of John

Latham , who resided in the old ship yard vicinity, two of them builders , but what vessels there is no trace . The early vessels noted on another page were no doubt con structed by some of these named builders . At this time “ T h e it was said , shipyards are all along Lombard T illo u s (Monroe) streets . Beekmans , , Franklin and Ackleys wharfs betwixt the shipyards and Rutgers ” house . These builders were the pioneers of the New 22 1 7 84 T O 1 820.

York City shipbuilders j ust after the formation of the

United States . Samuel Ackerly was an owner of real estate in the

i c m i t a s a s 1 83 5 V y of his shipyard , and late the city bought from his heirs a one - third interest in the water front at Pike street . The new shipyards began to locate

' th e r iver 1 800 further up in a few years , so that by we fi nd Br ow nne Cheeseman and , the latter the builder of ’ “ ” 1 807 Robert Fulton s Clermont in , located at Cherry a and Clinton streets , and a few ye rs later Adam and

Noah Brown , and E ckford and Beebe , in the same * s a s vicinity . Chri tian Bergh w one of the early builders Cor lea r s who opened a shipyard at Hook , for its found he

23 80 . purchased a lot of ground in 1 7 9 9 of ft . x ft on r Crown Point st eet, that was on the river front , but too small for a shipyard , probably for a dwelling . He had a shipyard in that locality a few years later, but this may have been rented for his business, as other builders had done . He must have been very successful in business , for in 1 81 0we find he purchased in the immediate vicinity Of “ his yard , on the banks of the E ast River near a place ” 20 . called Cor l ea r s Hook a plot of about 1 50 ft . x 0 ft for thirteen thousand dollars , and about th e same time six lots on Scammel street for He was considered one of the solid men of the vicinity . The beach of this water front on Cor l ea r s Hook was th e most used for bathing purposes of any on the east side of the city on account of a s its fine sa ndy bottom and the shelving shore , and w

* I t has been menti oned b y m ore t han o ne writer that Ch i is tia nBergh “

r . o to o s o of . J , was app inted superintend the c n tructi n the frigate President “ o f or o o o : This is an err r , the navy rec rd sh ws a rep rt where it says State ment of the prog ress made in building a frig ate to carry 4 4 guns at New ‘ o o of o n o Y rk under the directi n Mr . F reman Cheesema and Capt . Silas Talb t , ” n . T h e o o ot k o to s Supt naval c nstruct r did ma e a c ntract build the ves el , “ o o o but was empl yed by the g vernment , and they were taken fr m the best fi of o o o o e q uali ed their pr fessi n , and in rder that the public sh uld deriv of o o all the advantag e their wh le time , they have been detached fr m all

o o of . private pursuits by a liberal c mp ensati n , at the rate per annum ’ Christian Bergh s name do es no t appear in any of the naval papers o f “ ” o f o r o s rec rd the building f the Pre ident . 1 7 84 T O 1 82 0. 23

used by the members of the Baptist churches of the city

in their religious immersion exercises , that drew large

audiences to the spot on such occasions . These were 1 05 the principal shipyards on the East River in 8 . At

this time there were 1 1 7 shipwrights and ship carpenters * . in the city It was a year or so later, that one of those experiments in transportation of such a radical type of a w a s n full working size, put under construction , and o e that h a s had such a marked effect upon the transporta tion of passengers and goods over the whole civilized

’ world . This was the construction of Robert Fulton s “ ” steamboat Clermont .

T H E E AND H E R E CL RMONT BUILD R .

Robert Fulton has j ustly received all the credit f or

’ Me c m néina f zm z t of the several parts in making the first “ ” successful steamboat, the Clermont, which comprised the application of the steam engine to the propelling h agent in the shape of the vertical side w eels, while the builder of the hull of the vessel has been but little known

a s or referred to her constructor .

h B r ownne d C arles was born in London , Englan , 2 4 1 7 66 August , , and served some time in the British

‘ dock yards . This was at a time when Great Britain placed restrictions upon all of her subj ects who were mechanics from emigrating to the United States , espec “ ia lly those who had received their instructions in th e i ” art of sh pbuilding in the government dock yards , and f ne a s this may account for his name having the a fix of , ’ his parents name was Brown . His name has been “ h is variously spelled . Cadwallader D . Colden in Life of Robert Fulton , in the list of steam vessels built under the direction of Robert Fulton , spells his name

* of 1 4 o . There were at the time the allied trades , small b at builders 1 2 o 40 o 3 k 9 , 59 gg . brass f unders , caul ers , ship j iners ri ers sail makers 3 6 and sawyers in the city . n See fi Nov . 2 1 907 o o T Scienti c American Supplement , , , R bert Fult

- and the Side Wheel Steamboat . 2 1 7 84 T O 1 82 4 0.

Brown . In all his conveyances of real estate h is name is spelled with the a fii x : the record of a ll the registered vessels built by him show h is name with the affix : the ’ tombstone in St . Paul s Church yard covering the graves ‘ of his sister and his daughter shows the s a m e s p elling : and the death notices in the papers at the time of h is de cease have the name in the s a me form . This is suffi cient evidence that Cadwallader D . Colden w a s not correct “ ” when he said Ch a rles B r ownbuilt the Clermont ; h is name was Charles B r ow nne and a s such he should be known . There is no record where he landed in thi s c 1 : ountry, but it was during the spring of 7 88 nor do we find for the early days l nthis country where he was em ployed , nor how far he was advanced in his trade . His name first appears in New York directory for 1 7 94 a s a shipwright . This was at the time the United St a tes government w as having built at New York the friga te “ e a President, und r charge of N val Constructor Forman

w h o t Cheeseman , was subsequently his par ner in the business of shipbuilding for some years , and it is more ‘ than prob a ble he was employed in th e c o ns tr u c tionof

e . that vessel , that was discontinu d when half finished Work on this vessel was started again in 1 7 9 9 and the whole completed in the spring of 1 800 under the same naval constructor . During this year Forman Cheeseman and Charles B r ow nne opened a shipyard at what is now

a known s the block bounded by Montgomery , Clinton ,

Cherry , and Munroe streets about two blocks inland from

Y . . . . . where the N . , N H H Railroad Co have their a present freight do cks . This appears to h ve been the ’ first of the j unior partner s business on his own account . 1 805 ’ 06 This partnership continued until about or . when B r ow nne continued the business in his own name for 1 804 several years . About the firm took another yard at the foot of Stanton street on what was known as Man s o hattan Island , that afterward became famous as a shipbuilding center . 1 7 84 T O 1 820 . 25

“ ’ ” It is readily seen that the builder of the Clerm o nt s hull had been associa ted in business with one of the fo re most shipbuilders of New York at that time , and that his

no industrial experience had been very broad , for he t only had been engaged in n aval work before coming to this country , but while in New York City was employed “ ” on the frigate President, and also on merchant vessels . His employment in Great Britain and then in this f country , under dif erent principles of construction must certainly have broadened h is knowledge of the “ art of ” shipbuilding . This may have been one of the reasons why Robert Fulton had engaged him to construct the “ Cle rmont . It seems at first sight of the subj ect as being r e markable that there has never been found any drawing of the vessel , nor the sketch of a proposed design , nor a th e cut of vessel during her service , nor a contract for the construction of the vessel : but when surrounding condi tions are examined it is found that the vessel w a s an ex er im ent p , and in all probability was constructed like many other experiments of a mechanical nature at a later

a n date ; it was started without y detail plans , but carried a s on step by step , worked out it progressed in form , with u possibly some alterations , until the finished str cture w a s unlike what w a s first thought best for the purpose .

The general design of the hull of the vessel , and the ma ter ia l s for its construction , were no doubt the suggestions e of the builder . We nowhere find that Rob rt Fulton claimed to be a naval architect, though he had professed to be a civil engineer . He no doubt had a theoretical knowledge of naval architecture prior to building the “ ” Clermont, that he had gained during his experiments h is of steam propulsion with small experimental vessels , and also in his experiments with his submarine boat , and torpedos , but as a designer or a constructor he had no experience . Let there be borne in mind that Robert R .

Livingston , who was the capitalist of the enterprise, had 2 6 1 4 1 20 7 8 T O 8 .

been engaged in experiments with the steamboat while w a s h i Robert Fulton in Europe, and no doubt s knowl edge Of the trials he had encountered in h is eflor ts to

obtain a proper propelling agent, was of much value to Robert Fulton in his making of the proper combination “ for the Clermont . Prior to the construction of the “ Clermont” the longest merchant vessel built at New York was 1 20 feet “ ” in length , while the frigate President for the United States N a vy w a s but 1 7 4 feet 1 05 inches in length on the “ ” . w a 1 40 e gun deck The Clermont s feet in l ngth, being s everal feet -longer than any former merchant vessel built

at New York , and more than probable in this country . There w a s not alone the problem of design for a longer

vessel , but for one to carry a fixed weight of engine and * boiler, and of such a model as to provide for the proper

distribution of weights on a light draft of water . The only account of any details of the building of the

is hull of this vessel , thus far brought to light, furnished through The Marine and Naval Architect that w a s pub fi l is h ed 1 853 . Ne in by John W Grif ths , who was a w York o shipbuilder, and wh se father was a ship carpenter in New York City at the period the “Clermont” was build “ : ing . This work says It may not be out of place to ’ f furnish a brief description of Mr . Fulton s first e fort at s a teambo t building , more particularly when we are a s s u r r ed that no mechanical drawing of the hull was ever 1 3 3 1 8 7 made . The boat was feet long, feet wide and 22 feet deep , and was subsequently made feet wide by

adding a strip of four feet to her middle , which also increased her length to 1 41 feet . Her bottom was formed

1 7 of yellow pine plank of } inches thick , tongued and grooved and s et together with white lead . This bottom was laid on a transverse platform and molded out with

* “ The s o - call ed m o del o f the Clerm o nt in the Smiths onian Institute no o o to u o o will d ubt be a curi sity fut re generati ns , with its f ur sharp k nuckles .

2 8 1 7 84 T 1 82 0 O .

There is another paper bearing on the same subj ect w from Judge Joseph Story , who was as a la yer, one well read in maritime law at the time , and an Associate Judge United States Supreme Court during the early ye a rs of “ ” the Clermont service on the river . In a paper on “ ” The Develop m ent o f S cience and Art he says of Robert “ Fulton and the steamboat : I have heard the illustrious .

l a flec tin inventor re ate, in an animated and g manner, the h is history of labors and discouragements . When (said he) I w a s building my first steamboat at New York the proj ect was viewed by the public either with indifference a s or with contempt , a visionary scheme . My friend s h T h s . v indeed were civil , but they were y e listened with patience to my explanations , but with a settled cast of incredulity on their countenances . I felt the full force of the lamentation of the poet ,

Truths would teach , or save a sinking land,

t . All fear, none aid you , and few unders and As I had occasion to pass daily to and from the building w a s d yard while my boat in progress , I have often l oitere in unknown near the idle group of strangers , gathering little circles, and heard various inquiries as to the obj ect t o f of this new vehicle . The language was uniformly hat scorn , or sneer, or ridicule . The loud laugh often rose at my expense . I invited many friends to go on board to witness the first successful trip . Many of them did me the favor to attend as a matter of pers onal r e spect , but it was manifest they did it with reluctance , m or tifi c a tion o f fearing to be the partners of my , and not

a my triumph . I was well ware, that in my case there ” were many reasons to doubt of my success . Fulton refers to the b u ll s of the early steamboat s

1 1 1 809 . built for him in his patent of February , To this “ ” “ ” o r time he had built the Clermont North River, had “ ” designed the Car of Neptune , and had carried on some experiments of the resistance of bodies moving in water, being indebted for many of his tables in h is patent to 1 7 84 T 1 820 O . 9

’ “ Charnock s History of Marine Architecture s His ex p er ienc e of more than a year in the practical o peration of this vessel on her route, must have been of great value “ to him . He said in the patent , of the hulls : To give room for the machinery , passengers and merchandise, I build my boats five or more times as long as their ex treme breadth at the water line . The extreme breadth

- h ow may be one third from her , or in the middle , in which case the water line will form two equal segments of a circle united at the ends . To diminish the plus and minus pressure I make the bow and stern sharp to angles

60 . s of at least deg , and that the boat mav draw a little water as possible I build it flat or nearly s o on the bot tom . To preven t the boat making leeway s h e has leeboard or boards which are let down into the water while she is sailing : hitherto there have been tw o lee boards on each side of the boat, one on each side near the ” b ow and one on each side near the stern . There is one other authority from whom we may gain a little knowledge of the form of the hulls of the pioneer “ steamboats in this country , and that is from the Treatise ” * 1 83 0 on the Steam Engine by Prof . James Renwick , of ‘ th s u c Columbia College , where he says in referring to e cess of the “ Clermont” and John Stevens ’ “ Phenix ” “ From that time to the death of Fulton , the steamboats of the Atlantic coast were gradually improved until their speed amounted to 8 or 9 miles per hour, a velocity that Fulton conceived to be the greatest that could be given to a steamboat . To this inference he was probably led by the observation of the increased resistance growing out of the w ave raised in their front . His three earlier boats , “ ” “ ” “ The Clermont , the Car of Neptune, and the Para ” gon were flat bottomed , their bows forming acute

* o R of o R o f o in Pr f . enwick , at the time the N rth iver Clerm nt being o o op y o o g in service , was an instruct r in Natural Phil s h in C lumbia C lle e fli c er in E o New o y 1 8 1 4 o g g p , U . . Y rk Cit , and in was an the n ineerin C r s S

Army . 3 1 7 84 T 1 82 0 O 0.

curved wedges , the several horizontal sections of which were similar . His last boats had keels , but th ev were introduced for no other purpose than to increase their strength . In the boats constructed by his successors , after his death , a nearer approach w a s made to the usual form of a ship , but the waves still formed an important ” obstacle . Putting all these facts and opinions together of the “ shape and construction of the Clermont , it is manifest i a that it was an exper ment of a radic l form , and one that required much mechanical ability and experience to giv e the vessel its proper shape, so that the fixed weights could be properly placed for the vessel to float on an even keel , otherwise the vessel would h ave bee n far from a success . Some credit for this certainly should be given to the builder of the hull . If the trial had been a failure must not the designer and builder of the hull have shared the loss of credit for professional ability as a ship builder ? Designers o r constructors of the hull of a suc c es s f u l steam vessel a t the present day receive their share l of credit for the vessel , and why should not Char es Br ownne receive honorable mention at least for his share of the skill in the construction of the “ Clermont ” 9 The next steam boat Robert Fulton had built after “ ” “ ” the Clermont was the Raritan , for J . R . and R . J . “ ” Livingston , by the builder of the Clermont, to run from

New York to New Brunswick , N . J . Fulton left a few a details and a dr wing of the vessel , in the former of “ e which h says , As you will have more and greater waves than the North River boat the wheel guards mu st be so c onstr ucted th a t the head of the w a ve shall not strike

: u nder them . I would finish them as here delineated they are 4 feet from the water . Keelsons for the boiler 8 feet 6 inches from outside to outside ; k eelsons for the machinery 7 feet from outside to outside : hatchw a y to ” let in the boiler 8 feet 4 inches wide by 21 feet long . In the drawing for this vessel there is the hollow trough or 1 4 7 8 T O 1 82 0. 3 1

“ keel noted in the contract for the Car of Neptune . There is not the sharp angular meeting of the bow and the stern lines with the side lines of the vessel , a s called for by a s o - called model ; nor do the leeboards show on the drawing . “ ” While Fulton w a s having the Raritan built he

Br ownne entered into a contract with Charles in October, 1 808 h , on his own account , for t e construction of the second steamboat for the Hudson river line, that was “ ” named Car of Neptune : this was only a few months “ “ ” a s after the North River x Clermont w enlarged . This contract appears to be the first p a per of authority giving any of the details for the construction of Robert ’ Fulton s early steamboats . The following copy was

a a s m de from the original contract, that w placed in the i hands of the writer, and it shows many of the provis ons for her construction . The plan of the vessel referred to cannot be found . “ New York , O ctober the first , eighteen hundred and Br ne . ow n eight I , Charles , shipbuilder of the

City of New York , do engage to build and deliver to

Robert Fulton , Esq . , or his order, a boat of the following dimensions : One hundred and fi f ty - seven feet long on her

- bottom , one hundred and sixty three feet long on her deck , extreme breadth of her bottom eighteen feet, ex

- treme breadth on her deck twenty two feet , formed ’ 4th exactly agreeable to a plan of Robert Fulton s , dated

September last, and now in my possession . “ Details nea rly as follows : “Bottom perfectly flat and hogged up in a regular curve of 3 inches from stem to stern . A hollow trough or OR keel amidships 1 00 feet in length , to draw the water, as in the present boat . Every third or fourth timber of

‘ oak , all lower knees of oak . All oak to be of the best a r seasoned white oak , and all parts where p rticular st ain lies, to be of best seasoned white oak . To plank her bot nd ” tom , a three feet up each of her sides from the bottom 3 2 1 7 84 T O 1 82 0 .

3 r with the best seasoned inch pine, a b b etted together

2 - the remainder of her sides and deck to be of inch pine, long lengths and well seasoned . “To have all the j oiners ’ work done in the best New f . m York style, and of seasoned stu f To h ave the plu bing, painting and glazing fi nished equal if not superior to the present boat . To finish her interior parts , that is , cabins , berths, lockers , drawers , bars, pantries and all things agreeable to the before mentioned drawing . To finish the

T o wheel guards complete, and a cover to each wheel . fix the oak frame to receive the machinery ; to finish its ‘ iron work , and all the iron work of the boat , éu z io lz a ve

’ ’ notéz n Z0 do w ilt M e m a c fi zn / ic 70 3 T O g ez y 07 m a s on 07 1 . furnish and thoroughly secure the diagonal braces . To

finish and fit four leeboards complete, but not their blocks and rigging . To furnish two masts with their booms, studding sail booms and yards , but not rigging, l sails , anchors or cab es . To furnish a capstan , rudder, nd tiller a tiller wheel . To furnish davits to suspend the boats . Hatches with coverings of oil cloth or tarpaulin t o c over the machinery and skylights : and in fact to ’ execute everything detailed in Mr . Fulton s letter dated h 9t of August last . To launch her and deliver her safe and sound in all her parts in April next for th e s u m of eight thousand two hundred dollars . P a yable as follows :

8th of Oct .

8th of Nov . 1 ’ s t of Jan y . l s t of March

when laun ched . After the launch

in three bills .

4 . 6 . in 2 mos . in mos in mos “ And if while the hull of the boat is building Mr . Fulton should make any alterations in the arrangement s m of his cabins, or interior work , I agree to execute the 1 7 84 T 2 O 1 8 0. 3 3

agreeable to his future directions , provided such altera tions should not necessitate me to u nd o e any pa r t of the work which may at the time be fixed , nor add evidently to the quantity or expense of the work here contracted to be executed . “ I agree to these conditions , “ ROBERT FULTON . Witness

‘

LEWIS CLAPHAM . This vessel was completed and placed in service on 1 0 . the New York and Albany line in September, 8 9 It appears the further the search is made into condi tions surrounding the two owners of this vessel , that the more confusing it becomes to obtain a clue to why there h a s never been found a cut, painting or drawing of the “ ” Clermont while afloat . Here we find those h a ving all i nterest in the enterprise to be men of learning , large business experience, and wide knowledge of the world by travel , for that period . They were also members of the m Acade y of Arts , and of the American Philosophical

Society , Robert R . Livingston being president of the former society many years . Robert Fulton was originally a portrait painter, and his skill at drawing and in water colors was well known at the time . Now , why with all this talent for painting and drawing, and his experience had been in the mechanical line in the latter, did Fulton neglect to leave a likeness in some form of the “ Cler mont” while in service ? There are no individual cuts of steam vessels of any value until 1 81 4 found inany publication , though some of the advertisements of the steam boat companies as early as 1 81 0 contained a cut that served for any steam vessel . The first copper plate “ ” engraving having a steam vessel is in the Portfolio of 1 3 i 1 . November, 8 Th s was intended in all probability “ ” for the Paragon . Steel plate engravings came in later . As for wood cuts they were made at this time by only one man in this country, Dr . Alexander Anderson of New 1 7 84 T 1 820 3 4 O .

w a s York , who at the time a member of the Academy of

Arts with Livingston and Fulton . The earliest in dividual cut of any of Fulton ’ s steamboats is that of the ” Paragon , engraved by Dr . Anderson and found in Vol . 2 of the American Medical and Philosophical Register of

1 4 . 1 8 . , with descriptive matter by R R Livingston . Why “ ” we have no likeness of the Clermont while in service , will always remain a mystery past finding out . “ ” The first cuts of the Clermont that have thu s far been found , having any authority attached to them are

l ‘ “ E ST E AM BOAT CL RMONT .

3 4 i the two on pages and 3 5 . The first one s from the 1 83 3 Mechanics Magazine of New York of August , , a high : class mechanical j ournal of its day , which says in part “ We now insert a copy from a drawing made by himself (Robert Fulton) and which may be considered as descript i ve of the first successful application of stea m in

. D navigation . Since the above was in type , Capt avis

h a s Hunt , who was the commander of the boat , seen the ” engraving and pronounces it correct in every particular . “ ’ ” a This C pt . Hunt was at the time of the Clermont s

1 82 3 6 7 84 T O 1 0.

i . W wheel th such a marked similarity , and from sources not related in any particular whatever, separated by several years, and endorsed by those who were per s o na lly familiar du ring the early stage with the subject it can with confidence be said the “ Clermont ” was"in out ward appearance very similar to these cuts . w a s Henry E ckford , who a Scotchman , had served three or four years at his trade under his uncle , who was a shipbuilder at Quebec , Canada . He came to the U nited 1 7 9 6 ’ States in , and after a few years employment in this 1 01 1 3 city built one vessel in Brooklyn in 8 , and by 80 was in partnership with Edward Beebe under the firm name of E ckford and Beebe, and began building vessels ff at their yard near the foot of Je erson street, where they built four or five vessels , two of them being ships for

John Astor of New York . Henry E ckford , through his l thorough knowledge of his trade , and ski l in designing

fi r s t a vessel , built up a reputation in a few years as a class shipbuilder . He had not been taught the higher e br anches of the trade , but taking advantage of his pra tical experience he made many changes in the forms of his vessels that proved of value . His partnership with

1 81 2 - 1 4 Edward Beebe ended in 1 809 . When the war of

- came on he had a well equipped yard , but the building

of merchant vessels coming to a close for a time , - the

Navydepartment obtained his services , and he was sent to the northern lakes to take full charge of the constru e tion of the n a val vessels on these bodies of water, where he remained during the period of hostilities . He came back to New York , opened his yard again , and built 1 825 several vessels for the merchant service up to about , among them being the first steam vessel built es p ec ia llv “ ” 1 81 9 for ocean service, the Robert Fulton in for Dun

Co . ham , for the trade between New York and the

H e 1 81 9 - 2 0 island of Cuba . . was also employed in by the Navy department as Naval Constructor in charge at the ffi Brooklyn Navy Yard , but o cial life was not in har 1 7 84 T O 1 820. 3 7

h is mony with advanced business ideas , and he handed in ” his resignation after the co m pletion of the frigate “ Ohio of tons . He w a s no doubt the ruling spirit in the s hipbuilding line in New York City at this time , and had

s o large influence in naval construction, much so that in

1 82 5 - 2 6 he built in connection with other builders , foot 4 4 Stanton street , four gun frigates for navies of South

American governments . He was largely interested in many commercial corporations in the city, some proving very profitable investments, but one being the cause of the loss of most of his wealth that was subsequently recovered through wise investments . He contin u ed in the business world until the Turkish government made him an offer to assume charge of their navy yard for the construction of their naval vessels , which he accepted , 1 83 1 and left New York for Constantinople in June , but

a s only one vessel was built there under his supervision , 1 3 2 he died there in November, 8 . It must not be thought that all science entered into the cal culations for the design of a new vessel at this period, for the art of shipbuilding still lingered with “ ” them . The old method of cut and try from the build ing of some former vessel for a similar service was most w a s generally made use of . This during the chalk period . Instruments for the drawing of a vessel on a small scale were expensive , and conditions were not

u s e t favorable for their general in a ship yard , hough we find by an advertisement in a New York paper of 1 4 5 7 , Anthony Lamb , mathematical instrument maker of this city , had for sale , besides quadrants , compasses , “ e a gauging rods ; drawing p ns, shipwrights dr ught bows , ” bevels , squares and other small work . Most of these w ere no doubt imported instruments . It was only after several years of advancing step by step that scientific instruments began to come into use in .this country in the designing of vessels to any extent , and the con struction of our vessels w a s placed on a higher plane . 3 8 1 7 84 T 1 820 O .

Forman Cheeseman commenced building vessels in his yard that w a s located near the foot of the present Rut 1 800 gers street prior to , and at a later date w a s asso c ia ted with Charles B r ow nne where they built several “ ” fine vessels for that day , a few being the ships Silenus 4 00 “ ” 3 40 “ ” of tons, the Triton of tons, and the Illinois of 3 96 tons . Soon after this the former retired from the business of the firm , and the remaining partner con tinu ed the business in his own name . Cheeseman now had a yard for some years near foot Rutgers street . The establishm ent of new shipbuilding plants was further

r l r s uptown about this time, but Crown Point, or Co ea

Hook , as more generally known , was occupied with ship building yards for several years . It was in this vicinity Al where the first of the large marine engine works , the a s laire Works , w located in the early days of steam nav i a tion g , and continued in active operation for more than forty years on the original site . This Forman Cheese man w a s one o f the very few naval architects and ship in builders the city, at the opening of the nineteenth cen h a d tury, who a reputation of a high order for designing P h il d l . a e and construction , beyond their own locality phia w a s considered at this time to be the one city in the United States having the best talent for designing and s ea constructing going vessels , as it was the center of the most progress in the arts and sciences in the country, but in a few years New York City made such rapid strides in the industrial line that the shipbuilding indus try of Philadelphia was no longer in the lead . When Charles Br ow nne Opened his yard on Man hattan island this locality was on the outskirts of the Cor lea r s city , but very few dwellings being then beyond

Hook on the east side of the city . This property was part of the James Delancey estate , that was forfeited to the people of New York State by his loyalty to the

British cause during the War of the Revolution , and sold Br ow nne by the Commissioners of Forfeitures . Charles 1 7 8 4 T O 1 820. 3 9

w a s one of the few shipbuilders of that date in the city , and was thought to be one of the most progressive in that trade in New York at the time . This Manhattan island has a local as well as a national historical interest , from the fact that it was on these grounds where Robert ’ “ ” Fulton s Clermont, the first successful steamboat in 1 807 the world , was built in , and where the first steam “ ” war vessel in any navy , the Fulton the First, or “ “ ” a 1 81 4 Demologos , w s constructed in for the United

States Navy by Adam and Noah Brown . All of Robert ’ Fulton s steamboats were built by Charles Br ow nne up ’ to the time of Fulton s death , and after that for a time th e steamboats of the North River Steamboat Company were built by Adam and Noah Brown and Henry E ck

B r o nn 1 1 ford . Charles w e in 8 0 moved his yard to a lot 92 feet in width on northeast corner Water and M ont gomery streets, the property of Henry Rutgers , the shore front . in this locality at the time not being filled out com

l e l p te y beyond Water street . He remained here until 1 22 8 . about , when he became timber inspector Fortune did not favor him in his later days . He died in Septem 1 3 1 8 . ber, The property he had occupied on Manhattan 1 807 island had been purchased in November, , by Adam m and Noah Brown , who occupied ost of it after his removal . Henry E ckford also occupied a small portion of it . This Manhattan island was an oasis of solid ground , several acres in area , close by the river shore .

On three sides of it were salt meadows or marshes, and on its eastern border flowed the waters of the East river . Being almost completely isolated from the shore of the a nd island of Manhattan , it had been called an island , for the sake of distinction had been known from early times as Manhattan island . With the progress of the w a s city the salt marshes were filled in , the shore line dis a advanced into the river, and Manhattan island p p ea r ed from the map of the city . The accompanying 1 4 0 7 84 T O 1 820. map will give a fa ir idea of the location of this historic spot at an early day . Adam and Noah Brown commenced business in 1 804

- by taking a sub contract from Thomas Vail , having a c ns tr c t yard at the time foot of Montgomery street, to O u a ship for the European trade . They built several ves s els during the next ten years , in the meantime locating

o n w a s Manhattan Island , for the latter part of this time a comparatively lively period in shipbuilding in New

450 . York, some of the vessels being as large as tons ea ch During this time there were other builders who were very actively engaged in the construction of vessels for o u r h a d s o merchant marine , but none were more so , or extensive a plant as A . N . Brown . 1 81 2 The War of with Great Britain now came on , a nd the shipyards of the city were a lmost destitute of new orders , the unfinished work at the outbreak of hos tilities being soon completed . This threw the mechanics for a time on their own resources, but as the naval oper a tions on the northern lakes soon began to assume an active form many of the ship carpenters were sent to the lakes to construct the naval vessels for our navy on those bodies of water, the work being under the general super

o f vision H enry E ckford , with Noah Brown in charge on 1 784 T O 1 820. 4 1

. 1 81 4 Lake Erie In , near the close of the war, there were 800 ship carpenters and other employees of the ship yards at work on the Northern lakes on these naval vessels, a large number being from New York and vicinity. Robert Fulton in 1 81 1 sent a ship carpenter of

' h is Ne r k f ability at trade , from w Y o to take charge o building the hull of the first steamboat on the Western P a rivers at Pittsburg , . , the mechanics for performing the work being those in the West who were accustomed to building the barges and flat boats for those waters .

After the close of the war, and before there was a great demand for labor in the coast shipyards , there was a call from the West for experienced ship carpenters , and fifty of that trade were sent from New York to the Ohio i river, some locat ng at Cincinnati , Ohio , and others at f s Je fersonville, Indiana . These men were the pioneer of the skilled labor in the shipyards on the W’ estern rivers . They carried with them their Eastern practice of u large and heavy timber for the struct re of a vessel , but experience soon convinced them that this type of vessel for the shallow waters of the Western rivers w a s unsuit able , but they soon adapted themselves to the changed conditions , and constructed vessels more fitted for the service they were to perform . There were also ship m j oiners , as well as achinists , such as they were at that day , that emigrated to the Western States from New

York City at this early period , that became prosperous at their trade in their new situation . They went there at the first call for skilled labor from the eastern shipyards , and their business grew up with the rapid increase of population in the Western States . Soon after the close of the war in 1 81 4 there came a demand in the coast cities for larger vessels to engage s o 1 81 6 in the foreign trade , that by there was built at New York the first of the packet ships that were espe i ll c a y designed for passengers and freight, for the Black 4 2 1 784 T 1 2 O 8 0.

Ball Line in the New York and Liverpool trade . As the d imensions of these early packet ships have never been

given , the figures for a few of the earlier vessels have been taken from the records of the New York Custom House ; they were not s o long as our three ina s ted

s chooners of to day . “ ” 1 81 6 . Amity Forman Cheeseman , builder . 3 2 1 6 3 8 . 1 06 2 1 4 8 . tons x x Owners , Isaac

Wright , William Wright, Benj amin Marshall

and Jeremiah Thompson . ” 1 81 7 . James Munroe Adam Brown builder, 42 1 3 1 . 4 1 1 2 . 1 4 for his own account tons 8 x 8 x . 1 81 8 o . Purchased in by Wright C , of Black

. s Ball Line Had two deck and three masts . ” 1 1 8 9 . Manhattan Sidney Wright, builder . 3 90 1 1 01 2 3 1 4 1 . 8 . tons x x Owner, Samuel

Hicks . ” 1 1 8 9 . China Adam and Noah Brown , build 3 3 1 4 8 . 5 1 22 3 1 1 . 5 ers tons x x . Two decks and

three masts . Owner, Samuel Hicks . ” 1 81 9 . 43 4 Albion Sidney Wright, builder . 1 1 3 6 2 4 1 4 8 . 9 . tons x x Owners, Black Ball

Line . Isaac Wright Co . ” 1 1 8 9 . James Cropper Sidney Wright , builder . 4 1 2 1 5 3 95 . 0 3 1 0 5 . tons x x Owners , Isaac

Wright Co .

Tench Coxe, who was the assistant of Alexander

Hamilton , Secretary of the Treasury under George

Washington , and a most able advocate of American manufactures, wrote at this period of American ship “ building : Shipbuilding is a nart for which the United States is peculiarly qualified by their skill in constru e tion and by the ' materials with which this country abounds : and they are strongly tempted to pursue it by their commercial Spirit, by the capital fisheries in their bays and on their coasts , and by the production of a great and rapidly increasing agriculture . They build

4 4 1 7 84 T 1 2 O 8 0.

w a s not equal to the demand of the times , for the ship builders of other coast cities had the same call for new vessels . This condition had been a nticipated prior to th e War of 1 81 2 - 1 4 by a few New York builders in a small n way , in taking a larger number of apprentices und er i “ ” s tr u c tio ns of the art and mystery of shipbuilding, but it was not carried to an extent to be of much service to the builders until it was put in operation more generally after the war . Some of these apprentices became the best mechanics in the yards , and subsequently several of s them operated hip yards of their own , in some cases being aided financially by friends interested in marine f m a fairs , and e ployed at times several gangs of ship car p enter s and other mechanics on the vessels under con struction . These apprentices were mainly those who came into the business on the flood tide of the industry, and when it w a s nearing its height were in a position to 1 22 take advantage of the industrial boom . By 8 this scarcity of labor had been largely overcome through the apprenticeship system , and partly through the influx of foreign skilled l a bor from Europe and Canada . But a change came later on . With the large demand for new vessels at this

. a Jr . period more yards were opened Christi n Bergh , , who had been on the northern lakes during the War of

1 81 2 - 1 4 s o h is l o n began active operations at arger yard , and in 1 825 the register of vessels built at that yard show

Ca r u l a c o b . that Christian Bergh , Robert y and J A .

Westervelt were the master builders, which would imply the two latter having an interest in the business . They

built but few steam vessels and these of small size . 1 83 7 w a s Christian Bergh retired from business in , and

succeeded by his sons Henry and Edwin Bergh , who con ’ tinu ed the business until j ust after their father s death in 1 43 8 , when the yard was closed for shipbuilding pur

o f . o poses . Isaac Webb , the father William H Webb , als began business on his own account near Cor l ea r s Hook 1 784 To 1 820. 45

1 1 h i about 8 8 . He had been instructed in s trade under

Henry E ckford . The apprenticeship system now began to bear fruit from the original introduction of the system by the

a s m builders at that period . It w a little later when stea vessels were constructed for other service than river in “ ” navigation , as the case of the Savannah , built originally as a sailing vessel but altered to a steam “ ” vessel , and the Robert Fulton , that ran from New York 1 824 to Cuba , that by , when the free navigation of the waters of the United States with steam vessels was de cided by the United States Supreme Court , there were i t sufficient number of sh p yards in the city , tha were fully equipped for all the demands for the vessels r e quired , and having better methods of construction than “ ” were adopted when the Clermont was built . New blood had come into the business and brought with them

ins tr u c new ideas, or developed them after their term of tion had expired , that were improvements on those methods of construction they had been taught during n their term of apprenticeship . While these ch a ges were not radical in the main , still they were a step forward .

Like all other innovations, they were often looked upon at first by those of larger experience with grave doubts n as to their merit, but their worth in many cases was soo recognized at their true value . As showing the activity of the business in New York in1 824 may be quoted a report of an inspection made of the work then in hand during the latter part of “ I the year . In passing up the river a few days since had the pleasure to count the number of vessels on th e r l r a nd stocks a t Co ea s Hook and Manhattan Island, n s ascertai ed it to be twenty , besides several fine ship h which were launched last week . Among t e vessels on ” the stocks are seven ships and four steamboats .

AT NE R E GISTE RE D SHIPS BUILT W YORK . The following list is part of the registered vessels 4 0 1 7 84 1 820 TO . built at this port by the most prominent builders of the 4 0 periods, for years subsequent to the close of the

Revolutionary War . It is only laid before the reader to show the size of our vessels engaged in the foreign trade ’ a century ago , with the builders names . “ ” 1 7 8 243 “ New York built in 8 of tons . Cheeseman 1 91 2 4 “ ” “ 7 7 . 1 92 in of tons Hare in 7 of 2 80 tons . On ” 1 96 50 “ ” 7 0 . 1 7 9 9 51 tario in of tons Canton in of 8 tons . “ ” 1 7 99 3 97 Camilla in of tons . No record can be found who built these vessels .

Samuel Ackerly . “ ” 1 800 66 “ 1 1 3 ’ Manhattan in of 6 tons or 3 0 x3 4 x1 7 .

' ” 1 92 23 “ ” 7 8 . 1 92 3 4 Fanny in of tons Samson 7 of 0 tons .

E ckford Beebe . “ ” 1 805 3 55 “ Magadalene in of t ons . Gold Hunter 1 6 2 96 “ ” “ 80 . 1 805 42 In of tons Beaver of 7 tons . Con ” f “ ” ‘ 1 807 o 2 80 . 1 0 2 1 cordia tons Mexican 8 8 of 9 tons . “ ” 1 0 42 Eliza Gracie in 8 9 of 0 tons .

Henry E ckford . “ ” “ 1 24 H ennl s 1 Sam Elam in 800 of 3 tons . es in 809 “ ” 1 1 2 2 “ 5 4 . 5 of 5 tons Hannibal in 8 0 of tons . Hector ‘ 3 “ ” 1 1 1 1 80 . 8 in 8 8 of tons Regulus in 8 of 87 7 tons . “ ” 1 2 4 “ Isabella in 8 0 of 68 tons . Henry Astor in 1 82 0 of “ ” 1 22 4 “ ” 8 9 . 3 7 7 tons . Hercules in of 7 tons Crawford “ ” 1 22 43 “ 8 2 . . 1 11 1 82 4 of 2 89 tons . Fabius in of tons Com ” 2 “ ” 1 8 2 3 87 . Chauncey in of tons Robert Fulton , steam 1 02 s 1 8 9 7 . hip , of tons

Christian Bergh , Jr . “ ” “ 1 9 Galloway in 1 807 of 3 44 tons . Canton in 80 1 09 2 “ 8 07 . o f 4 08 tons . Gypsy in of tons Don ” “ ” i 1 82 4 Q u ix otte in 1 823 of 2 60 tons . Ed Quesnel n of “ ” “ ” ff e 1 824 3 3 8 . B o na e 3 88 tons . Paris in of tons El in

1 824 of 3 25 tons .

Adam Noah Brown , and Noah Brown . “ ” 2 2 “ ” 1 805 Frances in 1 804 of 9 tons . Swift in of “ ” “ 1 805 460 . 289 tons . Trident in of tons Boneta in “ ” 1 807 3 3 0 . 1 806 of 2 63 tons . Maria Theresa in of tons 1 784 T o 1820 . 4 7

” 1 807 3 84 “ Pacific in of tons . Tonquin in 1 807 of 2 69 “ ' “ . P h or io n 1 807 2 65 tons in of tons . Mentor in 1 808 “ ” “ 2 57 . 1 809 4 93 of tons America in of tons . Chinese 1 809 3 “ ” 01 . 1 81 0 2 in of tons Highlander in of 7 5 tons . “ ” Ar ic o la 1 81 0 “ ” 2 83 . 1 81 0 22 in of tons Colt in of 8 tons . 1 81 2 52 7 “ Ontario in of tons . James Munroe in 1 81 7 “ “ ” 424 . 1 81 8 865 of tons Horatio in of tons . China in 1 81 8 53 3 “ ” “ . 1 82 1 3 of tons Aj ax in of 7 0 tons . Mon 1 82 2 3 65 “ ” tano in of tons . American in 1 822 of 3 3 9 “ ” “ . 1 823 4 1 2 tons Lewis in of tons . Sabin a in 1 823 of “ 41 2 . 1 82 3 2 6 tons Natchez , steam schooner, in of 0 tons . ” 1 823 4 91 “ ” Diamond in of tons . William Byrnes in 1 824 51 “ “ 7 . 1 824 4 0 of tons Nassau in of 7 tons . Man ” in1 825 5 1 chester of 6 tons .

Sidney Wright . “ ” 1 81 2 3 “ Marcus in 8 of 8 tons . Manhattan in1 81 8 3 9 “ ” “ 0 . 1 81 9 43 4 of tons Albion in of tons . Ja mes ” 1 81 4 “ R nl ” Cropper in 9 of 95 tons . ou u s in 1 820 of 23 2 “ ” t . 1 821 495 ons William Thompson in of tons , or 1 2 01 3 3 1 6 “ ” “ 0 5 . 1 822 4 x x Liverpool in of 9 6 tons . Colum ” 1 22 bia in 8 of 492 tons .

Fickett Crockett, and Samuel Fickett . “ ” 3 1 9 Savannah , pioneer steamship of tons , or 6 2 1 ° 1 4 2 “ ” 1 “ 821 3 . 9 8 x 5 x . Panther in of 7 0 tons Maria in 1 2 1 1 “ ” 1 2 2 4 4 “ 8 of 4 8 tons . Hannibal in 8 of 0 tons . Lon ” “ ”

1 822 3 6 . 1 822 4 0 . 8 don in of 7 tons Hudson , , of tons “ ” “ ” 1 82 3 3 95 . 1 823 40 . Leeds in of 8 tons Herald , , of tons ” 2 4 “ ” 1 825 43 3 1 8 3 7 5 . Shenandoah, , of tons York in of tons .

o r B ow n Bell . “ ” “ ” 1 2 1 William Tell in 1 82 1 of 3 67 tons . Orbit 8 of “ ” “ ” 1 822 3 4 1 822 51 6 . 8 tons . New York in of tons Baltic, , “ “ ” da 1 823 1 823 2 87 . of 409 tons . Henry in of tons Cana , , “ ” 2 “ 4 1 8 4 586 . of 5 5 tons . Pacific in of tons Washing ” ten in 1 825 of 7 4 1 tons .

Blossom , Smith Demon . “ 2 “ ” 1 822 2 2 . Phocion in 1 8 2 of 5 tons Circassian , , of 1 4 8 7 84 T o 1 820.

“ ” 2 “ 2 98 . 1 82 3 3 6 tons Harvard , , of tons . Fanny in 1 823 “ ” 2 “ 3 90 . 1 8 3 401 of tons Corinthian , , of tons . Mary Lord , “ ” 2 1 823 4 7 6 . 1 8 3 1 92 , of tons Balize , , of tons , steam “ ” 2 . 1 8 4 559 schooner William Brown in of tons .

Thorne Williams . “ ” 1 822 80 “ Carolina in of tons , steamboat . Europa “ ” 1 23 3 6 . 8 9 . 1 824 41 in of tons Gen Putnam in of 8 tons .

: Isaac Webb 8 Co . “ ” 1 22 “ ” Superior in 8 of 57 5 tons . Splendid in 1 823 “ ” “ 42 . 1 23 4 4 6 8 5 . of tons Silas Richards , , of tons Oliver ” 1 82 4 Ellsworth in , New York and Hartford steamboat, 22 7 tons . r n Charles B ow ne. th e Besides steamboats for Robert Fulton , ships “ ” 1 1 2 4 “ ” 1 1 Star in 8 of 09 tons . Cincinnatus in 8 8 of 3 7 3 “ ” 1 1 3 2 8 9 0 . tons . London Packet in of tons It has been generally thought the “ Superior and “ ” 1 2 . 2 the Splendid , built by Isaac Webb Co in 8 and 1 23 in 8 respectively, were the largest ships built this i country at that period , but that s an error, for we find there were built in this city prior to either of these vessels , three ships either one much larger than the “ “ ” “ ” . Cu r ia z o Superior or the Splendid They were the , built in 1 81 7 by Forman Cheeseman for Paul Delano of 851 1 3 9 1 3 7 1 1 8 7 New York of tons , or x x , having two decks “ ” 1 81 8 and three masts ; the Horatio , built in by Adam 1 9 865 1 3 8 x3 7 Noah Brown for own account , of tons , or ” “ x1 8 , and sold for E ast India trade ; and the Regulus , 1 81 8 87 7 1 47 1 3 66 1 8 3 built also in , of tons, or x x , by Henry

E ckford for own account , and sold to Peter Harm ony and others , with an interest by the builder . This vessel was built wholly of live oak and pierced for 2 8 guns . These were the largest sailing vessels built here for severa l years . That some of the New York shipbuilders were fortunate in accumulating a share of this world ’ s goods we find from a survey of the assessment for personal 1 7 84 T o 1 820. 4 9

1 81 5 taxes in this city . Adam and Noah Brown , each in

Br nn 1 81 5 for Charles ow e for in , and 20 1 1 5 1 8 . Henry E ckford for in 8 , and in These builders were at the same time interested in the development of real estate on the east side of the city that was now building up very rapidly . Noah Brown and Henry E ckford appear to have been impressed with “ the value of unimproved real estate in the Out Ward , for there is the record of many purchases and sales by them at a very early period . C H AP T E R I I I .

1820 to 1840 .

“ PE RIOD OF LARGE DE VEL OPME NT I N SH IPBUILDING— MARINE R AI L\VAY AND DR Y — DUCKS TOOLS. Y 1 820 the country had recovered in great part from the industrial depression of the late l war, and the wise legis ation that had been enacted for the protection of American indus tries had been a means of bringing c a pital to investment in the further development of steam 1 824 navigation on our rivers . By the new shipyards that were opened had all been located above Cor l ea r s

Hook , and in fact there were a few at and about Man hattan Island , for the city was now building up very rapidly on the East River side, taken up mainly by the mechanical classes . At this time the new firm of Brown

Bell , who were among the best for many years in

s a ilin ‘ a nd constructing g steam vessels , were located where Adam and Noah Brown had been , Smith

D . emon were at Fourth street, Isaac Webb Co at Stan n S ton street, and Lawre ce needen , whose specialty was river steamboats , and who had a high reputation as * l r or ea s . builders , were at C Hook The number of vessels in 1 824 in service had in

s o creased largel y , for the foreign as well as the coast wise and internal navigation and their size so much greater than a few years before , that some better means of preparing a vessel for inspection or repairs of the hull below the water line had to b e made than the usual “ ” heaving down process then in use . There was at this

* Th e marsh surro unding Manhattan island extended a lo ng the sh o re to o 10th to o v ab ut street , and inland in irregular lines ab ut A enue B , a a o to w a s with three l rge w ter c o urses running thr ugh it the river . It i f lled in during this peri o d .

1 82 T 4 52 0 o 1 8 0.

sons , or when put out of business by new and more s u it able vessels for some established route . On account of this marine railway being so far uptown at that date , it was ‘ necessary for the patronage of the several lines of packet ships and other vessels that were berthed inthe lower part of the city , to have some means of bringing them to the railway for inspection and repairs, so the company had a small steam towboat constructed by 1 82 “ Smith D emon in 8 and named Rufus W . King . 1 02 1 1 9 1 1 Al She was x x7 and fitted with one of James P . ’ laire s crosshe a d engines of 3 4 inches cylinder by 4 feet

- n stroke . She was a queer looking craft, havi g a square stern like a sloop and a bow as round as a full moon .

She had very little freeboard , setting very low in the o water . They burned w od in the furnace of the boiler to e raise steam for propulsion , and und r ordinary condi tions her power was so small she could with diffic u lty tow a large vessel . At a later date she was disposed of 1 847 and did general towing , and about the hull was lengthened , made deeper , and a larger engine put in the “ ” vessel and named B u ff a l o z she was then placed in the passenger service on the Hudson river as an opposition boat and was always in evidence when there was a steam boat war of rates .

N . Commander John Rodgers , U . S . , President Board 1 82 1 of Naval Commissioners, proposed in an inclined “ r plane and dry dock for building , preserving and epair ex er i ing ships of war, and in fact constructed an p m ental set o f ways at the Washington Navy Yard upon “ ” - which the 44 gun frigate Potomac of tons , was 1 822 ex er i hauled out of the water in , and he says the p “ ment fully confirmed his anticipations , and the ship was hauled up with comparative ease and perfect safety .

Com . Rodgers proposed to the Secretary of the Navy that

of the subj ect . the adoption of the inclined plane with a house for the protection of the vessel from the weather,

nd s o - d d a the dry dock calle , for the use of the navy epart 1 820 T o 1 840. 53

ment , be submitted to the President , which w a s done in 1 823 January , but it seems to have been lost sigh t of in I the political game by Congress . ts advantages over the “ heaving down process were thus mentioned : In the United States we have no docks : nor have we any way for preparing our ships for repair, but by heaving them down , a process tedious , very expensive , and highly dan n gero s , particularly to large ships , which are always in a greater or lesser degree inj ured by it . Nor is it possible to place a vessel hove down , in such a situation as to e nable the mechanics employed in her repair, to work on her to the best advantage : much time will u na v oid ably be lost . The advantages and economy of docks , upon the principle of this invention in repairing ships when compared with the ordinary mode in the United

States of heaving down are innumerable . The vessel can be taken into dock with perfect ease and safety , and there placed in the position most favorable for her thorough examination and repair from her keel up . Every facility to a minute examination and repair and every advantage to the mechanics in performing their f work is a forded . Putting aside the risks and the loss of time in heaving down it may be safely stated that the labor of repairing in a dock of this description would be at least one - third less than the labor of repairing a vessel hove down . This appears to b e the last for many years of the e inclined marine railway for gov rnment work , as the dry dock had the call at the time and the speculative contra e tor w a s getting inhis fine work with Congress for a large contract , though it was several years before one was built . That the marine railway and floating dry docks of the period were not all that were required , is seen from the fact that the New York Marine Dry Dock Company 1 83 4 was incorporated by the New York Legislature in , having as incorporators David Brown and Jacob Bell , 54 1 820 T o 1 840.

shipbuilders ; Captain Cobb , shipmaster ; O . Mauran , ship owner, and E . K . Collins , shipping merchant and a gent of a packet line , for the punrpose of building a dry dock . Capital stock of the compa ynwas It was pro posed to be built of wood a d located in a convenient place in the city between two piers for protection from f inj ury, and to be sunk to a su ficient depth so that the w a s top two feet above the highest spring tides , and freed from water by a steam engine placed on oii e of the piers . The proj ect does not appear to have been taken up a by the c pitalist, as there has been no record left of any thing further being done by the company; except invitin g subscription for sto ck of the company . The increasing numb er of immigrants arriving at this port from Europe and the large increase inour Southern coastwise commerce made it necessary for the packet companies to increase the number and size of their ves sels still further, and this brought an increase of business h to the local shipyards . There were built at these s ip

1 826 - yards during twenty three ships, three brigs ,

- - forty nine schooners, sixty eight sloops , twelve steam boats , fifteen towboats and nineteen canal boats , mak ing a total of tons .

- I t was j ust about the time the United States Su preme Court gave its decision regarding the monopoly with steam vessels on the waters of the United States , and that our capitalists were taking measures to invest t in steamboat enterprises , hat a large fire in a New York shipyard took place, that was known for many years as “ ” the Shipyard Fire . There was another fire in a city shipyard about twenty years later that was a very great loss , but this one was even greater . It occurred on 1 4 1 82 4 ’ March , , about five o clock in the morning , being discovered in the steam sawmill of Noah Brown o nMan hattan Island , and spread with such rapidity that the a mill and large ship house of Brown Bell , j ust dj oin ing , were destroyed before any assistance could be 1 820 T o 1 840. 55

rendered . In the ship house were two steamboa ts ; one “ ” n the Hudson , bei g built for R . M . Livingston , nearly in completed and ready to launch , and the yard two brigs almost finished , besides a large quantity of ship timber,

h ° all of which shared t e s a m e fate . The flames also ex d Co . tended to the a j oining yard of Isaac Webb , where a frame building belonging to Henry E ckford and o c c u

a s a w pied as pit , and considerable quantity of ship tim f ber was consumed . An e fort was made to launch the fl steamboat , but th e ames spread so rapidly that the workmen were driven from the ways and they had to

h ' l t e ves s e . abandon the attempt to save ‘ Fire Engine No “ ” 3 3 e , Bla ck Joke, that had b en located at the lower end of the dock , as a point of great advantage to fight the

o ff a flames , was cut from the shore end of the v rd by the

th e ' fi r e sudden spread of , and before the firemen could its take any measures to remove their engine from peril , it took fire and was entirely c onsumed . Several of the firemen were caught between the fire engine and the end of the dock , and their choice lav between the fire on one side and the river on th e o th er ; four of them j umped o verboard , but were at once rescued by boats from the * shore . This fire was the cause of the formation of a noted fire engine company of New York City in the early

44 . 2 1 824 days , Live Oak No . , organized August , , by several of the shipbuilders around Manhattan Island , and w a s l o c a ted ' ina house in th e square at Houston near

Columbia street in later years . Fire companies in these early d ays were not models of thorough organization .

o l u nteer ' c o m a nies Being v p , there was a great deal of freedom given the members in the active operations of the company; and this brought out a feeling of rivalry between the several companies that very often when in

fi r - l e service they came in col ision , and a free fight was the result between the members of the difler ent companies .

* Lo s s es tim a ted o o o o e o , at f rty th usand d llars , Br wn B ll l sing o o ne - h m o ab ut alf that a unt . 1 2 56 8 0 T o 1 840.

“ ” Live Oak w a s able to hold up their end of the plank on such occasions . The earliest claim to a ship model of a vessel is th a t

. s made by Orlando B Merrill of Newburyport , Mas , for 1 one he made in 7 96. The designer and maker o f this model was engaged in shipbuilding from 1 7 91 with h is two brothers for several years , and was one of the most e prosperous builders of that s ction at the time . He was one of the two contractors who built the U . S . sloop “ ” 509 1 81 3 of war Wasp , of tons , in at Newburyport . This model is now in the possession of the New York His tor ic a l Society , having been presented to the society by ’ David Ogden , the New York agent of the St . George s line of New York and Liverpool packets, and one of the “ ” original owners of the clipper ship Dreadnought . On the backboard to which the model is fastened is the in “ : s cription Original ship model made by Orlando B . s 1 7 96 Merrill of Belleville , Newburyport , Mas , , and by invento r now 9 0 i the , , years of age , given to Dav d Ogden 1 853 in February, , who presented it to the New York His tor ic a l Society in This model is made in four pieces of a fine wood , and the form is far ahead of any f thing o its kind that we have left to us from that period . s r It is in a good state of preservation, and shows the u f face o the wood is in its original condition . This model

1 2 in 2 7 9 . . is % in extreme length , 4 in half breadth , and } in . deep center of length . Of th e shipbuilders in New York and vicinity there was a claim made for a model made by Christian Bergh , assisted by William Vincent , both shipbuilders in early part of the 1 9th century . Stephen S m ith of Smith Demon also claimed the credit ’ for the early ship model . There is a model in Webb s Academy a nd Home for Shipbuilders showing the marks 44 1 0 of having passed through fire . It is inches long, m idl enth inches wide and 6 inches deep at g , and built up of six layers of hard wood . The form shows it to have been an old time model . The descriptive card on the 1 820 T o 1 840. 5 7

“ model says : Relic of m odel rescued from the ruins of the 1 4 8 8 . office of William H . Webb burned in the year This

'

w a s W . model made by Isaac Webb , father of illiam H 1 81 6 its Webb , about the year in the City of New York or vicinity . It was the first model made in ships showing water lines, and rendering it much more easy to form the model and measure its shape than by the method used

u s in all countries heretofore . The e of this method of modeling saved very much time , produced more beautiful vessels than formerly , and revolutionized the business of ” building sea going vessels in all maritime countries . In 1 83 0 there were fourteen shipyards that extended r l r from j ust below Co ea s Hook to Fourth street . There 2 44 a were also j ourneymen ship carpenters , besides p prentices not yet out of their term of service , the caulkers , of whom there were not many so named , and the ship 4 00 . j oiners, in all about men There were also some sub

r contractors having small shops o yards for repair work . h i m i h There were also the sawyers and s p s t s . It was at this period that some of the members of the old firms retired altogether from the business , or an active par tic i a tion p in the industry , and were succeeded by some of the younger men who were interested . It was then that so m an y experiments were made in the form of vessels , as well as in the motive power . The old spoon shaped bow on the steam vessels was giving way to an easier entrance line, and a finer run aft, and many a steamboat was built at this period that was in service not more than one season than she would be taken out on the ways for alterations in her form suggested by the sea ’ r 1 83 0 1 840 son s wo k . From to there was probably more exp eriments and alterations made on steam vessels in New York waters than in any other decade in the build m ing of our merchant arine . They gained much knowl

a edge t that time that was of service in later years .

. . m Robert L Stevens , of Hoboken , N J did probably ore d towar improving the form of steam vessels at the time, 1 82 0 1 4 5 8 TO 8 0.

through his experiments , than any other builder or

owner of steam vessels . He had false bows built on some s of his river teamboats as experiments , of varying

lengths from the stem proper, securely fastened to the

‘ hull of the vessel , and built up for two or th r ee f eet a above the water line . This w s a steamboat era ; but the changes had a marked influence upon the form of our I t sailing vessels . was during this time that the first coastwise steam line was established between New York n a d . C. Charleston , S , with a class of vessels not fitted for

outside service . They were all built at New York , and “ ” “ ” “ named David Brown , Home , William Gibbons , “ ” “ ” “ ” Columbia , New York and Neptune . When this steamboat era first opened a bout 1 825 there were many who became interested in the business of steam naviga tion who had a limited amount of capital at their com

mand , and had invested in vessels that were ill adapted

for the business in which they were placed , and as compe

tition in a few years became more active , such vessels were a losing speculation and their owners were in many 1 3 . 0 cases forced to the wall , financially By 8 a weeding

out process took place, and the financially strong owners were found in possession of the higher class of vessels

and the better paying business . Then began , again , the

formation of stock companies , not the first, for Fulton Livingston Company was known as the North River s Steamboat Company, and with thi the laying aside of

the old type of steamboats , and experiments to improve

the hull and motive power of every new vessel . They were now progressing toward another period of a greater and more radical departu re in shipbuilding in this city

‘ s ee and country . We more of it in the shipyards of New Y ork , for the Hudson River and Long Island Sound were t h e greater channels of travel prior to 1 850 than any o ther waters in the United States, and as most all the vessels in service on the routes from New York were built

its f in that city , e fect was naturally felt in the local ship

1 82 1 60 0 T o 84 0.

employed on the marine railway , that had its objections . The New York Screw Dock Company began the opera tion of a screw dock in a slip b etween Market and Pike e 1 827 streets in S ptember, , the company being incor r d 2 1 o a te 1 82 8 . p April , This dock, which was the fi rst o f is its design , thus spoken of by an engineer of that “ period : The vessel to be raised by this apparatus was floated over a platform of wood sunk to the depth o f about ten feet below the surface of the water, and s u s pended from a strongly built wooden frame work by 1 6 4 iron screws 4 inches in diameter . This platform has several shores on its surface, which were brought to bear ’ equally on the vessel s bottom , to prevent her from cant ing over on being raised out of the water . About thirty men were employed in working this apparatus , who , by the combined power of the lever, wheel , pinion and screw , succeeded in the course of half an hour in raising the platform loaded with a vessel of 2 00 tons burden to

s h e the surface of the water , where remained high and dry , suspended between the wooden frames . At Balti more I s a w a large screw dock constructed on th e same principles , on which the platform for supporting the ves se l w a s suspended by forty screws of about five inches ” in diameter . There was a few years later a hydraulic th e Co . dock built for Ring , shipwrights , and located in same vicinity , a portion of the mechanism of this dock having been constructed by Watt Boulton , steam

w a s e engine builders of Soho , England, and fitted to rais a vessel of 800 tons . The perp endicular lift of this dock “ was ten feet . The first vessel raised was the ship Great ” 1 3 5 24 8 . Britain of 7 tons in June, After being secured in the dock she was raised out of the water in forty - fi ve w a s minutes . The mode of raising a vessel on this dock to bring the vessel in between the two wharfs exactly over the cradle ; the chains were then tightened s o a s to make the blocks come in contact with the keel ; water was then forced into the cylinder through a small tube b y 1 82 o 1 84 0 T 0. 61

means of a pump , which caused the ram to be forced out, drawing with it the sliding beams , raising the cradle

r with the vessel in a slow but steady manner, to the e quired height . The New York Sectional Dock . Company had built a sectional dock from plans of Phineas Burgess 1 83 and Daniel Dodge in 9 . This company was incor p o r a ted as the New York Floating Dry Dock Company on 1 8 1 843 c April , , having a apital of This dock w a s located in the vicinity of the other floating docks on the East River . To show that there was business for an increase of floating dry docks in the city at this time , it is found that there was in 1 83 6 7 2 steamboats in ser vice to in and from New York that were built in the city , not cluding ferryboats or tugboats , the greater number having been built within three years . The marine interests of New York were fully awake to the situation of ocean steam navigation long prior to any action in building vessels for the purpose in this 1 83 9 country , for in there were two acts passed by the New York Legislature incorporating the Ocean Steam Pa cket Company and the North American Steam Navi i g a t o nCompany . The incorporators of the first named r company were Cha les H . Russell , Samuel B . Ruggles ,

W . H . Aspinwall , John Ward and William Kent . The incorporators of the last named company were William

' R edfi eld C . , Henry Grinnell , Robert Benson , William f Ca r nl . s Kemble, Robert y and John Gri fith These person were well known in those days in marine circles in New

York City . Nothing further appears to have been done a t the time than the creation of the companies .

TOOLS . Prior to the separation of the colonies from the mother country , and no doubt for years later, some of the edged tools used in the shipyards were imported from

Great Britain , and in many cases they were made by the m local blacksmiths . There were attempts ade in the 62 1 82 0 T o 1 84 0.

New England States during the 1 8th century to establish i factories for making edge tools , though there s no record h that they were of shipbuilding specialties , but t ev were 1 8 6 of short duration . In 0 there were in th i s ci ty 4 0 “ ” n ironmongers and hardwaremen , but it was ot until 1 81 6 that Lewis Seymour opened a hardware store with ’ 1 24 mechanics tools in Chatham street, and in 8 Charles

Merrill in Grand near Lewis street, that many of the older ship carpenters will remember, and who catered to i the shipbuilding trade . There s one other who was in the center of the shipyard district at the time , and whose store was the center for the hardware trade of the ship builders , and that was William Wright, who opened in 1 83 2 at North (or Houston) and Lewis street , known as ’ s Wright s corner . He w a succeeded by Daniel D . Wright 4 1 8 0 . in , who continued the business for many years

When the first edged tools for ship carpenters , such as the broad axe, adze , slicer, maul , etc . , as an established factory product was made, cannot be ascertained at this l a te day . When the country began to prosper after the

1 81 2 - 1 4 war, and the packet lines were established for the immigration service, Congress began to wake up to the necessity of protecting still further some of the industries w a s of the country , and then it we find there were some earnest endeavors made to manufacture edge tools for

i 1 824 h home consumpt on , but it was not until about w en there were three factories in New York State making 2 6 a . 1 8 xes and edge tools , scythes , etc ; but in the Collins n Company was established at Hartford , Con , making e dge tools, with other steel and iron goods , and are still inactive operation . There followed them in a few years

Y . . D . . . aniel Simmons of Cohoes , N , and L and I T White Y ’ a ff . . t Bu alo , N ; who first made ship carpenters special

f . ties o these manufacturers , cannot be told It was not until this period that the manufacturers ground the dull 1 45 m a nu f a c edges of the tools . By 8 there were many tu r er s catering to this trade through New York State and the New England States , and the dealers in these special 1 820 T o 1 840. 63

ties in New York City were numerous . It was during this period s o many improvements were made in hand tools of all descriptions . There is no doubt the initial improvement in edge tools came about like several other

s s changes in manufactures of the period , through the y tem of manufacturers brought to this country by the 1 3 0 skilled labor from Europe about 8 , and the American “ ” mechanic, knowing a good thing when he sees it , adopted some of the foreign practice in connection with his own , and even improved on that . The first manufacturer of edge tools in New York ’ City, with ship carpenters tools as a specialty , was John

Conger . He opened a small blacksmith shop in 1 81 4 in 1 81 8 Suffolk street , but in he branched out in making edge tools while located in Grand street . This was the w a s period when prosperity abroad in the country . He 1 45 continued in the business at different places until 8 ,

” b e 3 3 when closed up while located at Attorney street . He w a s the pioneer edge tool manufacturer of New York

City . William Horton , who had served his apprentice

a ship with John Conger, opened shop in Fifth street 1 83 near Lewis in 7 , and removed to Lewis street near Fifth street in 1 84 0; was succeeded by Horton

1 853 1 868 : Arnold in , who remained on the old site until

Samuel B . Arnold had been an employee of William Hor fi 1 84 1 . ton . About Lewis Watts and James M Shef eld , who had also been in the employ of William Horton, started in the same line of business in Avenue D , and these two manufacturers had the monopoly of their line

1 852 . of business in New York City until about , when W

S . Hawkins , who had a large blacksmith shop in Third street , near the shipyards , commenced the manufacture of edge tools in the same locality as the other manu

r i f a c tu r e s . Th s was during the period when all trades allied to shipbuilding were drivento the top notch . These manufacturers all went out of business after the close of the War of the Rebellion , on account of the ship yards being unemployed . A C H P T E R I V .

E E E E S AND F O ’ E STRIK S OF SHIPYARD MPLOY , ORMATI N OF TRAD O I N NE UNI NS W YORK CITY .

HE subj ect of the relations between skilled labor and the employer in New York City i n the early days h a s never been fully written

on account of the scarcity of material , but such data as is available at this day show u s ’ that the New York Jo u r neym enShipwrights Society was the first labor associ a tion organized in New York

City . The constitution for the government of this society 5 1 804 is dated January , , and contains the names of forty eight of its memb ers . The fee of initiation for the first s ix months after the foundation of the society was one s ix dollar, for the second months two dollars , for the s ix r third months three dollars, and to the end of fou years four dollars , after which it was five dollars initia tion fee . The monthly dues were fifty cents a month . One provision of the constitution stated that “ This soci ety shall be composed of the shipwrights and caulk i ” ers residing in the C tv and County of New York . It became incorporated by an act of the New York Legis l a tu r e 3 1 807 on April , , as the New York Society

Journeymen Shipwrights . The purpose of the society : was shown in the provision in its charter, where it says “ In order to raise a fund for the support of such of th e s members of said society as may by means of sicknes , ” lameness, age or other causes become unable to l abor . The United B enevolent Society of Tailors of the City of 1 1 2 1 8 9 . New York was incorporated April , The Cart men ’ s Benevolent Society of the City of New York w a s 2 8 1 820 e incorporated January , , and the New York Hous Carpenters ’ Architectural and B enevolent Association R E OF R E E E ST I K S SHIPYA D MPLOY S . 65

1 4 26 1 . i was incorporated March , 8 One provision of ts “ charter says : That the members of this incorporation Shall not at any meeting of said corporation pass any

b - resolve , motion , y law , rule, or regulation , which shall in any manner control or fix the price of carpenters ’ wages in the City of New York , or Shall restrain any member from receiving or paying wages a s he or they ” m a ’ y deem proper . The Shipwrights Society of 1 807 inall probability ceased to exist prior to the expiration of its charter . There was another society composed of th e - mechanics of that trade at a later date, that was not it incorporated , a certificate of one of s members being ’ now at Webb s Academy and Home for Shipbuilders . “ This certificate w a s of The Union Society of Shipwrights and Caulkers of the City of New York did on th e 1 1 th day of November in the year 1 824 admit Hezekiah Webb as one of their members for life . John Lozier, Prest . , Nehe ’ ” miah Waterbury, Sec y . This Hezekiah Webb was a ship carpenter residing at this time near the Manhattan

Island shipyards . All of these societies were formed for beneficial purposes , without any idea of a combination in

i a nindustrial sense as a trade union . Mutual benefit societies of the various classes of mechanics and trades men for mutual assistance appear to h a ve been a prom inent feature in the social organizations of the cities dur h h l ing the first decade of the 1 9t century . P i adelphia i was the city of most importance in this l ne, for the record shows that most of these associations were incor ’ r a ted p o , and included the Carpenters Society, the oldest 1 7 24 organized in ; the Shipmasters , Pilots and Mariners ’ Society ; Stonecutters Company ; ' Master Bricklayers ’ Society ; Hair Dresser and Surgeon Barbers Society ; ’ Typographical Society ; Master Tailors Society ; Provi ’ dent Society of House Carpenters ; Master Mechanics

Benevolent Society , and similar societies of the cord

a iner s w , j ourneymen blacksmiths , j ourneymen tailors who had two mutual benefit societies , and j ourneymen 66 E o -E E M L E E STRIK S SHIPYARD P OY S .

m s hatters , bricklayers and coopers , and a society of a e ter coop rs . m It had been the custo in the shipyards , as of all the a various trades, for the mechanics to l bor from sunrise 1 82 5 in to sunset, but about there began to arrive this city a few immigrants who were skilled mechanics of the ff di erent trades, mainly from Great Britain and Ger many, and a few of these were ship carpenters . The industrial depression and many strikes at this period in Europe was one cause of this heavy tide of emigration of m a c h a nic s skilled and others to this country , who hoped to obtain more and better employment at their trades . Prior to 1 83 0 there began to be agitated in the city ship a s c l o y rd the subje t of the long hours of ab r, and for a few years this subj ect w a s one that engaged much atten tion . The American mechanic had been brought up to believe that work from sunrise to sunset for a maj or por tion of the year was his portion in life , even though he might consider the , hours too long ; it was a part of his early education . All those who were willing and able

a s s ee worked long as they could by daylight , masters , j ourneymen and apprentices , storekeepers , professional men , and where possible into the night ; they all did it . It was the habit and custom that had been handed down to that generation . It was when the foreign mechanic and laborer had arrived in numbers on these shores , and taken time to spread his radical ideas of the rights of labor, with socialistic reform , free love, community of ’ ed interests and some other isms , the last four repudiat l a by a most the whole native mech nic circle, that the American mechanic began to view the labor question difler ent r from a standpoint , and then began the fu ther agitation of the relations of labor and capital that in a

i s o o ner few years assumed such large proportions, than if the native mechanic had been left to work out his own salvation from a condition that w a s almost slavery . The issue was only forced a few years earlier to a crisis th a n

68 R E OE R E M E E - ST IK S SHIPYA D PLOY s .

has laid down to rest, fallen asleep , too tired to eat his evening meal . This was not once , but many times . The more this question of long hours w a s agitated the more burdensome it became to those who were obliged to labor under its rules . It was continued for more than two years w ith frequent s m all strikes at a few shipyards, but the . men having no common plan among them for their guidance, they made little progress at the

fi 1 time . It was the rst stage of an industrial crisis 11 this country , and they lacked an intelligent guiding hand . m Some of these strikes were partially successful, but ost of them were failures , so they did not command much attention at the time . The workmen of the shipyards were not the only m echanics that were now agitating the labor question to better their condition of employment . It was general among the various trades in o u r large

Citv cities , and was manipulated in the of New York by the scheming politicians to their own advantage for a time . The shipyard employees applied for a reduction in the hours of labor, but were each time met with a refusal . They were no mor e unfavorably situated in that regard than were the other trades workmen at the time . The shipbuilders had resolutely set their faces against any reduction in the hours of labor, more especially those who had taken contracts based on the old time hours of

s a w labor, who that a change in the hours would mean a loss to them in the completion of their contracts . Thus the contest was fought step by step , without any material gain by either Side . It was a period of education for all those interested in more ways than one . What added to the life of this agitation , and became a great aid to the public discussion of this question , was the establishment

- of low priced daily papers in our large cities , that came within the means of the laboring classes , and that catered to the interests of their patrons . A few of these papers are still published, the New York Herald and ST R I K E s OF R E E E SHIPYA D MPLOY S . 69

h * T e Sun . There were several labor j ournals started at m the time but they were all short lived . It see s remark a f ble that copies o these papers cannot be found . The step that eventually brought the question of the hours of labor to a settlement in the shipyards was the ’ incorporation of the New York Jo u r neym enShipwrights ’ 9 1 3 3 8 . and Caulkers Benevolent Society on April , There had been since the mechanics ’ bell was first erected in 1 83 1 t a more general agita ion of the subj ect by the employees , and through this means they were brought more closely together, which resulted in the organization of the 1 3 3 society in 8 . This brought a more harm onious and united organization , having a common purpose, and under better leadership , to wage the battle for shorter hours with the builders . The opposing interests were now . making ready for the final stand in the long drawn

u t . o conflict This was succeeded after many conferences , between the builders and the employees , by the latter giv ’ ing their ultimatum of ten hours for a day s labor, the builders having o fler ed increased pay for the old hours e of labor, but this the employ es refused . The builders

v va v d finally gave to the inevitable, having seen the han

. w a s 1 83 4 writing on the wall This some time in , from which time can be dated the termination of the first suc c es s f u l agitation for a ten - hour day by a trade organiza tion of mechanics in this country . This w a s what led to the more general and permanent recognition of the ’

6 . . . w a s mechanics bell It rung at a m to begin work ,

9 . 1 2 m . . . . . 1 8 a m for breakfast , a . m for work again , , p m and 6 p . m . to cease work for the day . When it is brought to mind that each yard was equipped for the time honored custom of ringing a bell to announce the hours of labor in the yard , that was to govern all those em ployed there , it will be seen what a radical departure had

“ ” Pri o r to this the blanket sheets h aving a limited am o unt o f reading a o a nd o o matter and selling at three cents c py , ver, were the nly daily o in o f to o j urnals the city ; value the p litician , and the shipping merchant . 0 R E o r R E E E 7 ST IK S SHIPYA D MPLOY S . been taken by the employees in dictating the hours of a l bor, and in sounding forth those hours in the day to all interested through their own instrument . The operation of this bell was the means of doing more at this period , in all the mechanical industries in New York City , far h e yond its sound , than any other agent to break down the long hours of labor, that had been handed down by cus tom for so many years . The shipbuilders had their early business training under those long hours , and they con

i r fi f s de ed this the proper time for a man to labor . But teen years had brought many changes . The American mechanics o f that period had more educational a dv a n tages than those of earlier days . Foreign labor had now entered the field at a time the native element was con s ider ing the question of throwing off the chains of long ff hours , and through e orts of all working for a common end the ten - hour system was obtained by all the trades “ eventu a llyfi One of the features in showing how far personal in ter es t can be carried under different surrounding condi s tions, was seen during thi agitation by the shipyard em

l o ees p y , where a few of the latter were most enthusiastic in holding forth the claims for a reduction of the hours as well as an increase in the wage scale, and were always ready to express their views on the then prominen t ques tion of the day in industrial circles ; but when they were operating a shipyard of their own at a later period , and during a large strike when th ey had several unfinished vessels on the stocks , were most bitter opponents of labor interests, and contributed their share to the defeat of the “ ” strike at the time . They were not in the band wagon of industrial progress at this time . They were no longer “ ” labor leaders ; they were now one of the capitalistic

* T here is no evidence that there was any c o ncert o f a ctio n between th e New Yo rk shipyard emplo yees and the trade u ni ons during the strik e e T h e o o n o f p ri od . f rmer evidently carried their struggle independent o ther labo r o rgani z ati o ns . S T R E S OF I R E M P L E E IK SH PYA D OY S . 7 1

class , and protecting their interest on the inside of the fence .

R E OF NE W R T AD UNIONS YO K CITY . The trade unions of this period in New York City w er e a r es u lt o f the la r g e im m ig r a tionfrom Europe during the period under review . From Great Britain alone , and s this include Ireland , there were over emigrant s 1 825 1 83 0 that arrived at New York between and , but not

f er o f all of this number remained in the city , the means communication from New York to the Western States were improving very largely every year . Large numbers e were going West to follow agricultural pursuits . whil others were engaged for work upon new railroads j ust started , and public improvements in near by States , while many who brought their tools of trade with them remained in the city . These people had left Europe when trade unions were under investigation , for combi nations even for securing higher wages or shorter hours n was held to be criminal u der the common law, and those taking part in such action were liable to criminal prose i n c u t o . Strikes were frequent and long continued in w a s s o England at this period , and that one reason for m a ny coming to this country at the time . By 1 82 9 the many theories of social reform and polit ical economy began to be very prominent through lec w a s tures and discussions in the daily j ournals, and it ’ not very long before a w or k ing m ens party was organized in New York City having many of these imported theories in its platform . This gave the leaders of the old political parties considerable anxiety for a time, but they soon got “ ” s in their fine work inside the organization , and in les than two years by internal dissensions the organization went to pieces . The American mechanic , as a class , would not endorse such theories , but the politicians used it for all it w a s worth to them . The developments of the time showed that organiza R E o r R E E E 7 2 ST IK S SHIPYA D MPLOY S .

th e tion of trades workmen was taking form , but it would seem that no trade unions were formed in the city until 1 83 3 , on a ccount of a slight depression in business and 1 3 2 later by an epidemic of cholera in New York City in 8 , when business was very generally suspnended for several months . These trade unions were orga izations without being incorporated , as there is no record to b e found in any of the State or city public offi ces of record of such 1 833 organizations of that period . The unions formed in b a tter s consisted partly of the tailors, masons , , s addlers , coopers , printers , cordwainers or shoemakers ,

‘ piano makers , cabinet makers, curriers, weavers and

r n i c a p e te s . There were others no doubt . These unions were controlled by the General Trade Union , organized the same year and composed Of delegates from the several or trade organizations , and was the first labor federation league in New York City . This General Trade Union exerted much influence on f the several trade unions , and its o ficers during the early

: days of the organization were Ely Moore, president ,

- politician , printer ; Henry Walton , vice president ; James M B h c ea t . , recording secretary , bookbinder ; John H

Bowie, corresponding secretary, currier ; Robert Towns

n. s ee end , j unior treasurer, carpe ter We that a politi e ofli c e ian , who had held under the city government . had the office of power in the organization , but this came through a political upheaval in the city at the time, with the E qual Rights party coming to the front . The presi dent o f the organization made an address before t h e 1 83 3 General Trade Union in December, , that gives us some light how the relations of labor and capital were held at that time by the labor interests . The speaker was a representative of labor in the front ranks at the time, and a few extracts from the address will be of interest . “ We have assembled on the present occasion for the pur pose of publicly proclaiming the motive which induc ed us to organize a general union of the various trades and R E O'F R E E E ST IK S SHIPYA D MPLOY S . 7 3

its s arts in this city and vicinity , a well as to defend the

course , and to vindicate the measures we design to

pursue . We conceive it to be a truth enforced and illus tr a ted by the concurrent testimony of history and daily

observation, that man is disposed to avail himself of the possessions and services of his fellow man without ren

dering an equivalent , and to prefer claims to that which

of right belongs to another . This m a y be considered a hard saying ; but we have only to turn our eyes inward and examine ourselves in order to admit to the full extent

the truth of the proposition , that man by nature is selfish

and aristocratic . Wherever man exists , under

whatever form of government , or whatever be the stru e

ture or organization of society , this principle of his na

ture, selfishness , will appear, operating either for evil or

for good . Much , however, can be done toward

restraining it within proper limits , by unity of purpose and concert of action on the part of the producing

classes . To contribute toward the achievement of this great end is one of the obj ects of the General Trade

Union . “ Wealth , we all know , constitutes the aristocracy of

r this count y . Happily no distinctions are known among

us save what wealth and worth confer . No legal barriers are erected to protect exclusive privileges or unmerited rank . The greatest danger therefore which threatens the stability of our government and the liberty of the people is an undue accumulation and distribution

r of wealth . And I do conceive that real dange is to be apprehended from this source notwithstanding that tendency to distribution which naturally grows out of the

a character of our st tutes of conveyance , of inheritance, and descent of property , but by securing to the producing classes a fair, certain , and equitable compensation for their toil and skill , we insure a more j ust and equal dis tr ib u tio nof wealth than can ever be eff ected by statutory law . Unlike the septennial reversion of the Jews , or the R E OF R E M E E 7 4 ST IK S SHIPYA D PLOY S .

th e Agrarian law of Rome, principle for which we con tend holds out to individuals proper motives for exertion s k a nd enterprise . We a then what better means can be d evised for promoting a more equal distribution of

a n wealth than for the producing classes to claim , d by virtue of union and concert, secure, their claims to their respective portions ? And why should not those

? h y who have the toil , have the enj oyment also Or, w should the sweat that flows from the brow of the laborer b e converted into a source of revenue for the support of the crafty or the indolent ? I am aware that the charge of illegal combination is raised against us . The cry is a s

s . enseless as it is stale and unprofitable Why , I would

a s k inquire, have not j ourneymen the same right to their own price for their own property , or services , that em lo er p y s have , or that merchants , physicians, or lawyers h ave ? Is that equal j ustice which makes it an offense for j ourneymen to combine for the purpose of maintaining their present prices, or raising their wages , while em p loyer s may combine with impunity for the purpose of ? lowering them I admit that such is the common law .

All will agree , however, that it is neither wise, j ust nor politic , and that it is directly opposed to the spirit and genius of our free institutions , and ought therefore to be ” abrogated . There were no aggressive steps taken now for some t h l ime t at were called to public attention , probab y for the reason that they were feeling the pulse of the em ployer on the question of hours and scale of wages . The first trouble of any magnitude appears to have broken o u t between the master tail o rs and the j ourneymen 1 83 6. tailors in February , The latter refused to work for an employer who failed to keep a slate hung up in a

h is public part of store , on which should be entered the name of every j ourneyman taking work from his store . And that workmen should not take a j ob out of their turn a s laid down by the association : and that the members

7 6. R E S OF R E E E ST IK SHIPYA D MPLOY S .

not content to stop here . You appointed committees to a c t as spies upon those whom you wished to subj ect to

your will . Then premises were placed day and night

under their vigilant inspection . You thronged around

their shops and were guilty of gross acts of indec ency . The j ourneymen who took j obs were followed to their

dwellings and otherwise annoyed by you . In short , every ingenious devise was resorted to by this extensive com

bination to which you were attached , to effect your

obj ect . Associations of this description are of recent

origin in this country . Judging from what we

a have witnessed within the l st year, we should be led to the conclusion that the trades of the c ou ntr v which

contribute immeasurably to its wealth , and upon which the prosperity of a most valuable portion of the com

munity hinges , is rapidly passing from the control of the supreme power of the State into the hands of private

societies, a state of things which would be a s prej udicial in its consequences to the j ourneymen as it is to the em lo er s p y , and all who have occasion for the fruits of their

labor . They are of foreign origin , and I am ” led to believe, are mainly upheld by foreigners . To Show how a part of the labor community had been aff ected by the conviction of the j ourneymen tailors and

to what extent class hatred was carried , is shown by the posting of a pl acard around the city which contained within the representation of a coffi n the following words :

THE RICH against THE PO OR .

i Judge Edwards, the tool of the Aristocracy , aga nst the People . Mechanics and Workingmen , a deadly blow

has been struck at your Liberty . The prize for which your fathers fought has been robbed from you . The free men of the North are now on a level with the slaves of

the South with no other privileges than laboring , that , n drones m a y fatten on your life blood . Twe ty of your brethren have been found guilty of presuming to resist a R E OF H R D E L EE ST IK S S IPYA MP OY S . 7 7 reduction of their wages : and Judge Edwards has charged an American j ury , and agreeably to that charge they have established the precedent that workingm en have no right to regulate the price of labor : or in other words, the Rich are the only j udges of the wants of the

. 6 1 83 6 Poor man On Monday , June , , these freemen are to receive their sentence, to gratify the hellish appetites of the Aristocracy . On Monday the liberty of the work inm n i g e will be interred . Judge Edwards s to chant the

Requim . G O , G O , every freeman , every workingman , and hear the hollow and the melancholy sound of the earth on fi the Cof n of Equality . Let the courtroom , the city hall , yea, the whole park be filled with mourners . But remem f ber, o fer no violence to Judge Edwards . Bend meekly, and receive the chains wherewith you are to be bound .

Keep the peace . Above all things keep the peace .

This was not the only strike, but was no doubt a test case forced into prominence by the General Trades Union at a time when they thought they were sufficiently strong in numbers and influence in the city , and with enough political backing to force the issue to a successful termination . The only occasion when this body of dele gates came forward to publicly support the action of the

e unions was on this occasion , when they issu d a notice of th ir end or s em ent e of the action of the trade union , in part, “ as follows : At a special meeting of the delegates of the Trades Unions of New York and vicinity on Friday even 1 2 th ing , February , the following Preamble and resolu

d: W fi er ea s tions were adopte , a combination of men styl ing themselves the Master Tailors have through various . newspapers declared that they will not receive into their employ any man who is a member of the U . T . Society ‘ W 6 M d le a z s u r ne m en . e e e of Jo y Tailors of this city , g of the diff erent trades in convention assembled consider ing that by the above avowal of proscription these said masters are arrogantly attempting to coerce the ind e pendent spirited men who have taken upon themselves E E E E 7 8 STRIK S OF SHIPYARD MPLOY S . the unquestionable right of aff i xing a value of their own ” labor . After going into the subj ect more generally , they

R es olved conclude their resolutions with , that this convention recommend the different societies attached to

this . union , to take the preparatory steps as soon as con v enient to ensure additional means to support the United Society of J o u r neym enTailors while on the

. R es ol ved strike , that the corresponding secretary of this union be instructed to open immediate correspond ence with the diff erent un i ons of the United States apprising said unions of the struggle of the Journeyman ” Tailors . There w a s another condition surrounding the labor question at this period that had a marked effect upon the

w a a laboring classes , and this s the matter of Sl very in a New York State . This w s permitted to exist until the New York legislature in 1 81 7 passed an act that there 4 1 82 7 Should be no Slavery in the State after July , . when

a ten thousand slaves were set free by this act . It w s to

a s the former slave owners in the Northern States , well as tho se of the Southern States that the labor leaders hurled the name of Aristocracy . Included in the same w ho class , in the State of New York , were many men had a hold upon the dominant political party in the State , who for some years had made a practice of obtaining e charters for incorporated compani s , and covering among other things , charters for banks and specialties in industrial pursuits . These men had accumulated wealth s through the disposal of the e special privileges, and their c ourse of action had been noticed by the industrial classes with marked disapproval . This was a scandal

“ that did not die out in a short time . Were our fore fathers free from graft in business ?

h a s a s Ely Moore , who been brought into notice the 1 83 3 w a s first president of the General Trades Union in , ’ int h e n ext year elected a s the W or k ing m ens candidate from New York City to the House of Representatives , S E OF E O E E TRIK S SHIPYARD MPL Y S . 7 9 w 3 5 here he took his seat in December 1 8 . He wa s the only representative of the labor interest in Congress at that momentous period . There w a s already sufficient on political friction between the two sections of the Uni , with the question of finance and the slavery question to discuss . But to stir the Aristocracy into oppositionstill further, the claims of labor must be thrown into the arena of debate in our national hall of legislation . The only extended speech on the labor question Congressman r 2 8 1 886 Moore made was on Ap il , , in reply to some refer

/ enc es made by Southern members of th e H o u s e to the labor question during a debate on the Army Appropria “ : tion bill , in which he said , in part Having been long

a r o v and intimately connected with their cause , and p p a ing s I do of their principles and measures , I cannot con sent to hear them assailed without making an eff ort to vindicate them . They have been denounced as Agrarians , a s Levelers , and Anarchists and their union unlawful and mischievous . The honorable gentleman in the course of his remarks holds the following language :

I entreat , gentl emen , to look well to the consequences of the experiment of sending the government there (to the North) a s a competitor in the labor market , and under the constraint of positive orders to expend this vast sum , d let labor rise ever so high . It is alrea y one dollar a day , when in the South and West it is only fifty cents . These a r e appropriations are not for this vear alone . They the beginning of a system of lavish expenditure which will

1 42 . last until 8 , no longer ; my word for it Are the

th e j udicious men of the North , property holders of the

North , disposed to organize in their bosom this army of d b e d a y laborers , men , who all over the worl , spend tw een Saturday and Monday the wages of the week, and who at the period of their disbandment in 1 842 will be penniless and who must go supperless to bed , unless they EOb by lawless insurrection or by the equally terrible ? process of the ballot box Let gentlemen look at it . E E E E 80 STRIK S OF SHIPYARD MPLOY S .

They are in quite a s much danger of insurrection a s we

. a n are The l boring classes, the backbo e of the democracy of the country rob through th e ballot boxes ? What are we to understand by this ? That none but the wealthy ought to be allowed to vote, and that the minority Should govern . Let this doc trine be carried out , and the principles upon which the government is founded are utterly subverted .

I regret the attack has been made . It may lead to a con tr o ver s y from which it will be most difficult to exclude jealousies , heart burnings nad recriminations . I am not quite certain , however, that it will not in the main be productive of good . It may serve to establish more dis tinc tly and more permanently the landmarks which dis ting u is h the two great political parties of this country the Democracy and the Aristocracy . It is idle

i 1 S to attempt to disguise the fact , that the t me coming l and now is , when the po itical gulf between these two parties must be widened and deepened . It was with regret that I heard such sentiments uttered . It was with regret that I heard the integrity of the l a boring

s o classes unj ustly impugned , and if it Shall b e the last act of my life I will attempt to hurl back the im puta tions . I fear that those attacks upon the people , which

s o m have become co mon of late, are a prelude to a pre meditated assault upon popular freedom . Public vio lence and disorder, generally , if not universally , have th eir origin in a violation of the principles of equality and j ustice , and when these principles are outraged , it is generally by the few and not by the many, it being the manifest interest of the maj ority to preserve them pure and unimpaired . All the horrors , enormities and abom ina tions consequent upon the French revolution had th eir origin inthe oppressions practiced by the aristocratical few . But much has been said against asso ciations . Not

n . of ba kers , nor of brokers , but of mechanics and laborers w ith ' a l a r m Why, it has been asked and indignation , why E S H E E E STRIK OF S IPYARD MPLOY S . 8 1 this commotion among the laboring classes ? Why this banding together and forming of unions throughout the country ? These associations are intended as counter poises against capital wh enever it Shall attempt to exert i an unlawful or undue nfluence . They are a m ea s u r e o f s elf de ezz ee a nd o s el r es er va tion f f f p , and there

’ ' f o r e no t illegal . Both the laws of God and Man f u s l zf y f es ls l a nee to the robber and homicide even unto death . T h ev are considered necessary g uard s a gainst the en c r o a c h m ents t of mercenary ambi ion , tyranny , and the friends of exclusive pri vileges therefore may with pro r iet p y dread their power and their influence . The union of the working man is not only a shield of defense a gainst hostile combinations , but also a weapon of attack that will be successfull y wielded against the opp r essive meas

a nd Ar is o r ures of a corrupt despotic t c a c v . The present indi cations of disquietude on the public mind excites no i alarm among the friends of E qual Rights . It s a proof “ that liberty is abroad , and that the bone and muscle of ” a r e the country imbued with its spirit. And who are they that clamor against the eff orts of the laboring classes to protect their rights and elevate their condi ? 7 tion “ ho that approve of indictments and prose cutions against them , for seeking refuge in union and association

a nd from combination and oppression , hold guiltless at the same time the confederates of all conspiracies against them ? I will tell you who they are : they are the sordid champions of exclusive privileges and of chartered monopolies , those cunningly devised substitutes of feudal tenures , and the insolvent prerogative of primogeniture .

They are the common enemies of equal rights , and of that j ust and benign policy which would secure the greatest good to the greatest number . They are the Aristocracy, and therefore traitors to the principles of the govern ” ment which aff ords them protection . The j ourneymen tailors were not the only trade union in New York City at this per iod making demands E OF E E E 82 STR IK S SHIPYARD MPLOY S .

for recognition of their rights and of their organization . n The Shoe manufa cturers , having their business i this city and their plants in New Jersey, were at this time in tied up with strikes of the operatives, who in some stances would go to as extreme lengths a s th e other

r r organizati ons under similar conditions . The M o o c c o

t B r o k lv n Manufac urers of New York City , o and Newark ,

J . N . , were at this time under the ban of the Leather ’ Dressers Trade Union Association , composed to an ex “ tent o f imported labor, where they claimed that the trade union is an impenetrable rampart to the Aristocracy of the country , and a Shield to the workingman from the aggression of capital on the rights of labor : that we in dividually and collectively pledge ourselves to maintain ” r and suppo t the union . i It s a fact patent to all , that during the early stages

Of n r . this trade unio period in pa ticular, and undoubtedly later, there were many men who became connected with the several organizations , and with the main body , who had no interest in common with the supporters of the u nl o n , who were unprincipled and unscrupulous , bound to the organization by ties of working the thing for all it ” d a was worth . Grafters , we call them at this y , and some of that stripe have bee n sent to the State hotel at Sing Sing by the Courts of New York for a stated period of late years . Again it must be borne i nm i nd that many of the members of these trade unions were those with but a : limited education , and in some cases none at all and it was a struggle for existence, for sustenance for them m selves and fa ilies, without much hope to raise them selves far above their low estate . This was the class of people who by placing much confidence in the hands of f “ ” these schemers , were very o ten used by the grafters in for their own purposes . The less educated and more experienced offi c er s of the trade unions very often abused their powers of the organization in their dealings with

T KE H E E E 84 S RI S OF S IPYARD MPLOY S .

r 3 1 1 4 order of P esident Van Buren of March , 8 0 “ e hereby directs that all such persons , wh ther labore r s or n mecha ics , be required to work only the number of hours

- -m prescribed the ten hour syste . C H AP T E R V .

M E ’ E CHANICS B LL . HERE are some features surrounding the original mechanics bell that were not made clear until they were brought out through an examination of the permit from the city authorities for the erection of the tower s u p

. 5 1 83 1 porting the bell On September , , at a meeting of the Board of Aldermen “A petition of Isaac Hadden and others for permission to place a bell on the vacant square a t Manhattan Market w a s read and referred to the Alder ” men and Assistant Aldermen and street commissioner . 1 2 ffi On September following , the o cial papers say that “ The Alderman and Assistant Alderman of the 1 1 th

Ward , and Street Commissioner, to whom was referred the petition of a number of persons for the privilege of erecting a bell frame in the square around Manhatta n

Market , p resented the following report in favor of the ‘ s ame : The Alderman and Assistant Alderman of the 1 1 th r e ward , and Street Commissioner to whom was

“

s h i s m ith s . ferred the petition of p , carpenters , etc , who work at the diff erent shipyards at or near Manhattan ffi m Island , praying permission to erect a su cient fra e or fixture in the vacant space around Manhattan Market o nwhich to suspend a bell for the purpose of giving reg ular notice when to commence and when to quit work , beg leave to report : That on examination they find the petitioners have procured a sufficient bell for the pur

is o f pose, that there abundance room in the vacant space referred to to erect a frame or small enclosure without incommoding the public or any individual , and your com m ittee dee ming it proper to grant the prayer of the peti

i nr s f t o e , respectfully o fer for the adoption of the Common 6 E ’ E 8 M CHANI CS B LL .

: Council the following resolution Resolved , if the Board of Assistant Alderman concur, that James Dobbs , Isaa c Hadden and associates be permitt ed at their own ex pense, under the direction of the Superintendent of Y Vh a r veS o , to erect in the n rthwestern corner of the square around Manhattan Market a suffi cient frame and enclosure on which to suspend a bell , provided that the

said frame or enclosure shall not exceed 1 0 square feet at its base , be handsomely finished , painted , and m kept in repair, and that the said fra e and enclosure, and bell be removed from o fi the premises whenever the Com w mon Council Shall direct , by resolution or other ise , pro vided that the corporation may cause it to be rung at

fires . This report was approved by the Board of Alder men , and sent to the Board of Assistant Aldermen for

' concurren ce . The Market committee of the Assistant Board of Aldermen on September 1 9th following r e “ ported o npetition of sundry persons to have p er m s s ion to erect a bell frame in the square around the Manhattan H ’ E M E C ANIC S B LL . 87

a h ” a t . M rket , gr nting e same Concurred in . Thi s com , ‘ pletes - the o ffi c ia l record showing that the privilege to ere c t a bell tower on city property had been given on Sep 1 9 1 3 1 tember , 8 . The two representatives of the petitioners to the city e authorities were Jam s Dobbs , a ship carpenter, and

Isaac Hadden , a spar maker . It ha s been a matter of some thought to those who

w h v have given the subj ect a study , the original bell was s o located far up town , when the greater number of ship yards were below Grand street , for at this time there were only three shipyards above Grand street : these were

Co . Isaac Webb , Brown and Bell , and Smith , Demon

Comstock , the latter being at foot Fourth street . In the report of the com m ittee of the Board of Alder men is found a few words that Show this bell w a s erected i l by a comparat ve y few Shipyard employees , and was a

: matter that concerned only a certain locality . It says “ h i s m i h s s t . the petition of p , carpenters , etc , who work at ” the different shipyards , at or near Manhattan Island . This clearly shows that the employees of the yardns of Webb and Allen, Brown and Bell , and Smith , Demo o C mstock , had associated themselves together for the purpose of making a custom of the ten - hour system of work , irrespective of their fellow laborers in the other yards in the city . There was at this time a want of unanimity , that had been growing for some time , among the employees of the diff erent yards as to the proper course to pursue to obtain their object of ten hours a dav . This came from the fact that these Shipyards at and near Manhattan Island were occupied by builders who were the latest , and largely patronized by the owners of steam vessels , more so , probably , than the builders situated at

r l r s Co ea Hook , and the employees at the former yards come to look upon the structures launched from the Man hattan Island yards as being the finest production of the shipbuilders art in the city , which bred in their minds the ' ’ 88 M E ' E L CHANIC S B L . opinion that the building of steam vessels w a s a higher branch of the business than the construction of sailing vessels . This produced something of a feeling between nt the employees at the two localities, and while it was o carried s o far a s to break o ff all intercourse between the ff employees at the di erent yards , it left a strained feeling between them that prevented any united action being taken for the good of the whole number, and at the same time caused a want of confidence on both sides that r e m a inded for about two years . It has b een considered by some who were employed in the yards at that period , that the builders so manipulated affairs as to b ring the labor interests in the shipyards of the two localities in oppo s t itiou to one another, thinking by so doing that here would be no unity of a ction taken by the men during the then period of labor agitation , and fostered this feeling

' it b ec a m e until a want of confiden ce on both sides , and s o continued to keep them from any united action until 1 83 3 ’ the formation of the society in , when the builders

- r lab o troubles ended . The location of this original bell at Manhattan market square thus became the action of a portion of the shipyard employees of the city at the time , and w a s established as a local affair through the want of unity among those most interested .

This original bell could not have been of a large Size , for the restrictions placed upon the dimensions of the “ tower in which the bell was to be hung , were , that the said frame or en closure shall not exceed ten square feet ” ? a t its base . (Should this be ten f eet s qu a r e ) Taking into consideration that the bells in the fire alarm towers in the city at this time , with the exception of the City

Hall bell , were not over thirty inches diameter at the ’ is mouth , it fair to say that the original mechanics bell , with its small tower compared to the fire alarm towers , was about eighteen inches diameter at the mouth and h ell h was operated by a rope . A of this Size would ave been of little service in that location to the employees of M E CI I AN I C S’ E B LL . 89

Co r lea r s the shipyards at Hook , that were located about one half a mile further down the river, with rising ground h l between the two locations . This e l did service in the same tower until 1 834 or 1 83 5 when a larger bell w a s erected in its place, and it m a y have been one of the small bells from the fire alarm towers that were now i being changed for those of larger size . It s thought by some of the older shipyard employees at this day that the original bell was recast with additional metal . This n bell remai ed on the same tower, that was about twenty

- fi ve or twenty feet high , and sent forth its notes to many a j oyful mechani c calling to mind his relief from the long hours of labor each day , such as his forefathers were 1 844 compelled to perform . By the shipyards extended in an almost solid line along the East river from Grand

1 2th r l r Co ea s . street to street, with a few still at Hook The location of the industry had so greatly changed from the time of the original location of the bell that it was now considered advisable to place it in a more central location , and with that purpose in view it was removed in that year to a vacant lot southwest corner of Lewis and 5th s inview diff er enc es w ith treets , and of some the owner

w a s of the lot who a shipbuilder, the shipyard employees , who were the owners of the bell and structure, removed them a vear or so later to Bishop Simonson ’ s yards nearly opposite * Here it remained and did working day service until 1 87 2 when the whole affair was removed to foot of Fourth street . At this time there was not one Shipyard on the New York side of the river that was open : the few that were in active operation were at Wil

m r lia s b u g and Greenpoint, and they were few , and not heavily burdened with work . The bell still was kept in 1 880 operation . In the early part of it became cracked , its and it was necessary to have another one take place,

* I t no w a r od to O was rung by fastened a lever , that was perated similar to a pump handle .

A V C H P T E R I .

— NE W E R A I N SH IPBUILDI NG OCE AN STE AM SHI PS—JF I R ST CL IP P E R SHIPS . HERE now arrived one of the most important epochs in the industrial devel opment of this country : no more in other mechanical pur suits than inthe shipbuilding industry : a nd what is of interest to all citizens of New York City is the fact th a t this city contributed its full share of the progress in the arts and sciences of the time, and never flagged in its endeavor to keep u p with the march of industrial progress in this country . Our renowned sailing packets had a few years before met competition in the European trade by steam vessels of foreign com a nies p , and for a time the packets were able to hold their own in the passenger trade . In a few years these vessels were succeeded by sailing vessels of a sharper model . Younger men had in many instances come into control of the older yards . New yards had also been opened , and more progressive ideas were again taking hold of the shipbuilding business in the city, and in a few years the beneficial effects of these changes b ecame apparent . The packets had been increasing in dimensions for ten years 1 840 or more , so that by those under construction were near to tons each . This type of vessel , with the full bow and wide square stern w a s the fa st sailer from 1 81 6 1 840 to , but after the latter date there developed various branches of trade in which a quick delivery was as im portant for trade purposes as it was for the passenger trade . The restless energy of the American merchant in began to Show again in our foreign commerce . For stance there was the tea and spice trade from China and a East Indies to the United States , in w hich short time E E N w R A I N SHIPBUILDING . 93

delivery had always been considered of much importance . f The cargoes consisted of tea , cof ee, dried fruit , etc . , which were liable to deteriorate in a voyage of four months or more to the home port, and to shorten the voyage a s much a s possible was desirable for many rea “ sons . The first tea clipper ships were the Helena built 1 41 “ ” 8 . . in by W H Webb , then the Montauk by the same “ ” 8: 1 84 4 builder, and the Rainbow by Smith Demon in , “ H o u u a and the q in the same year by Brown Bell , “ ” 1 846 the Sea Witch in by Smith Demon , and the “ ” 1 4 Samuel Russell in 8 7 by Brown Bell . These vessels were not representative of the clippers of a few

: years later they were much smaller, and the early ones were not so heavily constructed s o as to stand the whip and spur for driving as were those of later years , though some made remarkably fast voyages , and passed through some trying occasions at s ea .

It must not be thought that our packet Ships , cater ing to the emigrant passenger trade on the Atlantic ocean , mainly with Great Britain , were making long v voyages at this time , for there were se eral then running to New York after 1 840 that made voyages from New 1 6 York to Liverpool in days , and from Liverpool to New 23 York in 22 days . The average for one year was days 3 4 from New York to Liverpool , and days from Liverpool to New York . These were all New York built vessels . The system of construction of the larger vessels w a s h ff not always the same at t e di erent periods . Up to about 1 83 0 the skilled mechanic in the shipyard performed work of any character that was necessary to the building of the vessel . He would aid in the hewing out to the lines , the frames of the vessel , and participate in setting h is them up in their proper places . Would line out

o ff strake of planking on the timbers of the vessel , dub the outer surface of the frames s o that the plank might

: fit truly put on the plank , bore the holes for the treenails th e and bolts, fasten the plank in place, and even caulk NE W E R A 94 IN SHI PBUI LDING . seams of the planking : and when it became necessary to havea large and heavy stick of timber placed in position in the vessel , all hands were called from their work to carry on their shoulders these large pieces of timber,

" - fi ve sometimes taking twenty or more men . After the ten hour system was brought into practice there w a s a break ing up of the labor in the yards , each man having a specialty , as a carpenter, caulker, fastener, etc . , the men in each kind of work called a gang . This change took

a s some time before it came generally into use, but it w a system under which time was saved and better work se cured than under the old system . Subsequently derricks were installed at the better yards for handling the heavy timber , and some yards never made improvements in methods of building unless forced to do so . Treenails were at first made by hand , and were chopped out of sticks of wood with axes : but a treenail lathe machine was invented in 1 83 8 to do this work more q u ic k l v and accurately . A later view of the question of labor in the shipyards has been obtained by an examination ‘ of the payroll of

- one of the largest of our old time New York shipbuilders , 4 4 1 840 that runs from 1 8 0 to 1 8 5 . It is found that in the ship carpenters were paid per day , and the caulkers the same d a ily wage . This rate continued for the better class of mechanics for near ten years . The apprentices, tim e w er e of which there were six in this yard at the , _ paid 50 t 64 from cen s to cents per day , according to their length of service and their skill . A year later this yard had for its skilled labor 1 3 Ship carpenters and 1 8 caulk

r s e , and a few months later the number of carpenters had increased to 2 6 and there were ten apprentices . In the s ummer of 1 842 there were 7 9 ship carpenters employed o nseven sailing vessels and one steamboat . Among the a pprentices now employed here, some of whom had been for a greater time than others employed in this yard , may be named those who were well known in the business at a

NE IW E R A I N SHIPBUILDING . 7

were of larger dimensions , more commodious , having t s aterooms and more propelling power of machinery . These vessels were now for the large transportation com a nies p mainly, though there were a few for individual owners . A few years later there began inquiries regard ing the building of steamships for European service , and later it assumed the form of a postal contract with the 1 84 United States Government , and in 7 when a company had been organized Westervelt Mack ay were given the contract for building the first American ocean mail steamships . This w a s followed the same year by Wil “ ” liam H . Webb building the United States for Charles

H . Marshall Co . of the Black Ball line of packets : and in 1 849 Westervelt Mackay constructed two for the

Havre line . This completes the list of ocean steamships

- built prior to the far famed Collins line of steamships . The fleet of this company were the “ Atlantic ” and the “ ” “ ” Arctic , built by William H . Brown , and the Pa cific “ ” “ Sr and the Baltic by Brown Bell , and the Adriatic , “ ” or at first intended to be named , the Antarctic , by

George Steers . About the same time began the building of the steamships for the Southern coastwise lines , the “ ” 1 847 “ Northerner for the Charleston line in , the Fal ” 1 4 . con in 8 8 for the California trade, both by William H “ ” 1 849 Brown ; the Georgia in by Smith Demon , and “ ” the Ohio by Jeremiah Simonson in the same year, both for the California trade . In the same year the first “ ” steamship for the Savannah line, the Cherokee was built by William H . Webb . There were a large number of steamships built during this period for service occa s ioned by the gold excitement in California . This latter factor added immensely to the business of the New York a s shipyards, it did to the Shipbuilding industry of other a s Atlantic coast cities , both for steam vessels as well for sail vessels , that lasted for four or more years . The ex tension o f our coastwise commerce with steam vessels at this period was a factor of much interest to the local NE w E R A 9 8 IN SHI PBUILDI NG .

shipyards , as the larger number of these vessels were built at New York . Then to increase the business still further there w a s a lively competition going on between the several established lines and outside interests on the

Hudson river, and the demand for four or more years w a s very great for high speed passenger steamboats of large size, several of which made long runs on the river in record time that is even of interest at this day , and all of them built at New York . So we see there was a steady hum of the broad axe in our shipyards not many years prior to its first stage of decline . Referring to the high speed steamboats of the Hud son river, built during this p eriod of intense rivalry on the river at New York City shipyards, it will be of interest to refer to some incidents in the career of the “ Em ” . 1 843 pire , built by William H Brown in , and the

” 1 46 Thomas Powell by Lawrence Sneeden in 8 , vessels that were well known on the river at the time . The facts referred to are those lately published in the S cientific American Supplement in a series of papers by the writer on “ The Development of Armored War Ves ” sels and Armor Plating in the United States , where he says “ What gave our naval architects , as well as Col .

Ellet, the first practical demonstration of the value of the principles of high speed and strength of a vessel to destroy an enemy ’ s vessel by forcible contact was that of the occasion of a light - built river steamboat running into

- a solid built pier in the City of New York , with compara tive Slight inj ury to the vessel . It was in the early morn 25 1 845 ‘ ing of April , , that the steamboat Empire of ’ Troy, of the New York and Troy line was coming down

NE E R A 1 00 W IN SHIPBUI LDING . the vessel was traveling at a high velocity when she struck the pier that saved her from being badly crushed, for it must be remembered s h e was not a heavy - built

s h e . vessel , nor was a shell She was undoubtedly moving at the time of the impact at not less than 1 2 miles an hour . She had been ra cing all night from Albany with an opposition boat , and the time made from Albany to the pier when struck showed an average of 1 8 miles an hour . This was no accident . This ramming incident was v a riously commented on at the time by those in the more progressive marine circles , and it caused much speculation and thought on the subj ect of steam vessels being brought into forcible

a contact at a high speed . It w s a subj ect of much local comment for some time how the vessel escaped des tr u c tion T h er e w a s one other incident of the same nature that occurred some years later, and these complete the list of wooden - hull river steamboats running into stone crib U piers with slight inj ury to the vessel , in the nited

‘ ’ w a s w States . The Thomas Powell running bet een New York and Catskill on the Hudson river as a night 23 1 868 boat , and on July , , when about four miles from her berth at the former city , ran into a dock at the foot of

59th street, North River, and met with comparatively slight damage when considering the age of the vessel . It seems that the vessel ran into a thick fog during the night on her trip down the river . The pilot on watch in the early morning had but a limited experience on steam ’ o n boats , though he had seen several years service the N E W E R A IN SHIPBUILDING . 1 01

. w a s h is river He feeling way down the river in the fog ,

’ and up to four o clock , when the vessel ran into the dock , 1 2 had been making a speed of about miles an hour . The vessel struck the string piece o f the dock with a fearful

w a o f crash , and this s the firs t warning they had the f impending danger . Some idea of the velocity o the w vessel hen striking the dock may be formed , when stat ing that She tore diagonally through the superstructure w o f the dock bet een two piers of stone cribwork , and forced her way through until the paddle wheels struck

s h e the cribwork , and did not bring up or stop her progress until about one - half of her length was laid on the pier, and the ends of the vessel hanging over the sides of the cribwork . Her port water wheel was badly its damaged , . shaft forced two feet aft from its proper position , with the crank pin and main pillow block

. w o n broken There ere e or two planks started on the f port side , but not of su ficient damage to take her out on the drydock . The vessel was relieved from her dan gerons situation at the next flood tide . The dock had been damaged by ice two years before this occurrence ,

r fl and was partly o ve ow ed at high water . The tidal con ditio ns at New York this morning were low water at 5

m . s o a . , the vessel was running with a favorable ebb tide , and it was on the last hour of that tide when She struck 23 1 the pier . This vessel was feet long originally , and it is believed she w a s lengthened a few feet when state rooms were added , drew about six feet of water, and was

- twenty two years old at the time . Her main Shaft was located about 95 feet aft of the stem of the vessel . Tak ing into consideration the age of the vessel, and the manner of her striking the cribwork at such an angle a s to bring all the strain on the port side of the vessel , it is a wonder that she was not irreparably damaged . It proved that she w a s still a sound and strong river vessel , even with her years of service . She was employed on the

1 881 - fi v e v ea r s river until , when retired after thirty of 1 02 NE W E R A IN SHIPBUILDING .

service . There were material differences between these ‘ two cases that no doubt affected the result . The Em ’ pire was a new vessel , and ran into a dock that was j ust ‘ ’ about completed . The Thomas Powell was then

- a c o fidi i n twenty two years old , although in s good t o as any wooden vessel of her age : and ran into a dock that had been built for several years , and w a s then in a partly dismantled condition . What the result would have been had the vessel struck a more substantial pier under i ” sim lar conditions is very problematical .

The first steamships built at New York , if not in the “ ” “ ” a in1 41 United St tes, were the Lion and the Eagle 8 by Jacob Bell for the Spanish government . This takes no “ ” 1 account of the Robert Fulton of 1 8 9 . The next year

William H . Brown built for the Russian government the “ ” K a m s c h a tk a 2 , a Side wheel vessel of over 00 fee t long for naval purposes . Then followed our domestic vessels just noted . Up to and including 1 850 there had been

3 : constructed at New York 8 steamships William H . I Veb b Brown building nine, William H . building eight ,

Westervelt Mackay building eight , Jacob Bell ,

Jeremiah Simonson , Thomas Collyer, Smith Demon and Perrine, Patterson Stack the remainder . The only other fire in a New York shipyard that was considered of much moment after that at Adam ’ 1 824 w a s d Noah Brown s yard in , one that occurre at ’ 8 1 848 William H . Webb s yard on April , , about ten ’ ffi o clo ck at night . It started in a stable next to the o ce of the yard that was located on Lewis street near 6th street . The flames spread rapidly from several points , and before the fire department could become active on the scene the flames had spread to the adj oining mold ffi loft and the o ce, the former containing many old and valuable patterns and molds , and several historically valuable models . The fire also extended through its close proximity in the buildings to the Steamship “ Panama ” then on the stocks and nearly ready for launching in a

NE w E RA 1 04 I N SHI PBUI LDI NG . a nd others were more or less inj ured , and one died from internal inj uries . This fire w a s the occasion when the owner of the shipyard was asked by one of the fire o ffi c ia l s w here the fire department could be of the most “ s . o u ervice at the time , and Mr Webb told them , if y can ” s ave my steam chest you will help me most . The conditions existing at this period were the r e s u lts of the many changes that h a d occurred in the last

e decade . Some of the shipbuilders h ad broken loos from the pra ctice of the past , and taking lessons from their ex p er ienc e had made changes in the forms of their new vessels that were in many cases of much advantage to the

w . o ners We must remember that at this period , though

w a s no more than at an earlier one, it running counter to o ld customs to propose any radical changes, let alone to f carry them into e fect , in any business or profession even though it promised much improvement . There were those of our naval architects at this period who were in the front rank of their profession , and the general form Of vessel they approved for a given service have been but t little changed to this day . An English naval archi ect at “ this time said : It seems now to be admitted in Europe a and in America , that if a shipbuilder wished to have

b o w very easy and fast going ship , he must give her not the round , convex line which was formerly adopted , but a fine , long , hollow line . In this consists the great revo lu tio nof the last twenty years . Formerly the broadest part of a vessel w a s one - third part from the bow : now it

- i is one third part from the stern . This s the principle on ” which the American and English clipper Ships are built . The hollow entrance water lines were first used inthis ’ 3 . OS country by Robert L Stevens in the early , on his

Hudson river steamboats . There were some of our well known New York shipbuilders , so wedded to their old 1 850 c theories of design , that after they constru t ed clip per ships having the broadest par t of the vessel one - third NE ‘V E A I N R SHIPBUILDING . 05

the length from the stem , like the old style pa cket ships , but with finer entrance lines . By 1 848 there was seen to be a demand f o r increased dry - dock fa cilities in this city f o r large vessels for r e

o pairs and inspection , caused by the larger vessels , b th steam and sail , building at that time . The Balance Dry

N ew o Dock w a s the patents of John S . Gilbert of Y rk of 4 25 1 2 1 8 0. March and May , The first dock built on this principle w a s a small one of 1 1 0 feet long by 45 feet wide 1 84 1 in , and was located at first on the west side of the

" ON E Y K . S . DR S . ADRIATIC BALANC DOC

w a s city . The New York Balance Dock Company incor or a ted 1 8 1 84 8 2 1 0 p April , , and they had built a dock “ ” w a s feet long . The Big Balance Dry Dock built by

V i Y eb b 1 854 . W lliam H . in Williamsburg in October, 3 2 5 99 The principal dimensions were feet long , feet

3 8 . breadth , % feet deep There were twelve pumps operated by two horizontal engines , one on each side of dock , and two large locomotive boilers furnishing steam “ s ix for the latter . On each Side of the dock , about feet within the outer timbers , and extending from the bottom to top of dock , a very heavy and strong longitudinal 1 06 NE W E R A H IN S IPBUILDING .

truss or hog frame, formed of large uprights , top and a nd bottom chords and large iron bars crossing each o ther diagonally , the whole being strongly secured to the

bottom of dock , cross trusses , diagonal braces , and top

- d . is eck frame This hog frame planked on the inside , thus forming water tight tanks the whole length of the ” dock , on each side and bottom . This dock cost about

to build . The machinery was constructed by 2 6th Mott Ayres , machine builders of West street, New

York City, who built about the same period two or three i iron hull steamboats for South America . This s the d r y dock that w a s sold to the Erie Basin Dry Dock 1 1 2 Company about 890. In 85 the United States Navy d epartment had four floating dry docks , a balance dock o f 3 50 feet long at Portsmouth navy yard , and a dupli

cate of this do ck at the Pensacol a navy yard, a sectional d 9 ock of sections at the Philadelphia navy yard , and a s 1 0 ectional dock of sections underway at San Francisco , l C a . There was a floating box dock to take up vessels of n 50 P 1 3 1 . ot 0 a . a s 8 more than tons at Pittsburg , , early as This dock was fitted with four pumps that were operated

b y a steam engine . There were two of these docks at the 1 3 s ame city in 8 6. “ The heaving down process is thus referred to by an “ a 1 51 : uthority as late as 8 The rapidity , safety and ease with which caulking and sheathing are now done con

tr a s ts strongly with the practice years since in vogue , a nd only comple tely discontinued within the last fifteen b m a in y ears , of heaving down vessels for this purpose y force upon the beach occupying the space covered by our a s whole upper line of docks on the East river . This W performed at high water by fastening tackles from the

head of a vessel mast , itself secured by heavy braces to

h eavy blocks and falls in the dock , until the keel of the

vessel came out of the water, when on the succeeding tide

s h e w a s thrown over . Previous to the construction of the United States Dry Docks even the largest government ” vessels were treated in the same rough manner .

1 08 D R Y E DOCK ACC ID NTS .

. of the vessel That the early builders had their trials , and it may be some accidents in launching their vessels is i hardly to be doubted , but the record of them s missing . The first occasion where there was an error of j udgment in the laun ching of a vessel seems to have been in April , 1 842 “ ” ’ ' ' , when the ship Union of 1 3 3 x3 0x1 9 built by Jabez Williams at foot 7 th street for the New York w a s and New Orleans trade, launched full rigged , and s h e j ust as took an even keel in the water, careened over a on her be m ends, in consequence of too small amount of ballast , under the launching conditions . She was soon

r e righted without much inj ury , and at a small cost of pairs to the builders . There were a few similar cases to this in later years , but they did not attract much atten tion at the time . The most serious case that happened “ w a s that of the attempted launching of the Ship Sweep ” stakes , built by Westervelt Mackay, of on 1 8 1 853 June , , for the California trade . In sliding down the ways the vessel moved about half her length into the water when she suddenly stopped her onward movement , then careened over and struck the staging alongside and “ ” K a th a around the stern of the clipper ship y, then under r ec i i construction in the yard , which broke down and p p ta ted w h o a large number of spectators into the water, had taken advantage of the choice situation for a good view of the launch , but they were all recovered during the excitement of the unusual occasion , without anythin g much more serious than a good ducking and fright . Steam tugs were at once brought into service to eu dea v o r to pull the vessel from her awkward and dan

r o s g e u Situation , but so firmly imbedded was the vessel a s that all the hawsers used in the work were broken , well as the timber heads in the vessel were torn out by the strain put upon them . They now resorted to the use of a floating derrick, fastening ropes around the stern of r the vessel and to the der ick arm , thus taking up part of the strain the vessel was laboring under between the D R Y O C E T D CK AC ID N S . 1 09

I

shore and the floating end . They propped the shore end up by blocking again to try and launch her at the next ff o . An high tide, but were not successful in getting her other floating derrick w a s added to give further relief to

the vessel . She lay in this dangerous situation for about

- seventy six hours , when a more than usual high tide , and the continual work that had been done under the shore nd h e s of vessel , brought relief to the vessel and e was e safely s t afloat. She was in a few days taken to the Brooklyn navy yard dry dock for inspection and copper

ing her bottom , where she remained for eight days . The vessel was badly strained in her top Sides and j oiner

work , and it cost the builders all of twenty thousand dol lars for the extra expenses of launching and repairs to a s the vessel . The cause w attributed by some to the sink ing of the ground under the ways after the vessel had

started her launching movement . In the light of further experience and a more close study of the conditions sur

n a v es s el o u r na va l rounding the launchi g of by architects, it would seem as though this vessel was passing through “ ” the tipping process when the keel struck the shore, that

had not been suffi ciently cleaned between the ways . The vessel w a s brought up very suddenly and careened over

against the vessel that was building at its side . The builders had been advised of the small clearance there would be for the keel of the vessel during the placing of “ h e the launching ways , but they thought she will cut r ” way through , and took the chances . It would seem from all human calculations that

these builders had furnished their share of experiment. t and cost of repairs , for themselves and others to profi “ ” by for some time , in the accident to the Sweepstakes . But not s o : and in fact before the latter vessel had been

completed after her launching , the vessel that lay along “ ” d side the Sweepstakes when launched , remaine on the w a ys three or four days after the first efi or t to put her “ ” r K a th a o verboard . The clippe ship y built for the Cali 1 1 0 D R Y C E T DOCK AC ID N S .

f or nia trade w a s to have been launched on August 1 1 1 853 f , , but all e forts proved unavailing at the time l in placing the vesse overboard . Powerful levers and

’

j ack screws were applied to the ways, but the vessel r e

fused to move . The launching ways were relaid and the

tallow renewed , and after the builder had been about eighty hours making endeavors to get the vessel afloat s h e w a s successfully launched . The extremely high tem p er a tu r e of the atmosphere had melted the tallow b e

tween the ways . In the launching of the steamboat “ New World ” for ’ the Peoples line from New York to Albany in August , 1 848 ’ . i , at William H Brown s shipyard , owing to the m proper placing o f the ways and the effec t of the high atmospheric temperature upon the tallow on the launch

f nu ing ways , the first e forts to launch the vessel were

. d n availing The vessel move about forty feet a d. then f inff came to a stand , and all e forts to move her were e ec

tual at the time , even with the services of the two tug

boats . The smoke from the friction of the upper and

lower ways told them one cause of the trouble . The

vessel was blocked up , the ways relaid with a tallow mix

a s ture , and after fifty hours in that situation w at last

successfully launched . Lawrence Sneeden met with 1 850 a Similar experience in September, , in try ing to launch the steamship “ North America ” for the opposition

line on the Pacific O cean to California . The vessel was

in a Similar situation for about forty - eight hours before “ ” being placed overboard . The ribbon on the ways has s ometimes given trouble in the launching of a vessel . l “ ” 7 00 1 3 0’ 3 0' 1 8 ’ The wha e Ship Niagara of tons , x x

built by Smith and Demon for owners at Fairhaven ,

s 3 0 1 851 Mas , was launched on July , , careened over j ust

s h e w a s as left the ways , but eventually hauled up to the

dock and made fast , and righted by the use of block and a fall Similar to the heaving down process . There w s not 1 54 . 8 much damage done to the vessel In April , William

1 1 2 D R Y C C E DO K A CID NTS .

f i the ways . A su fic ent quantity of earth w a s removed s o that the vessel started again on the ways , but when not one half the length of the vessel w a s afloat She stopped her onward movement again . They now had to resort to extreme measure to extricate the vessel from h er em b a r r a s s in g situation . To get her afloat it became nec es sary to support the bow of the vessel with a boom der o rick , clear the earth fr m around the keel into which it had settled , repair the ways and give them additional strength , and with j ack screws to raise the after part o f the vessel for blo cking . With the use of j ack screws a nd several tug boats they got the vessel afloat after being in that perilous situation for about 87 hours . This vessel b never went into service for her original owner, u t w a s sold about two years later to Commodore Vanderbilt a nd “ ” named O cean Queen . Even the builders of later years are not free from “ ” r such trials , for the steamer Pilgrim of the Fall Rive line , built by the Delaware River Iron and Shipbuilding Company was hung up on the ways after moving about 1 2 50 1 3 1 88 . feet on July , Three attempts were then made to launch the vessel , but they were unsuccessful .

The ways were then removed from their places , fresh tal r low placed between them , and then put back in thei t h e proper places, and an extra set of ways placed under d bilges . An engine was also fitted and fastened on boar the vessel and connected with anchors in the river to aid in starting the vessel , with four hydraulic pumps . With all this preparation it was more than a week after th e in tended launching before the vessel w a s overboard . From th e the high atmospheric temperature, the weight of vessel had pressed out and burned the tallow from th e ways . While some of our American shipbuilders may think they have had the limit of trials placed in their hands at l times, if they will ook up the launching of the steamship “ h ” 1 883 t Dap ne in July, , they will find a disaster tha E D R Y DOCK ACCID NTS . 1 1 3

m ust have tried the builders to the limit, even though it m a y be said the design of the vessel had been condemned a t for some time . The vessel w s built by S ephen Sons f w a s 1 7 o Glasgow , Scotland , and and when launched had not moved more than her own length

from the shore w hen She careened over on her port side ,

l dow no ne and sank in ess than three minutes , carrying

F a u ltv hundred or more men to their death by drowning .

d esign w a s given a s the cause of the disaster . Of accidents to vessels w hile in the dock for ins p ec tion and repair there have been but very few cases indeed considering the large number of vessels taken o u t of the

a s is is not water, and such cases there any record of more

than three decades ago . The first was of the iron hull “ “ ” w s teamship Crescent City x Massachusetts , hile being r aised in the sectional dock at foot of Clinton street on 2 1 8 . March 8, 87 The dock had been raised not one half

its required height , with the vessel in place to fully take

the blocks at the proper time , when a crash came and the

vessel listed over to the starboard Side . The weight of th e vessel fell with great force on the light frame stru e ture of the upper work of the dock and crushed a large

p ortion of one Side . The vessel then slowly righted her

s elf and fell to the portside . The dock slowly sank and l eft the vessel afloat . The next day the vessel was

placed on a larger sectional dock , where she should have

b eenl a c ed r p at fi st, as the former was too small and light “ ” for a vessel of the dimensions of the Crescent City . In O 1 881 ctober , or more than three years later the same vessel went through a somewhat Similar experience with the exception that in the first instance there were no per s in ons injured , while the second accident there was one

man killed and two badly inj ured . This time the vessel

was coming out of the dock , the structure having been s unk and the vessel floated, and while waiting for the tugs the tide had fallen so much that it was feared the keel of the vessel would touch the floor of the dock , and D R Y O E 1 1 4 D CK ACC ID NTS . those in charge were apprehensive that s h e might under

s o those conditions list over, they started to pump up the dock and block up the vessel , and it was while this was h being done that s e careened over . As the tide rose the vessel righted and She was taken out of the dock without

a u v . further trouble The do ck was strained , but the vessel had but three or four large dents in her plating h where s e lay on some of the blocks . “ ” The next mishap or accident w a s on th e Big B a l a nc e 1 8 1 882 dry dock on May , , while taking up the steamboat “ City of Boston ” of the Norwich and New York Steam boat Company and was of a very serious chara cter to the

s vessel . The vessel fell a the dock was being raised and i AS ts floor well cleared above the water . it w a s unlike in many features any other case of which there app ears

’ any record , a few extra cts from the j udges opinion in the “ case throws a flood of light on the details . The boat

h er was dismantled . Her walking beam was out ; much of

w a s engine out of position , and the known obj ect of having her raised upon the dock w a s to bolt down her en f g ine keelsons . The elevation of the boat from the floor of the dock called for by the contract wa s ‘ ’ f B s n o . o to unusual . No boat of the size of the City had ever before been blocked to such a height upon this , nor , as far as it appears , upon any other floating dock . The boat to be suffi ciently elevated above the floor of the dock to enable bolts seven feet long to be passed up through the bo ttom and engine keelsons without being bent . Instead of adopting this precaution known to be f su ficient to remove all danger of falling , the defendants adopted a method of arranging the blocks necessarily in volving a risk of the vessels falling , and endeavored to ‘ diminish the risk by dogging the blocks , piled singl e and

u s e by , for the first time In the of this dock , putting braces between the blocking . So far as the evidence discloses the decision to pile the blocks single was not arrived at b e ‘ cause o f any difficulty or expense attendant upon crib

D R Y C CC E 1 1 6 DO K A ID NTS .

’ bing the blocks, nor because single blocking secured by dogs and braces was supposed to be more secure than

. r s u cribbing The only reason for the cou se pursued , g gested to me by the testimony is, that the cribbing would r requi e a greater number of blocks than those at hand .

But whether impelled by this or some better one, the fact remains, that between two methods of constructing the blocking open to be adopted the defendants chose the one involving risk , as against one that would have involved no risk . This was negligence , and the negligence that caused the disaster . Upon the evidence the libellants are in no way responsible for the means which the defendants adopted to give the boat the requisite elevation from the floor of the dock . After the ‘City of Boston ’ fell she was raised by the defendants

- - upon the dock with the blocks fore and aft cribbed , and then she was raised in safety . When the first attempt to w a s raise her made , however, the blocks were not cribbed , but placed one upon the other, single, until the requisite ” a height was reached . It w s proved that there was a s a g in the dock , so that when raised it retained fifteen or twenty inches of water on the floor in the deepest part , to which th e j udge refers ; and there was evidence tending to Show that motion was imparted to this w ater upon the “ floor during the raising of the vessel . I do not think the inference unwarranted that a j ar was given to the dock

ffi s h e w a s su cient to topple the boat over, as blocked , by some movement of the water upon the floor of the dock . The hull was so bad ly inj ured that it became necessary to put in very nearly a whole new bottom in the vessel , besides renew some j oiner work that was pretty badly strained . The vessel was on the dock about five weeks after being raised the second time . A j udgment was found against the dock company for that some years later w a s settled for about At the time of the disaster the current opinion in marine circles in the city was that the superintendent of repairs for the steam D R Y C E T DOCK AC I D N S . 1 1 7 b oat company and in charge of the work was responsible ’ f o r the i damage, but it s seen by the j udges opinion that those in charge of the dry dock were solely responsible . A few years later a small balance dock lying at the f 2 6th 1 887 oot street , Brooklyn , in August, , had taken up h “ ” t e bark Maria Louise of Palma in the Canary islands . T his vessel careened over after having been raised several

w . hours , ithout much warning The dock took a list from one of the compartments springing a serious leak at ni e ght . The vessel received much damag and several of th e crew of the vessel were badly inj ured . The most serious accident in loss of life and inj uries to w a persons , in this country at least , s that which befell “ ” 1 4 1 901 b e the army transport Ingalls on June , , while in g taken up on a balance dock at Erie Basin , Brooklyn , where there were three lives lost and about fifteen in th e j ured , all being workmen employed on vessel at the a time . The vessel w s almost out of the water when there

w ent o ver t was a crash , the vessel and wi h such momen tum as to carry the dock over at the same time in a depth of water of thirty feet . There were eighty or one hundred

- ~ men at work on the vessel at the time, and it is remark a ble that more were not killed and inj ured than were a c counted for . The dock was an old one, but thought to be in good repair, and of service for a vessel of the size of ” “ im the Ingalls . There was a weak spot in the dock , or proper blocking o f the vessel that was never fully a c

W s . a counted for there a sag in the dock , and collection of a body of. water on the floor at the time , as in the case “ ” of the City of Boston ? It h a s been referred to that “ ” the same exper t foreman who was in charge of the Big balance dock when raising the “ City of Boston ” should have been in control of the balance dock that was raising “ ” the transport Ingalls . There was an investigation made of this accident by a board of experts for the War department , but their report cannot be obtained . V C H AP T E R I I I .

I YAT E R I N E I — A E HIGH WOOD N SH PBUILDING Y CHT AM RICA . E E E R E R CORD OF PROMIN NT AM ICAN CLIPP R SHIPS . HE increase in the demand on the local ship ,

builders for vessels of every type, both steam 1 850 1 5 and sail , from to 8 5 was something

phenomenal . The former date was when the

California gold excitement was at its height , and the builders were unable to complete the vessels fast enough for the business of the moment, in carrying pas s ener s g and freight to the Pacific coast . The Shipyards were run under high p ressure, some yards working over w a s time , for this a boom period in wooden Shipbuilding . Many of the proprietors of the yards made large profits from the contracts they executed , and wisely invested them , while there were a few who became interested in marine speculations , particularly on the Pacific coast , that left them in a weak financial condition in the end . There were several steam vessels that left New York for the Pacific coast at this time , a few j ust completed and

u nfi tted some that had seen service , that were for such a long and tempestuous voyage . Some were certainly for n “ tu a te in ever arriving at their destination . The New ‘ ” 2 1 6 2 7 World , a beam engine boat of feet long by feet by 1 0 ’ d ; feet j ust from the builders han s , was sent out in “ ” 1 850: February , the Senator that had been on the

v coast of Maine , and was better adapted for the oyage “ ” c o m-1 than some of the other vessels ; the Antelope , a p a r a tively new ve s sel that had s een' s er vic e in New York “ ” bay , and the Confidence , another New York bay vessel , “ ” N e neither one as large as the wWorld , and never de signed for such heavy weather as liable to be found on such a voyage . The greatest risk would seem to have

E E 1 20 H IGH WAT R IN WOO D N SHIPBUILD ING .

“ been taken in sending out the Wilson G . Hunt , a small 1 65 river boat of feet long that had run in the upper bay, s ix in March 1 850. In days after leaving port s h e en

a countered gale , narrowly escaped foundering , losing her a forem st , and her entire upper works being wholly h ‘ w t e : . recked by storm She put into St Georges , Ber

muda islands , for repairs , and subsequently proceeded on

" her voyage . It was not an excursion for the crew of that

. nf r v essel on the voyage to San Francisco . The most u o “ ” tu na te s of all the e vessels was the RhodeIsland , which e a nd had be n on the New York Providence route , and had ’ l i s id a s b een a d a e as a spare boat . She w sold to those “ ” i in r a s nterested the New World , and efitted as well the

r e sho t time would permit for the voyag e . She l ft port J 25 1 850 anuary , , and four days later encountered a vio h s ea lent gale . After laboring In the eavy for twelve h ours She began to leak badly , her engine , one of the . c u r rosshead style, ref sed to Wo k ; while her steering gear b ecame deranged, s h e was at the mercy of the waves and

s ank a few hours later . Twelve of the passengers and crew escaped ina small boat to a schooner that w a s n - ear by at the time , but thirty two lives were lost with the

vessel . The vessel when leaving port was loaded down with coal and provisions so that her freeboard w a s very “ ” s mall for a vessel on such a voyage . The W . J . Pease that had been the pioneer vessel on the outside line b e t ween New York and Philadelphia , also left about the “ ” s G olia h ame time , and two New York tug boats , the “ ” “ ” o li h and the D . C . Pell . The G a was a large Sandy

Hook tow boat but two years old , built by W . H . Webb , a nd was in service o nthe Pacific coast about ten years “ ago , after many changes . The record shows that the W . ” J . Pease was three months in getting well toward Cape Horn when compelled to return to Montevideo in distress 1 850 w a s in June , where the vessel was repaired , but sub

sequently sold and run on the Uruguay river . A mate to the “ New World ” named “ New York ” started a few E E HIGH WAT R I N W OOD N SH IPBUILDING . 21

t r th e r mon hs late than former vessel , consumed about fou months in' getting to Rio Ja neir o and there all trace of

' i ' her s l o s t. It is believed s h e returned to port after first

f o r e a a s starting out, r p irs , and the second time got as far “ ” Brazil . The Wilson G . Hunt seems to have been most u t s h e unfort nate by deten ions , for was laid up at Mon tevideo f or n r near three mo ths for a crew , and at othe

‘ a nd w a s 3 22 ports for repairs , the time from port to port

h f er m n days . The was 27 9 days on t e voya g e a t a y

' v t tri a ls . There were several more essels of hese same s h “ a nd type t at left other Atlantic ports at the same time , nr f encou te ed the same di ficulties and dangers . Several e r m were nev r hea d fro after leaving the home port . Those that were s o fortunate as to arrive at their destina tion’ Were c o m p elled ' to call at ever y principal port on w a r the y for coal , water, p ovisions and repairs to the e a nd n of vess l , in ma y cases were detained by the illness the crew from diseases contracted in the warm clim a te, so it " w a s not all pleasure that was their portion on th e f th e voyage . Very ew instances are recorded of ma chinery of the vessels being seriously disabled . The exp enses for repairs and detention at the many ports on

Sa n - s the voyage to Francisco , of these light built vessel was so great that it deterred owners from sending any I n more of that class of vessels under their own steam . 1 852 three or more large river steamboats were built a t

New York, taken apart and shipped with their machinery

r e- to San Francisco , where they were erected and com f r p leted for service in th ewaters o C alifo nia . When it becam e nec essary during this boom period in th e industry to m a ke room for the laying of another

l o Ca l s e l keel , the hipyards furnish d the occasion by aunch

‘ h k s - t o ing what was complete on t e s to c in one w order, /

- - o a nd and in one two three rder, that in all probability has never been excelled , nor ever equalled , by the ship r " builde s of any nation. This it is fair to say will remain of the record . And what is of additional interest , some 1 22 W E R W E N H IGH AT I N OOD SHI PBUILDING . the vessels were s o far completed that steam w a s on the boilers and they were ready for their trial trips a s soon a s

. 2 8 1 850 they were overboard On January , , William H . w “ ” ’ l Bro n launched the Arctic of the Collin s ine , the “ ” “ iVo r ld h New for the Pa cific coast trade , and t e B o s ” ’ “ ton for Sanford s line on the coast of Maine . The New ” “ ” w a s World launched first , then the Boston , and then “ ” 1 the Arctic , all put afloat within 5 hours . This was a very skillful p i ece of work considering the very low tem p er a tu r e of the atmosphere and the liability of the tallow l on the ways to chil . It was estimated that there were twenty thousand people to s ee the launching of these vessels, as it had been given wide advertisement for sev e eral days , and was the first time mor than one vessel had “ ” been launched from one yard in a day . The New World w a s launched with her machinery all in place and ready

a s for service , was shown by a few revolutions of her water wheels while on the ways prior to launching . She started on her trial trip in less than one half ‘ an hour after

a s being put overboard . This w a most novel feature of ’ ' ' 2 1 6 2 7 1 0- the occasion . The vessel was x x 33 with a beam b engine 4 0inches by 1 1 feet . It was not many days efore the vessel attracted attention from a different cause . There were some differences regarding the vessel between her owners , one of whom was the builder, and the vessel ’ having been placed in the sheriff s hands , the builder de ffi d sired to send her to the Pa cific coast . The o cers wine

' and dined the law officers in charge of the vessel who per “ ” m itted the captain to make a trial trip down the bay , and when he was well into the l o w efii b a y gave them the choice of going to Californ i a with him or he would send them ashore in a small boat . They accepted the latter . It was a well planned scheme to get away from New Cu s York , for the vessel had been regularly cleared at the a s tom House the day before . She made as good time 1 52 any vessel going to the Pa cific Coast , being days on

a s b y the voyage , and was detained little on the way coal

1 24 H E E H P IGH WAT R IN WOOD N S I B UILDING .

The building of this vessel came about through a de sire of a few of the members of the New York Yacht Club

a a. to h ve race with the yachts of Great Britain . We must remember a t this time most of the New York shipbuilders had their yards well employed in construct ing merchant vessels of large dimensions , and small sail e ing vessels for sp ed, and the pilot boats and a few ya chts received but small attention , as the demand for them w a s very limited . But one New York shipbuilder who h a d ffi n su cient work on hand at his yard , still had America enterprise and love of the sport of yachting to o fi er

George L . S chuyler of the New York Yacht Club on No v em b er 1 5 1 850 - in , , to build a vessel , in which he says “ part : I propose to build for you a yacht of not less than 1 40 tons, custom house measurement , on the following : b terms The yacht to be built in the est manner, coppered , ’ rigged , equipped with j oiners work, cabin and kitchen

f r . o furniture, table furniture, water closets , etc , ready sea . You are to designate the plan of the interior of the T h e r i vessel , and select the furniture . model , plan and g of the vessel to be entirely at my discretion , it bein g u i nderstood , however, that she is to b e a strong , seago ng vessel , and rigged for ocean sailing . For this vessel com p lete and ready for s ea you are to pay me thirty thousand dollars upon the following conditions . When the vessel is re a dy Sh e is to be pla ced at the dis

E s . r posal of Hamilton Wilkes , q , as umpire , who afte making such trials as are satisfactory to him for twenty a n days , shall decide whether or not she is faster than y vessel in the United States brought to compete with her . If it is decided by the umpire that she is not faster than every vessel brought against her it shall not be bindin g upon you to accept and pay for her at all . In addition to this if the umpire decides that she is faster than a ny in vessel in the United States you are to have the right , stead of accepting her at that time, to send her to Eng

h er land, match against anything of her size built there, E HIGH WATE R IN W OOD N SH IPBUILDING . 1 2 5 and if beaten still to rej ect her altogether ”

o . H . Br wn It is clear from this letter that the builder proposed to construct the vessel , and take the risk of her accept ance upon her success in the trials with the American

H i ff s vessels . s o er wa accepted by the yacht club and ’ the keel of the vessel laid down in William H . Brown s i 1 850. s yard in the last of December , There an item of l ’ 5 1 news ear y In January , , regarding this shipyard that “ says : And also a yacht which her builder intends to V ’ V or ld s a s exhibit at London during the Fair, a specimen ” of an American y acht . The vessel w a s completed in 1 5 1 8 . May , , and subjected to a few trials with Com “ ” l Stevens Sloop yacht Maria , but the schooner fai ed to show any superiority in speed . She proved so fast a ’ a s s o sailor in the trials, and the builders original offer w

s ndi great in assuming all the risk of the design , that a y Cate of several members of the New York Yacht Cl u b was formed , composed of George L . Schuyler, Edwin A .

e . . Stevens , John C . Stev ns , J A Hamilton and Hamilton I Vilk es , who purchased the vessel for and on 2 0 1 851 June , , the vessel was cleared from New York for

London via Havre . There have been accounts written of this vessel and naming George Steers as the builder . He no doubt made h ' l . a s the model of t e v es s e for W H . Brown a naval archi

e te t and builder of pilot boats and yachts , and should be given credit for its design ; and gave constant attention to

b e the construction of the vessel , and yet it cannot

b v claimed he was the builder . This question is settled the register of the vessel at the New York custom house, “ 1 1 51 : 2 9 7 8 . . 0 that is No of June , , that says William H

Brown , only owner of the ship or vessel called the “ ” America : That the said Ship or vessel was built at the

1 851 a s er city aforesaid during the present year, , p certi

fi . c a te of William H Brown , master builder, under whose 93 ' direction she was built . Her length is her breadth H E R W O E P 1 26 IGH WAT IN O D N SH I BUILDING .

22 ’ 6 1 05 her depth and she measures 7 09 5 tons .

h a s That she is a yacht schooner, a round stern and a ” r ound tuck . E CLIPP R SHIPS .

This w a s the period of the greatest development of

. a s the clipper ships This type of vessel had been built, we have seen , by the demand for vessels in the China trade about ten years previous , but they were much smaller vessels . From the experience gained in the service of these vessels the local builders soon found the changes that were necessary in the design for the build ing of the larger and faster ships demanded in 1 850 for the California , the China and the Australian trade . Then began the building of that large fleet of sailing vessels that gave the shipbuilders of this country such a high reputation for its clipper ships among the maritime powers of the world . There were builders outside of New York City who m ade a wide reputation at this time for th t e construction of large and fast clipper ships , no ably

M c K a s Donald y, of East Boston , Mas , who had learned h is trade in New York shipyards , and Currier and Towns i o f . end Newburyport , Mass Some of the cl pper ships “ ” 1 83 6 built at New York were the Comet of tons , the “ ” 1 9 62 “ ” Young America of tons , the White Squall of 1 500 “ ” 1 250 tons , and the Swordfish of tons by William

: 8: H . Webb while Westervelt Mackey, and Westervelt “ ” “ ” “ K a th a . . Co . built the Sweepstakes , the y and the N B ” “ ” Palmer . The Comet obtained the highest reputation for speed and safety during her career of the New York “ i ” c lippers , while the Young Amer ca was an exception ally able vessel . There were several famous clipper Ships built during this boom period for New York parties . or purchased by them during construction , at Eastern ship “ ” “ yards , notably the Flying Cloud and the Dread ” nought . During the height of this boom in the local shipyards there was such a scarcity of vessels that the builders of some of the Eastern Shipyards constructed

W E R E 1 28 H IGH AT IN WOOD N SHIPBUILD ING .

Anier 1 853 s . 0 Passed j to New York , Jan . 8 day

1 854 94 s Foochow to New York , April day 1 854 Passed Java Head to New York , April 7 5 days 1 855 1 Foochow to New York , May 00 day s

* M nl a u é Wi i e . . Built by ll am H Webb , laun ched 1 1 44 5 . 0 April , 8 0 tons . 44 1 . 7 6 n 8 . New York to A er, passed, July days

1 84 5 94 s Whampoa to New York , March . day

1 84 6 96 s Whampoa to New York , M arch day 1 848 93 Whampoa to New York , March days A 1 4 1 u s . 8 8 . . 8 s New York to Sidney , , August day

* ’ R a zn w ée . Built by Smith Demon , launched ’ ’ " ' 2 2 4 l 5 x3 1 1 8 5 . 9 1 0 x1 8 7 57 e January , tons , squar stern , Howland Aspinwall .

Sailed from New York on first voy a ge to Canton

2 1 845 . February ,

1 45 1 0 s . 8 6 Whampoa to New York , Sept day o 1 846 83 Whamp a to New York , Sept . days 1 847 85 s Whampoa to New York, March day 1 848 8 . 8 s Whampoa to New York , Feb day Left New York for Valparaiso and China on March 1 1 4 I 7 8 8 . s , but never arrived at former port thought to ff have been lost o Cape Horn .

*

Sea W ile/é 85 1 84 6. . Built by Smith Demon ,

9 0 . Howland Aspinwall . 7 tons 1 847 83 Whampoa to New York , July days

Anier 1 84 7 s Passed j to New York , July day

4 4 4 . 1 8 8 7 d . 1 Whampoa to New York , March h 9 s New York to San Francisco July 1 850. . 7 day

1 85 1 9 8 . Whampoa to New York , June days 2 1 5 . . 1 00 New York to San Francisco Dec . 8 days 1 853 1 06 Shanghai to New York , June days 1 853 87 Passed Java Head to New York , June davs 1 5 64 s . 8 5 Valparaiso to New York , Jan day

" " i These vessels were the fi rst tea cl ppers fr o m this c o untry to China . E I D E P HIGH WAT R N W OO N SHI BUILDING . 1 29

* a 7nu el u s s 1 84 7 . S R ell . Built by Brown Bell , ’ ’ ” ' o 1 3 x3 4 6 xl 1 1 9 5 . L o w C . 7 9 A . A . 7 tons 1 84 8 83 Canton to New York , April days 1 0 . 0 1 85 . 8 New York to San Francisco , May days ‘ 1 85 1 88 ( . anton to New York , Jan days

s 1 54 1 05 I o o c h w New . 8 o to York , Dec days 1 85 1 26 Ne . 7 Foochow to w York , Dec days 1 857 7 8 Passed Java Head to New York , Dec . days

Passed Cape Good Hope to New York , Dec . days 1 859 Foochow to New York , May davs

Anier 1 859 86 Passed j to New York , May days 1 860 95 Foochow to New York , March days 4 B 1 1 07 . nt l 1 8 9 . Or ie a . rown Bell , tons

New 1 850 8 1 Canton to York , April davs

Anier 1 850 7 0 Passed j to New York , April days 1 85042 Passed Cape Good Hope to New York , April days

u is e . 1 850 1 2 60 . S r p r . S Hall , East Boston , ; tons

A . A . Low Co . 1 54 . 8 Shanghai to New York , Jan N 1 855 ew . Shanghai to York , March

a 1 85 7 Sh nghai to New York , March

Anier 1 857 Passed j to New York , March

n Y 1 859 . Hong Ko g to New ork , April 1 859 Passed Java Head to New York , April 1 860 Shanghai to New York , April

‘ 1 1 500 . ll 850. W nlze S u a . q Jacob Bell , tons 1 853 1 01 Canton to New York , March davs 1 1 53 . 8 8 . Passed Java Head to New York , March days Passed Cape Good Hope to New York March 1 853 4 6 days 1 3 9 6 85 . . San Francisco to New York , Dec . days Was so badly inj ured by fi r e at same time as the ” Great Republic a s to be retired a s a clipper ship : s u b seq u ently bark rigg ed .

0 . 1 850. 7 0 nda in. M a r Smith Demon , tons 1 853 9 1 Shanghai to New York , May days ‘ 1 55 7 0 . 8 New York to Melbourne , Dec days

These vessels were the fi rst tea clippers fro m this c o untry to China .

E I ' D E I H IGH WAT R N \VOO N SHI PBUILDING . 1 3 3

Passed Honolulu from San Francisco Nov . 8 d . 84 h . W 1 853 9 7 hampoa to New York , March days

53 . 1 0 . 5 New York to San Francisco Aug 1 8 . days 1 53 3 New York to Cape Horn Aug . 8 8 days 1 53 2 8 . . 9 San Francisco to New York , Dec . days

4 II 1 85 89 . 8 . New York to San Francisco , April d 1 854 4 8 New York to Cape Horn , April days ’ 3 60 Best day s run miles .

San Francisco to Hong Kong , June davs 4 1 1 1 5 . 5 8 . Hong Kong to New York , Nov . days

Anier 1 854 7 3 Passed j to New York , Nov . days 1 855 1 1 0 New York to San Francisco , June . . days 1 855 4 0 New York to Cape Horn , June davs

San Francisco to Hong Kong , Aug . days 1 55 9 . 8 7 Hong Kong to New York , Dec days 7 ? Ani r 1 5 e . 8 5 Passed j to New York , Dec days 1 85 1 On her first voyage, leaving New York in June , this vessel sailed for 26 days consecutively 2 2 7 2 - 5 knots a

w a s 3 7 4 : d a y . Her greatest daily performance knots and her least daily sailing w a s 9 3 knots .

N B P a lm er 8: 1 851 1 3 99 . . . Westervelt Mackey , , tons . A . A . Low Co . 1 1 0 1 85 . . 7 New York to San Francisco , Aug . days 1 854 82 Honolulu to New York , July days 1 855 99 Manila to New York , July days

Anier 1 855 81 Passed j to New York , July davs 1 5 4 8 e G 8 5 . Pass d Cape ood Hope to New York , July days 1 1 5 . . 00 . 8 8 Hong Kong to New York , Jan davs n1 58 Anier J a . 8 Passed j to New York , days 1 59 d . 8 Shanghai to New York , Jan ays i 1 859 64 Aner . Passed j to New York , Jan days

Passed Cape Good Hope to New York , Jan . days 60 to . 1 8 Canton New York , Jan davs 1 860 8 . 7 Passed Java Head to New York , Jan davs 1 T a d W lnrl 1 85 . 2 024 . r e . Jacob Bell , tons 1 1 53 . 3 8 . 0 New York to San Francisco , Feb . davs D E 1 3 4 HIGH W AT E R IN WOO N SHIPBUILDING .

1 53 84 8 . San Francisco to New York , June days 1 54 9 8 . 8 San Francisco to New York, June . days

H 1 851 . nl zfna le . . n g . Built at Portsmouth , N ,

1 3 00tons . 1 853 5 . 7 New York to Melbourne , Aug days 1 4 5 . 6 . 1 6 . . 7 8 . New York to Melbourne , Aug d h 1 856 Shanghai to New York , May days

Ani r 1 856 Passed j e to New York , May days

Passed Cape Good Hope to New York , May days 1 860 Foo chow to New York , Jan . days 1 60 1 Anier . 8 8 Passed j to New York , Jan days

S n el s n . 1 851 . 1 1 3 0 . o r fi . William H Webb , tons

1 . . . 8 New York to San Francisco, Feb d h ' 1 54 W . 8 9 7 hampoa to New York , Jan days 1 55 1 0l o . 8 Manila t New York , Feb days 1 857 1 01 Manila to New York , April days

Z CLIPPE R SHIP GA E LLE .

1 3 6 E E HIGH WAT R I N WOOD N SHI PBUILDING . d 64 89 ays consecutively, this vessel made miles, an a n verage of miles per day , and on o e of those days 43 0 made the phenomenal run of miles .

E ' E R E F H E CLIPP R SHIP S OV IGN O T SE AS . 1 1 53 3 1 . 8 . 9 New York to Liverpool , July d h

1 854 w a s u In this vessel sold to parties at Hamb rg,

G ermany . 1 4 0 1 52 . 0 l l / m n . 8 F in D u e z a . y g William H Webb , tons , 1 3 1 4 85 . . 0 i . New York to San Franc sco , Jan days 1 53 5 8 . 8 San Francisco to New York , May . days

New York to San Francisco , Sept . days 2 1 5 . 1 1 00 . nf s t . . W 8 Co e . D D estervelt , tons 1 53 1 00 8 . . New York to San Francisco , Feb . days

1 2 . ( 1. San Francisco to New York , May h

Tahiti Sand Islands to New York , May 1 854 1 855 Shanghai to New York , June 1 855 Passed Java Head to New York , June 1 858 Canton to New York , March

1 3 . M s s 1 852 . 50 . e ene g r . Jacob Bell , tons 1 853 Whampoa to New York , April 1 853 Passed Java Head to New York , April E I N D E HIGH WAT R WOO N SHIPBUI LD ING .

1 52 1 44 a eoo B 8 . 0 . f ell . Jacob Bell , tons Anier Passed j from Hong Kong to New York Dec .

Passed Cape Good Hope from Hong Kong to New 1 5 4 1 7 . York , Dec . 8 1 60 1 04 . 8 Whampoa to New York , Jan

Ani r 1 60 e . 8 Passed j to New York , Jan 3 1 50 a i B wn 1 5 . D v d o . 8 7 r Roosevelt Joyce,

New York to San Francisco , March 1 1 60. 4 8 . 0 Whampoa to New York , March

Ani r 1 6 1 e 8 0. 8 Passed j to New York , March

E O E CLIPP R SHIP Y UNG AM RICA .

I b W . . eb 1 53 23 00 u n z V 8 . Yo A m er ea . g H ,

New York to San Francisco , Sept .

Sandwich Islands to New York , April 1 854 1 0 1 854 . . 9 New York to San Francisco , Oct . 1 3 8 HIGH WATE R IN WOO DE N SHI P BUILDING .

1 855 1 00 Manila to New York , Dec . days 1 5 9 . 8 9 . 9 San Francisco to New York, Dec . days 1 59 44 . 8 . . San Francisco to Cape Horn , Dec days

’ el 1 853 . 2 43 4 . R ea j a eé . Rockland , Maine , tons

1 854 1 4 . 8 . New York to Liverpool , Jan . d h

New York to Bell Buoy at Liverpool , Jan .

1 4 . 1 854 1 3 d . } h 1 854 69 Liverpool to Melbourne , July days

’

T 1 200 . 1 853 . /z e . H zg fly r Currier ownsend , tons 1 854 89 Canton to New York , April days 1 854 2 4 New York to Liverpool , June days 1 854 3 1 Liverpool to New York , Aug . days 1 855 2 1 Liverpool to New York , Feb . days

Szvee s l a ées 1 853 . 1 7 3 5 fi . Westervelt Mackey , tons . 1 4 53 . 9 . 8 New York to San Francisco , Dec . days 1 854 1 09 Canton to New York , July days Anier 1 854 7 6 Passed j to New York, July days

Passed Cape Good Hope to New York , July days 1 55 1 1 8 . . 9 New York to San Francisco , Feb . days 1 5 1 0 8 7 . 0 Shanghai to New York , March days 1 85 7 . 7 7 Passed Java Head to New York , March days 1 3 1 6 0 . R a f/ m 85 . 5 y . Westervelt Mackey, tons 1 854 1 0 Canton to New York , Nov . 7 days Anier 1 854 7 8 Passed j to New York , Nov . days 1 6 3 . 85 8 Shanghai to New York , Jan days Ani r 1 5 6 e . 8 6 8 Passed j to New York , Jan days 1 857 87 Shanghai to New York , Jan . days

Ani r 1 5 2 e . 8 7 7 Passed j to New York , Jan days 1 860 93 Amoy to New York , Feb . davs i 1 60 4 Aner . 8 7 Passed j to New York , Feb days 1 P a na m a 1 853 . 3 00 . Thomas Collyer, tons

A fast but wet ship . 1 3 . 85 Shanghai to New York , Feb 1 53 . 8 Passed Java Head to New York , Feb 1 854 Liverpool to New York, Feb . 5 1 85 . Shanghai to New York , Jan .

E 1 40 HIGH WAT E R IN WOO D N SH IPBUILD ING .

2 7 1 853 arrival , on December , , she was badly damaged by fire from burning sparks and coal blown during a high northwest wind from a fire on shore . The upper work s of the vessel were destroyed and when rebuilt there were but three decks and three masts . A . A . Low Bro . 1 867 Sh e owned her for several years , and in was sold , after being laid up for more than two years , to parties “ ” S . . at Yarmouth , N . , and name changed to Denmark

' Her record as an American vessel was now closed , as

s many of the prominent clipper hips of the period, in 1 2 s h a s their purchase by foreign owners . In 87 e w ’ owned by the Merchants Trading Company of Liverpool . She was lost during a hurricane OH Bermuda while on a 4 B . a neir o . . voyage from Rio J to St John , N , on March ,

1 2 w a s . 87 . At no time she noted for high speed Her shortened sail area after the fire no doubt gave her less power for driving .

1 856 1 9 s New York to Liverpool , March day 1 857 9 1 New York to San Francisco , March days 1 859 99 San Francisco to New York , March days

nu nl D r ea d o g . Currier Townsend , Newbury 1 853 2 00' 3 9 ’ 2 6' port, Mass . , , x x

6 1 53 . Y ec . 8 Left New ork on first voyage D ,

' ' CLIPPE R SHIP DRE ADNOUGHT . H E E P IGH WAT R IN WOOD N SHI BUILDING . 1 41

2 3 0 1 53 . 4 At Liverpool , Dec . , 8 days 1 54 1 F b . 8 9 Liverpool to New York , e days 1 854 1 New York to Liverpool , April 8 days 1 854 2 6 Liverpool to New York , June days 1 54 3 0 New York to Liverpool , Aug . 8 days 1 854 29 Liverpool to New York , Oct . days 4 1 1 1 5 . 1 3 . . 8 . New York to Liverpool , Dec . d h In one day m ade 3 45 miles and in four consecutive 1 1 3 2 days miles . There were few Atlantic steamships ’ other than those of the Collin s line, and the larger ones

of the Cunard line, that could beat this record at the

time . 1 55 Liverpool to New York , Jan . 8 1 5 . 8 5 Liverpool to New York , Aug 1 56 . 8 New York to Liverpool , Feb 1 856 Liverpool to New York , March 1 856 New York to Liverpool , May 1 856 Liverpool to New York , July - 1 56 . 8 New York to Liverpool , Sept 1 856 Liverpool to New York , Nov . 1 56 . 8 New York to Liverpool , Dec i 1 85 . 7 L verpool to New York , Feb 1 5 Land to land in days . Ne 1 5 2 0 w York to Liverpool , April 8 7 days 1 1 3 . 859 . . 9 New York to Liverpool , March d . h 1 5 8 9 . 1 . Sandy Hook to Queenstown , March 9 d 7 h “ ” th e The , log book of the Dreadnought containing record of this famous voyage of March 1 859 is not in ex ist ne e c , so far as known to the descendants of David

Ogden . Captain Samuels informed the writer that ’ ~ this voyage he ran the vessel to Daunt s Rock , com m u nic a ted with the pilot boat on the station at th e to mouth of Cork harbor, and proceeded on his way

Liverpool after a very short stop . The vessel left New

York harbor with a high northeast wind, but about twelve hours later this was succeeded by a high north westerly wind on the North Atlantic coast . An examin a H W E R O D E 1 42 IGH AT I N W O N SHI PBUILDI NG . tion of the reports of vessels arriving at New York from Great Britain after the “ Dreadnought” sailed from New 2 7 1 85 9 York on February , , till the day of her call o ff Cork harbor Show u s that there were a succession of

k “ heavy westerly gales during the whole p er io d z exp er i ” enc ed heavy westerly gales during whol e passage : has been 1 4 days west of Bermuda in heavy westerly g ales : “ for the first 1 3 days experienced nothing but high “ ” westerly gales experienced very heavy weather . This favorable condition for a fast eastern passage continued o ff r to the time of the stop Queenstown , but leaving the e “ ” the Dreadnought encountered light head winds , and “ arriv ed at Liverpool on March 1 3 according to the Lon ” 1 3 a don Times in d ys . Other ship news confirmed these

figures . Some of the earlier New York built p a cket ships made fast voyages as well as the clipper Ships . l N a enez . 1 843 9 6 Canton to New York , June days 1 844 81 Canton to New York , April davs This vessel was built by Webb Allen in 1 83 1 : was 523 7 2 9 5 tons , Custom House Register “ ” 1 4 1 83 1 f o r Nov . , , the New Line of packets between New York and New Orleans and w a s the fast sailor of the coastwise fleet of that period . She was sold to Howland 1 83 8 Aspinwall in , who placed her in the South

American trade .

’ ’ [na efiena enea 1 841 1 4 5 New York to Liverpool , days hours 1 843 1 8 New York to Liverpool , Feb . days

ic k G a r r . 1 844 1 5 d 1 2 New York to Liverpool , July ays hours

1 845 Liverpool to New York , March 1 46 o . 8 . New York to Liverp ol , Feb

1 44 E R E HIGH WAT IN WOOD N SHIPBUILDING .

2 8 1 848 6 , , for Valparaiso where she arrived in 9 days, stopped at Callao , and sailed for Hong Kong where she 1 4 “ ” 8 . arrived on December 7 , 8 The Rainbow sailed

1 7 1 848 H r from New York on March , for Valparaiso . e i voyage was not completed . It s thought she w a s lost in rounding Cape Horn . These were the first of the early tea clipper ships to sail by the way of Cape Horn . There was one ship that was in the Chin a trade at the time of the p i oneer clippers that Should be men i ned t o . Howland Aspinwall extended their trade “ ” 4 with South America to China with the Natchez in 1 8 2 . 4 1 842 This vessel sailed from New York June , , for Val

e 7 5 . paraiso , where She arriv d in days Left there, stop s h ping at Callao , for Macao , China , where e arrived 4 1 5 1 8 3 . s h e January , Left Macao for New York , where arrived June 5 . Then sailed from New York for Val

25 82 : paraiso June , where She arrived in days stopped at s h e Callao for a cargo , and sailed for Canton , where

1 1 843 : 1 4 arrived December 7 , and left Canton January 4 20 1 8 4 . and arrived at New York April , Again sailed from New York for Canton via Valparaiso on May 20 and arrived at Canton November 20. Left Canton 1 4 1 45 3 e January , 8 , and arrived at New York April , sam

u year . Her first voyage aro nd the world from New York 42 1 43 a in June 1 8 to June 8 was m de in one year , with 9 two stops , while the second voyage was covered in 2 6 months and days, including stops at three ports in dis charging and receiving cargoes : and the third voyage 1 1 4 dis c h a r 0 months days , including stops at two ports g ing and receiving cargoes . This was done by a New York built vessel that was constructed long before the clipper s h e ship was called for, and for the type of vessel shows “ ” was a fast sailor and w a s commanded by a driver “ without doubt . Her owners had now built the Rain ” “ ” o ne bow for the China trade . - The Helena had made voyage during this period over the same route . Those that followed via San Fra ncisco were th e E HIGH WAT E R IN WOOD N SHIPBUILDING . 1 4 5

” ' Samuel Russell , that sailed from New York January 1 6 1 50 8 1 3 . , , and cleared from that port on June for China “ ” H o u u a 1 5 1 850 T he q left New York March , , and arrived a t Sa n 1 3 0 Francisco in days , and sailed for China from “ ” 2 1 850. that port on September , The Sea Witch sailed 1 2 1 850 from New York April , , arrived at San Fran c isco in 97 days and sailed for Hong Kong on September

1 3 . It was from the success of these vessels in their new trade, that was now assuming such large proportions , that brought into being the larger and more perfect “ ” clipper ships of that date . The Sea Witch and the “ Samuel Russell ” being the larger and the latest of these tea clippers no doubt by their superior sailing qualities o - ver the old time sailing ships for long voyages , had a marked influence in the design of the improved clipper s hips . It is cle a rly evident that the commanders of these clipper ships cannot be separated from the vessels them selves inmaking up the record . The names of Josiah P .

Cressy , E . C . Gardner , Robert Waterman , Charles P .

‘

M c K a . Low , L . y, Nathaniel B Palmer, Samuel Samuels , e with some others, will long be r membered as captains of the American clipper ships that had a W ide reputation for high speed during that period .

CHALLE NGE S TO RACE CLIPPE R SHIPS . History has handed down to us that the “ Flying ” Cloud w a s far in advance of all clipper ships of her day in making record time . She was undoubtedly a vessel having fine lines for speed , and was most ably handled in all her voyages as shown by the record : but there was one other American clipper ship of the same period that the w a s record has shown to be her equal , and this vessel the “ ” Comet , a New York built vessel whose record for high speed over a long period of time is equal to any vessel of her class . During the boom period of the clipper Ship there was 1 46 G E R D E H I H WAT IN WOO N SH IPBUILDING . considerable rivalry between the builders of this type of

s vessel at New York and at Boston , Mas , and s o keen b e came the competition to produce the vessel of the highest e spe d and beauty of form , that all the Skill of our best

s e naval architects was brought into u . This s u b s e qu ently led to challenges that were off ered to test the speed of some of the clipper Ships of prominence . The one case that excited most interest was that j us t after “ ” the Sovereign of th e Seas made her fast voyage from r 6 1 853 Honolulu to New York , a riving on May , , the “ ” Comet , arriving the next day from San Francisco , hav ing made the quickest voyage betwee n that port and New York to that date : and though a s to still further add fuel “ ” to the flame the Flying Dutchman arrived the next day, th 85 n 8 . the of May , in days from San Fra cisco There “ ” was th e Sovereign of the Seas adding to the fame of the Eastern builder that credit for fast clipper ships “ already acquir ed by the high speed of the Flying ” Cloud . They had not got over their shouting for what seemed to be the better model of the Boston built clipper ships , than there arrived two New York built clipper ' r s h i s in p phenomenal time , to upset all opinions of the w a s knowing ones on fast sailing vessels . It now about

e Sh I s even with the Boston and New York built clipp r p , and this b rought on a fever of speculation and banter from the opposing interests that in a few days warmed up the sporting blood in marine circles at New York and at “ ” w a s Boston , and in a few days it handed out that fifty thousand dollars w a s ready to be placed on the Boston built vessel in a race from New York to San Francisco in ballast or otherwise, and to sail within thirty days of “ ” w a s each other, or together . This chip on the shoulder z in recogni ed a few days , when George Daniels the “ th e m . W owner, and Willia H ebb , builder, of the Young ” C America , j ust ompleted , accepted the challeng e from ” the owners of the “ Sovereign of the Seas for the s u m of

ten thousand dollars for each , both vessels to b e

H E R E {14 8 HIG WAT IN WOOD N SHIPBUILDING .

E h ast river, and Jersey City and Hoboken on the Nort r iver side , had begun to take over those forced out of the city by the march of public improvements and the ’ c 1 853 ity s expansion was in , in the city proper , William H Co . . H . Webb , Jacob A . Westervelt , William Brown ,

William Collyer, Thomas Collyer, the one most noted for

“ ‘ - T E E E -K ' D E TH RE E MAS D SCHOON R C F OR W BB .

the fast river steamboats of the time, many of them

: narrow of beam , and cranky Jeremiah Simonson , George “ ” Steers , the designer of the yacht America , and builder ’ “ ” of the Collin s steamship Adriatic . John English , who was interested with William H . Brown in the repair work and the marine railway for several years , had this year taken the business of the new work on the with d r l : a w a . of Mr Brown from business Roosevelt Joyce , E W E HIGH WAT R IN OOD N SHI PBUILDING . 1 49 s : uccessors to Brown Bell Smith Demon , the oldest in firm now the business , but who retired the next year . " Then in Greenpoint E ckford Webb , E . F . Williams , E . S . Whitlock , Samuel Sneeden , Edward Lupton , Jeremiah S 1 55 imonson went there in 8 . In Williamsburg there 1 855 were in Lawrence Foulks , Ariel Patterson and

. J . Thomas Stack In Hoboken , N . , there were Isaac C . S mith Son and Capes Allison . In South Brooklyn

Devine Burtis, who had built some fine river steamboats . To Show the activity of the business during this b oom period a few . years may be cited of the tonnage put a 1 4 float for eight of those years . Launched in 8 7

. : 1 848 : 1 849 : 1 tons , tons , tons 850,

: 1 851 : 1 852 : 1 853 tons , tons , tons , t : 1 854 1 4 1 ons , tons . In 8 8 there were put afloat 6 steamers and 1 4 sailing vessels and 1 6 were unfinished on th e stocks at the end of the year . The builders finishing th e largest number of vessels this year included W . H .

Webb , W . H Brown , Westervelt Mackey and Law r 1 84 ence Sneeden . In 9 there were launched 3 steam s 1 1 6 r 24 hips , steamboats , fer yboats and sailing vessels

44 23 o n making in all , and leaving unfinished the 1 850 1 4 stocks . In there were put overboard steam s 1 6 3 3 63 hips , steamboats and sailing vessels, in all a nd leaving 3 1 vessels unfinished on the stocks at the end of the year . The largest builders this year w 1 0 ere Westervelt Mackey of sail and steam vessels ,

: William H . Webb 8 steam and sail vessels William 9 6 H . Brown steam vessels , for Pacific coast business inwhich he was wholly or partly interested : and Thomas 1 851 C ollyer of 8 steamships and steamboats . In there 1 7 2 0 4 6 were launched steamships, steamboats and sail in 83 : 23 g vessels , in all and remaining unfinished on the s tocks . This was the banner year for steamboats ; those b uilding the larger number being Thomas Collyer, Wil liam Collyer, Capes Allison , and Samuel Sneeden .

* M a 1856. Webb Bell in y, 1 5 HI H E E L I 0 G WAT R IN W OOD N SHIPBUI D NG .

William H . Brown built this year the celebrated yacht “ ” America . The year 1 852 w a s not quite s o lively in th e s hipyards, for the vessels put afloat included 41 steam

28 v 2 8 e d o n h vessels and sail essels , and uncompl te t e h ‘ stocks at the end of the year . The builders of t e l a r g es t

Co . number of vessels were Westervelt , William H . 1 5 Webb and Jeremiah Simonson . In 8 3 there were launched in New York and immediate vicinity 3 7. steam 43 vessel s and sailing vessels , the builders of the largest number this year being W . H . Webb , Westervelt Co . ,

Perrine, Patterson Stack , and Isaac C . Smith Son . In 1 854 there were launched 43 steam vessels and 68 s a il 1 1 1 ing vessels, in all vessels, and there were on the stock s at the end of the year 1 8 sailing vessels and 4 steam 1 vessels th a t were unfinished . There w ere 3 more vessel s 1 launched in 854 than the year previous . In 1 855 there

off f o r was a falling in the number of vessels put afloat, there were but 3 8 sailing vessels and 1 3 steam vessels 2 1 launched , and left on the stocks for completion . Wil o . . n liam H Webb , Westervelt Co and Jeremiah Sim son were the builders of the largest number of vessels this 1 2 year . During the next year there were launched 43 th e steam vessels and sailing vessels , the builders of largest number being William H . Webb , George Steers

Co . . , Webb Bell , and William Collyer 1 84 2 400 h In 7 there were about ship carpenters , S ip s j oiners , caulkers and sawyers employed in the shipyard 1 850 of the city and vicinity , and by this number of em r e p loyees had been increased about 1 0 per cent . The p vailing rate of wages had been very steadily maintained 1 53 at for 1 0 hours a day . About 8 began the build ing of steamers for China waters that assumed such large w a s proportions in a few years . The marine railway that loca ted at the foot ‘ Of East f 10th ' s tr eet since 1 826 was r e moved in 1 855 to Hunters Point , now known as Long

Island City . The machine bending of ship timber w a s brought

21 AT E E H P B 52 HIGH W R IN WOO D N S I UILDING .

’ nd time monitor than the mechanics bell , a during the boom period it w a s a Sight to behold the hundreds that c ame in haste— they did not walk— from the yards and S hops on their way to their homes , that were mainly in l S the vicinity , at the evening tap of the bel . A tranger would be surprised where they all came from in such a r s ho t time . It was not the Shipyards alone that furnished this vast throng of mechanics , but the four or more

" marine engine works , and the smaller factories that a dded their quota to the small army . In 1 855 some of the works of the allied trades to s hipbuilding in the loc a lity of the dry dock included the Novelty Iron Works : Secor Iron Works : Dry Dock Iron

. . : Co . : Works , J S Underhill John Powers , machinists : Youngs Cutter, ship j oiners Richard Squires , painter

: . Brooks Cummings , coppersmiths John A Seamen , Ship chandler : Morgan Iron Works : Lewis Raymond

: a boat builder Neptune Iron Works ; Bo rdman , Holbrook

H fi m ir : : . o e Epps John E , Ship j oiner Andrew Reed , ff : . and Rodney S . Sugar, shipwrights D avid J Ta , spars ffi Horton Arnold , and Watts She eld , edge tools , and

: OI ner : John Tiebout, hardware Charles Simonson , ship j nn * VVi a t . Cornelius , spar maker There were several shipyards at this time on the opposite side of the river th a t were also largely engaged in construction of vessels and employed many Skilled mechanics , and others , in the prosecution of their work , and who knew the tone of the old mechanics bell from all

o its . ther bells , and obeyed call to duty

* There were tw o other spar mak ers at the time l o cated at Cor lea r s H o o o o u Co . k , Ge rge Th rb rn in Cherry str eet , and Abram Denike , in

Water street . A C H P T E R I ".

E L E E H D C IN OF WOOD N S IPBUILDING .

N the latter par t of 1 854 were seen the first signs of the eff ect of the high pressure under which the business of wooden Shipbuilding had been operated in New York City for s ev

eral years . New yards had been opened , and in some cases these builders having limited capital t to carry out their contracts , that hey had taken in com petition with the older and more experienced builders , two or three of them were forced to suspend business , and in some few cases their eff ects were sold by the sheriff . This occasioned a season of depression in th e local business that had not been felt in many years . The prevailing high prices of material and rate of wages contributed a large share to the result ; or rather the h a s attempt to construct a vessel for less than its cost, never proved a profitable adventure . Timber that 2 3 4 8 . 6 0. formerly cost $ M feet, now cost $ to $ 24 32 . Southern pine plank $ M . feet, Western p . plank $ 4 Oak ship plank $3 5 to $ 0. Hackmatack knees 7

4 0 . inches , cents per inch Refined iron advanced from 25 3 0 er $40 to $85 a ton . Copp er from cents to cents p 2 3 pound ; and labor from $ and to $ per day , and even at th e latter rate of wages the Skilled labor refused to be steadily employed . With these condition s s surrounding the builders , and the fact of many contract e being taken subject to a time penalty , it is not strang that some of them were forced to suspend business . These same conditions continued during the next year and the want of a more agreeable feeling between em exor b i ployer and employee became manifest , and the d tant demand of the skilled labor, as it then appeare , 1 54 E C E OE O E L D LIN W OD N SHIPBUI DING . caused a want of harmony that lead to much ill feeling between those interested . The unfulfilled contracts had to be completed , and the builders were at the mercy of the mechanics for the time being , so they were compelled f to submit to their demands for an increase o wages . four days in many cases as much as was deemed by h im ’ a fair week s wages , and many under the circumstances refused to remain at work steadily for the entire w eek ~ o f ix s working days . One of the ship carp enters who w as employed at this period told the writer recently , that he was making so much money at that time from the high rate of wages paid to Ship carpenters that he was com p elled to take one or two da ys vacation each week to keep the a ccumulated capital from becoming a burden . He 1 says he sees his error now . It w a s early in 856 when several of the contracts had been completed , and new efi ec t contracts for vessels not being made, that the of this agitation began to be seen and felt , by those least able to bear it . The good times in the New York ship

o f 1 84 1 854 yards 8 to never returned , except for periods during the Civil war . There were other reasons for the depression and de cline of ship building at the period under review . The 1 52 steamboat law of 8 , that was not put into practical 1 853 ff effect u ntil late in , had the e ect of forcing capital to seek other investments than marine property, as there was not that freedom of individual control and operation o f steam vessels that had existed prior to the enactment of that law : this affected more especially our river and sound lines of vessels . Our capitalists were now engaged in the development of our steam railroads . By 1 856 the fever of the California gold excitement

o ff a ll had passed , and the vessels that were required in that trade, on both the Atlantic and Pacific sides of the l continent , were now in strong hands financia ly , the spec u la ting contractor having served his day in that quarter .

E C E OF E 1 56 D LIN WOOD N SHIPBUILDING .

c influ vessels, and the owners in such ases likely to be enc ed by the professional opinion of the builder as to th e design and construction of a vessel, that the latter found it hard to break away from his early business education that wooden hulls would rule for ages . He did not let g o f f until orced by surrounding conditions . The building o 1 850 f iron hull vessels in this country up to , outside o 21 those built for experiments , consisted of steam

1 7 5 a nd vessels for inland waters of feet in length less , two naval vessels , eight steam revenue cutters of an 1 60 1 2 0 average length of feet, one coastwise propeller f feet long, and two fine river passenger steamboats o 24 b t about 0 feet in length . There were at this period u three iron shipbuilding yards in this country , Harlan B Hollingsworth Company at Wilmington , Del . ; eanie

fi . Nea e Co a P a . s , at Phil delphia , , and Pusey Jone ’ Company, Wilmington , Del . , besides Robert L . Stevens

i ex r i . . e works at Hoboken , N J Th s Shows that some p ence had been acquired by our constructors in the build 1 850 e ing of iron hull vessels up to , and with an increas of facilities for production , they would be able to meet all demands for domestic vessels of larger dimensions . Our iron rolling mills were able to furnish the material s for construction , and our tool makers the necessary tool for working the heavier material , and our engineers , engines of greater power, as the first year of the Civil War proved in the refitting of several plants for building 1 860 iron vessels . In proof of this there were before five n th e co a stwise iron hull steam vessels , all co structed on

a 220 1 42 Atlantic coast , four bout feet long and one feet in length , and vessels that were operated for many

is a years . It true , th t there had not been to this time any effort made to build larger vessels of iron hull for th e foreign trade for the simple reason that the treatment ’ a r received by the Collin s line comp ny , as w ell as othe a American steamship companies in the Europe n trade, a by the Congress of the United States , was nything but E E OF W OO E P D C LIN D N SHI BUI LDING . . 1 57 encouraging to the steamship owners at the time to in

m o vest their capital in a re modern type of vessel . Cor neliu s Vanderbilt had built the first and largest iro n hull

W a r steamship prior to the Civil in this country , after which our shipbuilders were engaged in doing their part ’ for the nation s preservation . The Civil W a r did not cause the decline of our merchant marine : it had started 1 61 on the downward course toward extinction by 8 , but th e w a s Rebellion only a cause that hastened its fall . During the Civil War there was an ab undance of work at the local shipyards in the alterations made on vessels purchased by the Navy department for the blockading fleet, and those for special service of the de a r m p t ent. Later there were many steam vessels built for private parties that were purchased by the government

s ix for the transport service . The Navy department had screw gunboats of 507 tons each built in 1 861 by Webb

Bell, John English , Thomas Stack , J . A . Westervelt

ill o n. Co . P , Jeremiah Simonson and C . R . o The next year there were five wooden hull double enders built of 9 7 4 tons each, for the blockading fleet by J . A . D .

Westervelt, Thomas Stack , Jeremiah Simonson , Edward Z ’ Lupton and F . . Tucker at Devine Burtis old yard , at the local shipyards . The government work and that for the merchant service kept the yards well employed dur s o ing the war times , though there were not many

f o r builders as a dec a de b e e. During this war period our wooden hull shipbuilders had not yet fully learned that iron hull propellers were a the coming type of oce n carriers , for there were built ten of those large beam engine side wheel stea m ships for E C E OF E P 1 58 D LIN WOOD N SHI BUILDING . the Pacific Mail Steamship Company over 3 00 fee t long a nd each , a little later there were built three side wheelers by Henry Steers for the Nicaragua Transit Com pany of near 3 00 feet in length each ; and two propellers

s ‘ were built by Newburyport , Mas , builders for a Boston

Company , for a Boston and Liverpool line , of about the

e . same dimensions , all thes vessels having wooden hulls

This was about the last of that type of vessel . While there were several vessels under construction 1 866 at the local shipyards during , in the Spring of the next year ther e was but one vessel under construc tion in the shipyards of New York and vicinity . Take this as a 1 863 contrast with the month of September, , when there

- t were thirty two large vessels , each of a thousand ons or r ove , in process of construction in the shipyards of New d York . This was during the perio when they were build m ing erchant vessels for special service, and the govern ment being in want of steam vessels for transport service principally , made contracts to purchase the vessels on i completion long before they were fin shed . There is no doubt some of the vessels were put under contract , know ing the pres sing necessity of the government at the time . The depression in the industry in 1 866 was mainly caused by th e government throwing on the market by public auction a large number of vessels they had no further use e for at the close of the War of the Reb llion , mainly those h that a d been in the blockading fleet , or in the transport service, and were adapted for the coastwise merchant service or the river passenger trade .

b v th e B There were sold Navy department at oston , P s New a . Mas , York City , Philadelphia , , and Washing 1 . C. 2 9 ton , D , j ust after the close of the Rebellion steam

vessels that had been in the blockade squadron , and same a s transports of supplies to the naval vessels and stations

on the Atlantic coast . About the same time there were ’ l u sold at pub ic sale also, by the q artermaster s bureau of 1 4 the War depa rtment , 0 steam vessels that had been

E L E r E P 1 60 D C IN o WOOD N SHI BUILDING .

a labor interests, especially s great hopes for a general

- eight hour day had b een laid on the success of this strike . A great deal of repair business in the shipyards that always came to New York was at this time sent to other c ities to be done, and this trade never returned . The skilled labor at the shipyards was now receiving $4 to

per day . The greater number of the better class of the skilled laborers in the shipyards were opposed to this movement, seeing the fine work under the surface, and that it was manipulated to other Interests tha n those of

a - the laborers in the shipyards . This w s an ill advised move for the shipyard employees , that most of them t found out very soon o their gre at dis a dvantage . There were many worthy men taking no hand in the strike , that had to suff er the consequences with those that were s active in the movement, and of les a bility at their trade . The shipbuilders in 1 866 in New York City and vicinity were Westervelt Company, William H . Webb ,

im o n Jeremiah S onson, John English S , Waterbury illo n 85 . P o Joyce , C . R , Webb Bell , Samuel Sneeden ,

Lawrence Foulks , Thomas Stack , Edward F . Williams ff and Henry Steers . Wages fell o on account of less de mand for the Skilled labor, and by the latter part of 1 a a 869 had fallen to per day . M terial w s quoted a t 1 2 3 4 this time, hemp for caulking cents, copper cents 60 per pound , hackmatack knees oak timber $ . 4 white pine $ 5 . It must not be supposed th a t all the wooden hull s hipbuilders in New York and the immediate vicinity

6 i closed up business abou t 1 8 8 . It appears by look ng over a list of the more prominent builders of this period that those who retired at about the former d a te were builders who constructed steamships and the larger sail ing vessels , those engaged in the ocean trade to foreign countries , while those who were more prominently known as constructors of steam vessels for sound service and the n i land waters still retained their shipyards , and had

EC L E OF O E H P 1 62 D IN W OD N S I BUILDING .

s new more or les vessels to construct for some years, with repair work for their old patrons . It will be said that some builders were largely interested in the transporta tion companies that ga ve them a pr eference in m uch new

a s r fi work , as well as the repair work that w the more p o t in able, whereby they continued later the business . That

w a s . will be granted . It the case with s ome of our Ship builders during the boom period ; they became financially interested in some of the American tra nsportation com

a nies p , controlled all the new work and repairs of the f or vessels the companies, and amassed large fortunes s o that were wisely invested, that when the wooden hull vessel had mainly passed by they were in a position to a a nd in fall back on their s vings , some became actively ter es ted in other lines of business . The only builders left in 1 87 0 in New York City and

: . vicinity were William H Webb in the city proper, and

Lawrence Foulks , Thomas Stack , Webb Bell , and

John English Son , in the vicinity having any vessels a s under construction . The William H . Webb yard w

a a idle . In the l st two years W a terbury Joyce, S muel

e . Sn eden , Jeremiah Simonson , Edward F Williams and

Elisha S . Whitlock had gone out of the business of shipbuilding . Jacob A . Westervelt was dock commis s ioner of New York City from 1 87 0 to the time of his 1 9 8 . death in January, 7 Samuel Sneeden had a yard on

e . the Hudson river opposit upper p art of the city , where

S . w a s . he built a few vessels . Jeremiah Simonson a U steamboat inspector for a few years from 1 87 6. George Bell and E ckford Webb became interested in paint manu f a c tu r ing in W illia m s b u r g f Herbert Lawrence retained his old offi ce at Greenpoint to the time of his death about four years ago , and the successors of John English Son retain their old offi ce, and construct j oiner work for vessels in which they are interested . The last new work of any moment completed by some of the wooden hull buil ders in New York would in

E E F E 1 64 D CLIN O WOOD N SHI PBUILDING .

2 1 89 1 899 . is of the former is in , and of the l atter in The last ship built at New York was by William H . Webb in 1 “ ” 1 69 600 . 8 . , the Charles H Marshall of tons The last “ ” 600 bark was the James A . Borland of tons , built by

1 868 . s William H . Webb in This vessel was in ervice on 1 the Pacific Coast in 897 . Other parties now came forward with more a d va nc ed ideas of the needs of the marine interests of the o n country, and with propositions to put it a more stable a footing, but it was not c rried out until after a most determined fight against strong odds . All the interests opposed to the advancement a nd strengthening of the

American marine were arrayed against them . Now came i the real open ng of our iron Shipbuilding . Our wooden hull shipbuilders and shipowners had maintained a m ost determined opposition to any chang e a nd paid a high price for holding fast to a principle , long after it was seen by others to be l o st . But they had at last to succumb to th e the inevitable . As iron forced out wooden hull vessel , so steel has replaced the iron hull vessel . There were many of the wooden hull steam vessels that were purchased at public auction from the United States gov r nm ent e at the close of the Civil War, and placed on coastwise lines , as well as on inland waters that were no longer of service by 1 87 3 on a ccount of their being con in structed many instances of unseasoned timber, and the

r want of proper care during their military se vice . The demand for new vessels to take the places of these unfit vessels, gave the iron shipbuilders in this country an opportunity to secure orders for Iron hull vessels , though f in they were few at first, as the country was then suf er g from a business depression that lasted nearly five years . There is at this time not one of the old wooden ship builders or their successors who have a shipyard at New

York for building a wooden hull vessel , or for making ex

tensive repairs to such a vessel . There are a few small yards in the vicinity of New York where wooden car E C E W ' E -N D LIN OF OOD SHI PBUI LDING .

floats, small sail vessels , scows and barges are constructed and repaired for local service . The repair work on the larger vessels is now carried on mainly by the dry dock companies who have every facility for docking a vessel and making extensive repairs where such becomes nec es sary . There are three or more iron shipbuilding yards where there are dry docks and where new and repair i work are executed . There s in New York and the imme 1 909 5 3 2 diate vicinity at this time ( ) marine railways , 2 00 e 2 floating docks, fe t long and under, over 2 00 feet 4 200 e long, sectional over feet long, 8 s ctional over 3 00 e 3 00 5 fe t long , one balance dock over feet long , and 3 00 b alance docks under feet long each . There is nothing left at this day to Show where the shipyards in New York during the period of their great est prosperity were located . Even the old mechanics bell has been removed from its last home of activity to a place of storage at Webb ’ s Academy and Home for Ship “ ” builders . The Big balance dock is about the only ma ter ia l evidence left to us of th e days of the wooden ship ’ th e builders activity . Last, but not least , are very few not more than forty in all , and this number decreasing very rap idly, of the old employees of the New York ship a f e yards, w living in New York and the immediate vicinity, and the remainder at the Webb Home as guests of the late William H . Webb .

Thus ha s passed forever, the old time shipyards of

New York , that kept pace with the industrial progress of the United States for more than fifty years . I N D E "

P AGE

S E o 5 . 6 4 . 3 9 0 4 5 49 Ackerly , amuel ckf rd , Henry , ; , Allaire VVO I k s E ckfo rd 8: Beebe 3 6 “ ic . 1 8 1 9 E o f 1 8 Amer an Frigates mpress China , Ship “ ' ” S 1 05 E m ii e o f o , o . 98 9 9 Adriatic teamship p Tr y , Steamb at , a 1 23 to 1 2 6 E o So n America , Y cht nglish , J hn , ,

o o S o . 3 3 1 48 1 5 7 1 60 1 62 1 63 American Phil s phical ciety , , , , o x D r 3 3 3 4 Anders n , Ale ander , . , A 4 3 9 4 8: o pprentices , Fickett Cr ckett First American Frigates o 1 2 9 New Bell , Jac b First Steamships Built in

o W . 95 o 9 1 02 Bell , Ge rge Y rk 7

. 2 2 44 56 o 55 Bergh , Christian , Jr Fire C mpanies o o o 59 o D r o 1 . 5 3 6 1 1 4 Bish p Sim ns n Fl ating y D cks , , 5 1 o o 25 3 1 4 1 5 1 Black Ball Line Fult n , R bert , , , “ o . 6 o o r e o Bl ck , Adrian , Capt Fult n the First , D m o o o 4 7 o o 3 9 Bl ss m , Smith Dem n l g s o o 9 5 1 B lles , Le nard

o o . . 22 3 9 4 9 1 3 9 Br wn , Adam N ah , , Great Republic , Clipper Ship . .

o . 59 1 22 1 25 o . ffi W 26 Br wn , William H , , , Gri ths , J hn 4 4 1 8 , 1 9 o 50 54 1 2 7 o o 50 53 1 06 Br wn Bell , , Heaving D wn Pr cess Br o wnne o o 63 , Charles , H rt n , William 23 24 3 1 3 39 4 9 o 8 O O O O O O O 6 , , , , , Huds n , Henry O O O O O O O O O 9 1 4 1 5 a 5 0 9 . 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 7 0 0 0 4 Burtis , Devine , , Hunt , D vis , Capt 0 0 0 0

4 r z o 1 9 o o 0 Capes Allis n Lab r O gani ati ns 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 “ ”

f 1 0 a r o La o 1 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 7 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 C Neptune b r in 0 0 o 2 1 o o h Cheeseman , Th mas Last W den Steams ips Built , o 2 1 24 3 8 1 5 7 1 58 Cheeseman , F rman , , r w nn 2 2 2 o 1 2 B o . 1 0 0 3 1 e 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Cheeseman , Latham , J hn , “ 4 3 5 D a 12 1 to 1 23 o o 23 2 5 3 . . Clerm nt , Steamb at , , , Launches , Three a y l E 9 2 93 1 07 to 1 1 8 C ipper Ships , arly Tea , Launching Disasters h i 1 2 La 0 1 4 lS s 7 . 5 9 Clipper p wrence Sneeden , a 1 2 163 1 2 to 1 4 o 4 9 160 1 6 . S R o o f . . 7 5 Clipper hips , ec rds L wrence F ulks to 2 2 k 0 0 1 Oa 0 0 0 0 0 0 Clipper Ships , Challenges Race , Live Timber 0 0 0 0 0 , t 4 1 4 o 1 8 o o 0 0 0 2 3 3 3 4 5 0 0 0 7 Livingst n , R bert R , , Co llins Line of Steamships 9 7 o D 23 24 C lden , Cadwallader , Manhattan Island

l 0 0 0 0 0 0 r 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 Co ea r s o o 5 0 0 H k , Manhattan Market o 1 8 1 9 R C pper Sheathing , Marine ailway ’

o o 1 48 1 49 1 63 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 C llyer , Th mas Mechanics Bell z h o W O O O O O O O O O O O C llyer , illiam Met gar , C ristian O O o x M c Ka o C e , Tench y , D nald

o od 0 0 0 0 0 0 Currier T wnsend M els , Slip 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

k 1 9 d 1 ew o 0 0 0 53 N 0 0 0 D ecline o f Wo o en Shipbuilding . Navy Yard at Y r D o 60 New o o 1 7 7 6 to 1 783 1 6 ck , Hydraulic Y rk fr m New o r o o 5 1 60 Y rk D y D ck C mpany . i D o S o 61 New o o o . 2 7 ck , ecti nal Y rk Hist rical S c ety o F o 61 N ew o 68 D ck , l ating Y rk Herald 69 o a 1 05 1 14 New o . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 D ck , The B lance , Y rk Sun “ ” “ ” D r o 1 5 1 New o P fi o 1 1 8 1 22 y D ck , The W rld , aci c C ast , 1 06 New o to fi o D r o U . . y D ck , S Navy Y rk the Paci c C ast in o 1 to 1 1 1 850 1 1 8 to 12 1 D r y D ck Accidents . 1 3 8