EGZAMIN RESORTOWY Z JĘZYKA ANGIELSKIEGO I. Summarize The
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
EGZAMIN RESORTOWY Z JĘZYKA ANGIELSKIEGO I. Summarize the article below writing no more than one standard page of a handwritten text. Use your own words: do not quote from the article. Brussels Pushes Firmer Stance after Embarrassment in Moscow After the recent humiliation of its top diplomat by Russian officials, the European Union may now be heading toward stronger measures against Moscow. Tempers are running high in Brussels, though the bloc doesn't exactly have a strong history of common foreign policy. The high representative Josep Borrell’s first trip to the Russian capital since 2017 turned into a PR disaster last week. Borrell was sitting at a working lunch with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov on Feb. 5 when Russian media reported on Twitter that Moscow had expelled diplomats from Germany, Sweden and Poland. It wasn’t the first affront during the trip, either. A short time early, Lavrov had publicly humiliated Borrell at a press conference, grumbling that the EU is an "unreliable partner.” He also said that Europe is "culturally arrogant” for not sharing the findings of its investigation into the attack on opposition politician Alexei Navalny with Moscow. He said only military doctors could have detected the presence of the Russian nerve agent Novichok in Navalny. Lavrov said that was quite telling, even though his own intelligence officers certainly knew what they were using when they tried to murder the opposition politician. The debate over Borrell's ill-fated visit to Moscow highlights what has been going wrong with European foreign policy for years. For one thing, there’s the people chosen to occupy the post itself. The only political heavyweight to hold the position of high representative so far has been Javier Solana, the former foreign minister of Spain. His successors, Catherine Ashton of Britain and Federica Mogherini of Italy, struggled to be heard over the foreign ministers of the EU member states. Among the European public, hardly anyone knew who they were. Borrell, 73, isn't exactly known for his clout, either. His appointment was the result of a political deal. Borrell, despite having filled numerous political posts in Spain, including as foreign minister, has little experience in dealing with Eastern Europe and Russia. His expertise has long been in development policy, and his interests so far have been focused on South America and Africa, which are not exactly the current hotspots in European foreign policy. But there’s not much Borrell can do about his biggest problem. And that’s the fact that his work is dependent on the will of the 27 member states and the principle of unanimity that still applies to foreign policy issues. "Agreeing on a unified EU foreign policy is sometimes more difficult than herding a bag of fleas," says former European Parliament president Martin Schulz. Grand words from von der Leyen that she will lead a "geopolitical commission” and that Europe has to "learn the language of power,” regularly collide with a reality in which 27 EU member states pursue their own foreign policy interests and are unwilling to relinquish even small parts of their power. In terms of policy towards Russia, traditionally, the Poles and the Baltic states have pushed for a harder line, whereas others have opted for dialogue and business deals with Moscow. Despite Navalny's conviction and the arrest of thousands of protesters, no EU member state has actually made a formal request for new sanctions to date, including Germany. The frustration is widespread in the EU External Action Service. Borrell only has as much power as the EU member states are willing to grant him – and that’s not much, say diplomats. But there are a number of other means the EU could use outside of the current sanctions against individual citizens, companies or Russian authorities. Broad trade measures or even direct military aid to Ukraine are conceivable. But the courage to do so has to be there. During his appearance before the European Parliament, some even defended Borrell. Kati Piri, a Social Democrat in the European Parliament from the Netherlands, noted how the EU member states didn’t move to impose any significant sanctions against Russia after the poison attack on Navalny. They didn’t even manage to issue a joint statement, because right-wing nationalist Hungarian leader Viktor Orbán vetoed it. Meanwhile, the government of Cyprus is busy selling EU passports to Putin’s henchmen; France’s Macron is promoting a new dialogue with Moscow; and work recently resumed on the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline in Germany, "with the support of German Chancellor Angela Merkel,” Piri noted. The Russia issue is also dividing Europe’s conservative Christian Democrats. On Monday, 81 members of the European Parliament with the party sent a letter to fellow Christian Democrat von der Leyen calling for her to fire Borrell. The letter, which had been initiated by Riho Terras, a conservative former general from Estonia, stated that Borrell's Moscow trip "caused severe damage to the reputation of the EU.” Most of the signatures in the letter came from politicians in Northern and Eastern Europe. As humiliating as Borrell’s trip may have been in the moment, it could have a disciplining effect on the EU in the coming weeks. Borrell told parliament in Brussels that his visit had not been a failure. He said he wanted to find out if the Russians were still interested in good relations. "The answer has been clear: No, they are not.” By Markus Becker und Christoph Schult https://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/foreign-policy-impotence-brussels-pushes-firmer-stance-after-embarrassment-in- moscow-a-af33daca-2c0a-4b57-a0e7-22111f55e19e II. Translate the following text into Polish. Prior to every meeting of the German cabinet on Wednesday mornings, conservative ministers meet up for breakfast. Very little from these breakfast meetings makes its way into the public spotlight. There is no agenda, no issues predetermined for discussion. Frequently, one of the participants makes an observation and they talk about it. That is what happened in April, when the chief whip for conservatives in parliament took the floor. He noted that farmers were once again driving their tractors through Berlin's government quarter in protest against the completely excessive insect-protection regulations issued by the Environment Ministry. Agriculture Minister spoke up immediately. Yes, she said, she agrees. It is imperative that something be done about the insect-protection measures. III. Choose one of the following topics and write an essay of one standard page. 1) In the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks on the USA, President Bush declared the War on Terror in 2001. Other presidents may have modified the US stance, but the War as such never really finished. How has it influenced the Western countries’ perception of Islam today? How has it changed Islamic countries themselves? 2) In the context of the suspension of Donald Trump’s Twitter account (due to risk of inciting violence), do you think social media have the right to censor the masses? Discuss, considering such issues as free speech and censorship. 3) Poland has changed considerably since the proper installation of the capitalist economy after the transformation of the 1990s, and so have the aspirations and lifestyles of Polish people. What, in your opinion, are the status symbols of young Poles in the 21 century? Why? IV. To complete the numbered gaps choose one answer from A to D each time. Please write the answers on the answer-sheet. Has the present (1)______ the expectations of the past? (2)______ the ages people have tried to predict what life in the twenty-first century would be (3)______. Many science-fiction writers (4)______ manage to predict the influence the computer would have on our world. Some even imagined that it would (5)______ our lives, develop a personality and turn on its creators. (6)______ they were right, especially when it (7)______ children and cyber addiction. One constant prediction was that, thanks to computers and machines, the time devoted to labour would diminish. Even in 1971, in his book Future Shock Alvin Toffler envisaged a society awash with free time. The author noted that time at work (8)______ cut in half since the turn of the previous century and wrongly speculated that it would be cut in half again (9)______ 2000. (10)______, our gadget-filled homes are a tribute to various versions of the future: the microwave oven, internet fridges with ice-cube dispensers, video monitors, climate control, dishwashers, personal computers, wireless connections and cupboards filled with instant food. (11)______ may no longer be considered cutting-edge, but they have (12)______, if not surpassed, visions of how we would live. The domestic robot never quite happened, but if you can phone ahead and set the heating and use a remote to operate the garage doors, they may as well be (13)______. The car has, of course, (14)______ to meet our expectations. It has been given turbo engine, DVD players and automatic windows, but its tyres still stick stubbornly to the road. Why doesn’t it (15)______? The past promised us a flying car in various guises. In 1947 a prototype circled over San Diego (16)______ more than an hour but later crashed in the desert. Some 30 patents for flying cars were registered in the US last century but (17)______ of these ideas has been transformed into a (18)______ available vehicle. (19)______ communications technology in this digital age hasn’t let us down. Even in the most remote areas people (20)______ access to some form of communication device.