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“These Killings Can Be Stopped” RIGHTS Government and Separatist Groups Abuses in Cameroon’S WATCH Anglophone Regions
HUMAN “These Killings Can Be Stopped” RIGHTS Government and Separatist Groups Abuses in Cameroon’s WATCH Anglophone Regions “These Killings Can Be Stopped” Abuses by Government and Separatist Groups in Cameroon’s Anglophone Regions Copyright © 2018 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36352 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JULY 2018 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36352 “These Killings Can Be Stopped” Abuses by Government and Separatist Groups in Cameroon’s Anglophone Regions Map .................................................................................................................................... i Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations ............................................................................................................. -
CPIN Template 2018
Country Policy and Information Note Cameroon: Anglophones Version 1.0 March 2020 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon
The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon This book provides a systematic analysis of the major structural and institutional governance mechanisms in Cameroon, critically analysing the constitutional and legislative texts on Cameroon’s semi-presidential system, the electoral system, the legislature, the judiciary, the Constitutional Council and the National Commission on Human Rights and Freedoms. The author offers an assessment of the practical application of the laws regulating constitutional institutions and how they impact on governance. To lay the groundwork for the analysis, the book examines the historical, constitutional and political context of governance in Cameroon, from independence and reunification in 1960–1961, through the adoption of the 1996 Constitution, to more recent events including the current Anglophone crisis. Offering novel insights on new institutions such as the Senate and the Constitutional Council and their contribution to the democratic advancement of Cameroon, the book also provides the first critical assessment of the legislative provisions carving out a special autonomy status for the two Anglophone regions of Cameroon and considers how far these provisions go to resolve the Anglophone Problem. This book will be of interest to scholars of public law, legal history and African politics. Laura-Stella E. Enonchong is a Senior Lecturer at De Montfort University, UK. Routledge Studies on Law in Africa Series Editor: Makau W. Mutua The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon Laura-Stella E. Enonchong The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon Laura-Stella E. Enonchong First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 Laura-Stella E. -
Shrinking Civic Space and the Role of Civil Society in Resolution of Conflict in Anglophone Cameroon
Shrinking Civic Space and the Role of Civil Society in Resolution of Conflict in Anglophone Cameroon James Kiven Kewir, Gordon Crawford, Maurice Beseng & Nancy Annan FINDINGS 1 Cover Image Figure 1: Lawyers from Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon protesting in late 2016 before escalation of Cameroon Anglophone conflict Photo credit: Eric Shu, BBC News (30/11/2020) https://www.bbc.com/pidgin/tori-55130468 2 FINDINGS Contents List of Figures 4 5. Challenges faced by CSOs 26 5.1 Administrative restrictions and control 26 Executive Summary 5 5.2 CSO-government relations and sector discord 26 1. Introduction 6 5.3 Security threats 27 5.4 Financial challenges 28 2. Conflict Resolution, Civil Society Organisations and Shrinking Civic Space 8 6. Strategies to Counter Shrinking 2.1 Armed conflict and conflict resolution 8 Civic Spaces 29 2.2 Civil society 8 6.1 Awareness raising by CSOs on their role 29 2.3 Peacebuilding from below 9 6.2 Documentation and quality of data 29 2.4 Shrinking civic space 10 6.3 Mobilisation, networking and coalition building 30 6.4 Training and sensitisation campaigns 30 3. Background to the Conflict and Civil Society in Cameroon 12 6.5 Dialogue and communication 31 3.1 Colonialism, decolonisation and the post-colonial state in Cameroon 12 7. Conclusion 32 3.2 Civil society and the quest for autonomy of English-speaking Cameroon 15 References 35 3.3 The state of civic space in Cameroon 17 4. Contributions of CSOs to the Resolution of Cameroon’s ‘Anglophone’ Conflict 20 4.1 Humanitarian action 20 4.2 Peace campaigns -
SDF's Flirtation with the Anglophone Problem in Cameroon Since 1990
Journal of Economics and Administrative Sciences E-ISSN: 2148-1792 P- ISSN: 1302-2024 Volume 4, Issue 1 JEAS www.jeasweb.org SDF’s Flirtation with the Anglophone Problem in Cameroon Since 1990 Nfi Joseph Lon The University of Bamenda, Cameroon [email protected] ABSTRACT Created on May 26, 1990 as an “Anglophone” political party, the Social Democratic Front (SDF) dillydallied with the Anglophone Problem in Cameroon politics with very disastrous consequences. This paper argues that the founding fathers of the SDF were pushed by the marginalisation, assimilation, exploitation and denigration of Anglophones by the Francophone dominated government of Yaounde to create their party. The SDF was therefore considered by many of the founders as the mouthpiece of the Anglophones but unfortunately this initial mission of the party was gradually and systematically ignored by the party leaders. Based on evidence from primary and secondary sources, the study reveals that the dwindling fortunes of the SDF in Cameroon politics since 1990, is largely linked to its flirtation and the inconsistency of its politics vis-à-vis the plight and grievances of the Anglophones. The party may therefore eventually disappear if it fails to dance to the turn of its electoral and traditional fief which is Anglophone Cameroon. Key Words: Anglophones, Cameroon, Politics, SDF, Inconsistency The Origins of the SDF Idea The background to the birth of the SDF can better be stretched back to the Anglo-French partition of Cameroon at the end of the Cameroon campaign of the First World War in 1916. In 1916, Anglo-French forces defeated Germany and ousted them from the Kamerun Protectorate. -
STATE-CENTRIC APPROACH to RESOLVING the ANGLOPHONE CONFLICT in CAMEROON: WHAT PROSPECTS? Francis Tazoacha
STATE-CENTRIC APPROACH TO RESOLVING THE ANGLOPHONE CONFLICT IN CAMEROON: WHAT PROSPECTS? Francis Tazoacha APRIL 2021 Article / ©Nkafu Policy Institute Introduction DC, the webinar sought to know if the ongoing conflict in North West and South West Cameroon can be resolved through a state- centric approach. Bringing together about 68 participants, the January 2021 webinar sought to provide a platform for knowledge sharing and dialogue on the anglophone conflict and brainstorming to see if the state alone can resolve the conflict without the involvement of other stakeholders. The meeting sought to address a widely recognized need for the government of Cameroon to ensure greater involvement of civil society organizations, regional bodies, the United Nations, the African Union, Nation States and international mediators in the sustainable resolution of the conflict. For the past four years, the socio-political climate of the Anglophone regions of Cameroon has been very volatile. The long-standing grievances among the Anglophone population in the North West and South West Regions of Cameroon concerning marginalisation particularly in the educational and legal systems by the Francophone-dominated government led to widespread protests in October 20161. The he Nkafu Policy Institute, a think-thank conflict escalated from a peaceful demonstration of Denis and Lenora Foretia Foundation, that was met with a heavy crackdown from the TSimbock, Yaoundé, Cameroon, hosted a government security forces in 2017. As a result, webinar on January 26, 2021 on the theme: “Can the situation morphed into an armed conflict the Anglophone Crisis be Solved Through a State- with increasing support by the population in Centric Approach?” the Anglophone regions to seek independence from Cameroun – French Cameroon – as an Hosted in partnership with the National Endowment for Democracy based in Washington 1. -
Kamerun: Anglophone Separatist Innen
Kamerun: Anglophone Separatist_innen Themenpapier der SFH-Länderanalyse Bern, 5. Juli 2021 Impressum Herausgeberin Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe (SFH) Postfach, 3001 Bern Tel. 031 370 75 75 Fax 031 370 75 00 E-Mail: [email protected] Internet: www.fluechtlingshilfe.ch Spendenkonto: PC 30-1085-7 Sprachversionen deutsch COPYRIGHT © 2021 Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe (SFH), Bern Kopieren und Abdruck unter Quellenangabe erlaubt. Inhaltsverzeichnis 1 Konflikt in den anglophonen Regionen ....................................................................4 1.1 Intensivierung des Konfliktes ..................................................................................4 1.2 Eskalation der Gewalt und hunderttausende Vertriebene ........................................6 1.3 Schwierige Informationslage ..................................................................................6 2 Ambazonia Governing Council und Ambazonia Interim Government ........................7 2.1 Bewaffnete separatistische Gruppierungen .............................................................8 3 Vorgehen der kamerunischen Behörden gegen mutmassliche anglophone Separatist_innen .................................................................................................. 10 3.1 Wahllose Gewalt gegen Zivilbevölkerung .............................................................. 13 4 Landesweite Verfolgung mutmasslicher Separatist_innen ..................................... 14 5 Rückkehrgefährdung von anglophonen Personen, die sich exilpolitisch -
The Cases of Mali and Cameroon
D A? T M C A M, D M. T, M G ABI Working Paper No. 17 Freiburg, Germany February 2021 ABI Working Paper No. 17 Edited by the Arnold Bergstraesser Institute The ABI Working Papers series serves to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior to publication in order to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly even if the presentations are less than fully polished. Inclusion of a paper in the ABI Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. Copyright for this issue: © Andreas Mehler, Denis M. Tull, Miriam Glund All ABI Working Papers are available online and free of charge on the website. www.arnold‐bergstraesser.de/abi‐working‐papers For any requests please contact: [email protected]‐freiburg.de The Arnold Bergstraesser Institute cannot be held responsible for errors or any consequences arising from the use of information contained in this Working Paper; the views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author or authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute. Arnold Bergstraesser Institute Windausstraße 16 79110 Freiburg Germany Dialogue as the new mantra in responding to political crisis in Africa? The cases of Mali and Cameroon Andreas Mehler/Denis M. Tull/Miriam Glund1 Abstract Over the past decade several governments in Africa have experimented with diverse forms of “political dialogue” to address a variety of domestic political crises, ranging from political or constitutional turmoil to armed conflict. -
Rethinking the Façade of Decentralisation Under the 1996 Constitution of Cameroon
CCC Aime ‘Rethinking the façade of decentralisation under the 1996 Constitution of Cameroon’ (2020) 4 Global Campus Human Rights Journal 135-175 http://doi.org/20.500.11825/1697 Rethinking the façade of decentralisation under the 1996 Constitution of Cameroon Chofor Che Christian Aime* Abstract: The 1996 Constitution of Cameroon tried to put in place a decentraliased system of government in order to accommodate Cameroon’s diverse communities. The constitutional and political evolution from the colonial era up to the present has a role to play in decentralisation efforts. The country today faces a number of serious challenges to governance which the decentralisation project in the 1996 Constitution was supposed to address. Some of these challenges that were discussed during the national dialogue that took place in the country from 30 September to 4 October 2019 include difficulties in dealing with the country’s dual colonial heritage, particularly the perception of marginalisation by the Anglophone community. Other challenges include embracing constitutionalism; tackling minority concerns such as the rights of women and indigenous people; curbing ethnic tensions; and managing the transition from authoritarian to democratic governance. An examination of the constitutional and legal framework of decentralisation under the 1996 Constitution shows that these issues have not been adequately addressed under the current dispensation. There thus is a need for a fundamental constitutional overhaul that would provide a more effective decentralised framework for administrative, political and fiscal decentralisation. The new framework should equally entrench the basic elements of constitutionalism such as upholding human rights, fostering the separation of powers, the amendment of the Constitution and judicial independence. -
Cameroon Conflict Insights Vol 1
PEACE & SECURITY REPORT Vol. 1 March 2020 CAMEROON CONFLICT INSIGHT ABOUT THE REPORT The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and recommendations to national, regional and continental decision makers in the implementation of peace and www.ipss-addis.org/publications security-related instruments. CONTENTS SITUATION ANALYSIS 2 CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT 4 ACTORS 6 DYNAMICS OF THE CONFLICT 10 CURRENT RESPONSE ASSESSMENT 12 SCENARIOS 14 STRATEGIC OPTIONS 15 REFERENCES 16 CONFLICT TIMELINE 1960-2020 17 CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Ms. Happi Cynthia (Author) Ms. Chedine Tazi Mr. Moussa Soumahoro Ms. Muluka Shifa Ms. Pezu Mukwakwa Ms. Tigist Kebede Feyissa Ms. Tsion Belay DESIGN & LAYOUT Mr. Abel Belachew (Design & Layout) © 2020 Institute for Peace and Security Studies | Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. IPSS PEACE & SECURITY REPORT SITUATION ANALYSIS PO G LI P DP FE U P E L E X A R P T E I C C O A T N A P I N T C A Y 25.88M $3,365 58.6 A T B I R T H ( ) Y S E R A HU NE RE M IG Cs A H N B O Figure 1: Country prole D Central African U E ECCAS and demographics R V Republic S E Chad Index: 0.556 L O Equatorial Guinea Rank: 151/189 P Gabon M Nigeria E N Republic of Congo T I N D ) E I X D ( H Sitting at the cross roads of West and Central Africa, The unification of Southern Cameroons and La Cameroon is one of the most diverse and resource- Republique du Cameroun came prior to their two-state rich countries in Africa.1 It is home to about 250 ethnic federation agreement during the July 1961 Foumban groups2 from the ancient tribal kingdoms in the West constitutional conference.6They drew up a federal and the Pygmies in the South to the pastoral Muslims in constitution that guaranteed independent administration the North.3 Besides its rich indigenous cultures, ethnic and respect of each state’s cultural identity. -
Kamerun Utvikling I Anglofon-Konflikten Juli 2018–Desember 2019
Temanotat Kamerun Utvikling i anglofon-konflikten juli 2018–desember 2019 27. januar 2020 © Landinfo 2020 Materialet i denne publikasjonen er omfattet av åndsverklovens bestemmelser. Uten særskilt avtale med Landinfo er enhver eksemplarfremstilling og tilgjengeliggjøring bare tillatt i den utstrekning det er hjemlet i lov. Alle henvendelser om Landinfos rapporter kan rettes til: Landinfo Utlendingsforvaltningens fagenhet for landinformasjon Storgata 33 A Postboks 2098 Vika 0125 Oslo Tel: 23 30 94 70 E-post: [email protected] www.landinfo.no Om Landinfos temanotater Utlendingsforvaltningens fagenhet for landinformasjon (Landinfo) innhenter og analyserer informasjon om samfunnsforhold og menneskerettigheter i land som Utlendingsdirektoratet (UDI), Utlendingsnemnda (UNE) og Justis- og beredskapsdepartementet har behov for kunnskap om. Landinfos temanotater er basert på opplysninger fra nøye utvalgte kilder. Opplysningene er behandlet i henhold til anerkjente kvalitetskriterier for landinformasjon og Landinfos retningslinjer for kilde- og informasjonsanalyse. Temanotatene bygger på både skriftlig og muntlig kildemateriale. En del av informasjonen som formidles, er innhentet gjennom samtaler med kilder på informasjonsinnhentingsreiser. Landinfo tilstreber bredde i kildetilfanget, og så langt mulig er det innhentet informasjon fra kilder som arbeider uavhengig av hverandre. Alt benyttet kildemateriale er fortløpende referert i temanotatene. Hensyn til enkelte kilders ønske om anonymitet er ivaretatt. Notatene gir ikke et uttømmende bilde av temaene som undersøkes, men belyser problemstillinger som er relevante for UDIs og UNEs behandling av utlendingssaker. Landinfo er en faglig uavhengig enhet, og informasjonen som presenteres, kan ikke tas til inntekt for et bestemt syn på hva praksis bør være i utlendingsforvaltningens behandling av søknader. Landinfos temanotater gir heller ikke uttrykk for norske myndigheters syn på de forhold og land som omtales. -
Ambazonia) Genocide
International Journal of Gender and Women‘s Studies June 2021, Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 1-15 ISSN: 2333-6021 (Print), 2333-603X (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development DOI: 10.15640/ijgws.v9n1p1 URL: https://doi.org/10.15640/ijgws.v9n1p1 Role of Social Media in the Former British Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia) Genocide Geraldine Ambe (Mami Gera)1 Abstract For over four years, schools are been closed, torture, extrajudicial killings, arson of entire communities, unlawful detention, loathing of property have been going on in Ambazonia (Former British Southern Cameroon) though under-reported in public media. A minimum of 12,000 people have lost their lives and more than a million internally displaced persons in the Ambazonia as well as Francophone part of Cameroon. United Nations Refugee records over 300,000 Ambazonian refugees in their camps in Nigeria while the same numbers may be found in private homes in the same country. As the military commit arson and human right abuses of different natures, richer families have sent their family members to West Africa, South Africa, Asia, Europe and America the United States where they are seeking asylum. The immediate cause was a peaceful protest organized by teachers and lawyers that the government reacted with extra force. After negotiations failed, Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium (CACSC) composed of teacher, lawyers and transporters trade union was formed to address the pertinent issues tabled before the government. The government banned CACSC and sent their leaders to dungeons. Cameroonians in the diaspora and the few leaders who escaped detention formed the Southern Cameroon Consortium United Front (SCACUF) was a nonviolent movement seeking a greater autonomy.