What Changed the Ivory Coast from an Example of Economic Development Into a Bloodbath

What Changed the Ivory Coast from an Example of Economic Development into a Bloodbath, and how can Developing Countries everywhere Learn from their Example?

By Nels Hansen

For E297A, Fall 2003

I - Introduction

The Ivory Coast has gone from the model post-colonial African society to a country filled with turmoil, bloodshed, revolution, and poverty in little more than a decade. This report will detail that progression, the good times which now seem so far away as to be unimaginable, and a proposal to grant the country a renewed peace and stability, in a more permanent and sustainable fashion. This report contends that the source of the Ivoirian conflict was ethnically divisive politics and economic policy, which created a vast rich-poor gap that Charles Taylor of Liberia exploited to further destabilize the region and get the United Nations off his back.


II, A – The Precolonial History

The Ivory Coast, at least to western eyes and historians, doesn’t really have a history prior to the 17th century, when “France made its initial contact with Cote d'Ivoire in 1637 when missionaries landed at Assinie near the Gold Coast (now Ghana) border.” (1) Most histories consulted note that this initial contact was short-lived due to fear of the denizens of the area. These early ‘explorers’ were actually “French Capuchin monks”(3) who, upon arrival at Assinie, were engaged in combat, with the survivors fleeing to a Portugese settlement at Axim(3). Despite what one might think, “The Côte d'Ivoire lies too far west to have been significant in the 17th and 18th century development of the Guinea coast gold, and slave trade.” (2) Thus it was not really of much interest excepting the occasional trading vessel’s captain that happened by, such as one by the name of De Bellefond in 1666(3) and one by the name of Du Casse in 1667, who signed a never-acted-upon treaty with the King of Komenda (3), and the interior remained largely untouched by Europeans until the 19th century; however, it was, in the 18th century, “invaded by two related Akan groups – the Agnis who occupied the southeast and the Baoules who settled in the central section.” (1) The only European settlement in this early time was a French fort built at Assinie in 1701, and successfully defended against a Dutch attack in 1701 but was abandoned by 1704 (3), the fort likely having been built following a friendlier reception by two Dominican monks in 1687 than that received by the Capuchin 50 years prior (3).

There were, however, important states prior to this pre-colonial period itself. Ghana, a Sudanic empire, was around from the 4th to the 13th century. The Sudanic empires were able to control trade routes using their military forces, and their great cities of Djenne, Gao, and Timbuctu became centers of Koranic scholarship (4). That is, after their leaders converted to Islam in the 11th century or so, before which time they had followed various indigenous religions. Not all were happy with this transition of course; the successor to Ghana, the Mali empire, collapsed in “factional warfare” (4) that led the non-Islamic elements of its society to flee southward into the present-day Ivory Coast as well, though most of the people who ended up in the north from this period were converted to Islam eventually anyways. The south of the country in the pre-European period was dominated by jungle, and the inhabitants lived off the land in small villages.

There were several important kingdoms in-between the first French visitors to the Ivory Coast and the actual settlement and conquest of the Ivory Coast by the French. “The Muslim empire of Kong was established by the Juula in the early eighteenth century in the north-central region inhabited by the Sénoufo, who had fled the Islamization under the Mali Empire.” (4) This empire fragmented, and its capital was destroyed by the African resistance leader Samori Touré, who later was one of the most significant sources of resistance to French rule. “The Abron kingdom of Jaman was established in the seventeenth century by an Akan group, the Abron, who had fled the developing Asante confederation in what is present-day Ghana.” (4) And lastly, “other Akan groups fleeing the Asante established a Baoulé kingdom at Sakasso and two Agni kingdoms, Indénié and Sanwi.” (4) These groups were more resistant to the French occupation than most and maintained separatist desires even into the 1960’s, and perhaps beyond.


II, B – the French control of the Ivory Coast

These political developments in the region were brought to their knees by the invasion of the French, who first maintained control over the coastal regions before extending their dominion inward to all of the present day territory. In the words of interKnowledge Corporation, “Although a French protectorate was established over the coastal zone in 1842, the interior remained free from European control until the very end of the century.” (2) More specifically, “In 1843-44 Admiral Bouet-Williaumez signed treaties with the kings of the Grand Bassam and Assinie regions placing their territories under a French protectorate.” (1) The cause of this was probably the futility of expending the effort to control it at the time. However, later on, in order that French territorial claims to the region be recognized by the British and that the French exploitation of the land and its people be undisturbed by unruly locals, the French went ahead and invaded the inland regions and subjugated the people therein.

“Cote d'Ivoire officially became a French colony in 1893. Captain Binger who had explored the Gold Coast frontier was named the first governor.” (1) However, even before he showed up, “After 1870, France undertook a systematic conquest; although a protectorate over the entire country was proclaimed in 1893, strong resistance by the indigenous people delayed French occupation of the interior.” (6) One manifestation of this resistance was the previously mentioned Samori Touré, who, in “1871 - Samoury Touré conquiert la vallée du Haut-Niger et fonde un empire malinké” (7), which this report translates as “Samori Touré conquered the upper-Niger valley and founded an empire based on his tribe, the Malinkes.” He remained a thorn in the side of the French until, in 1898, “French campaigns against Samori, which were met with fierce resistance, intensified … until he was captured.” (4) M. Touré’s empire at its peak “extended over large parts of present-day Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Côte d'Ivoire” (4) and “[his] large, well-equipped army … could manufacture and repair its own firearms.” (4) The French invasion really took off when, “In 1886, to support its claims of effective occupation, France again assumed direct control of its West African coastal trading posts and embarked on an accelerated program of exploration in the interior.” (4) As a result, the French achieved their goal when, “in 1889 Britain recognized French sovereignty in the area,” (4) and thus the French were assured of their rights to exploit the land and people in relative peace. “France named Treich-Laplène titular governor of the territory,” (4) but he governed only until 1893 when the Ivory Coast became an official French colony and Captain Binger was given control.

“Agreements with Liberia in 1892 and with Britain in 1893 determined the eastern and western boundaries of the colony, but the northern boundary was not fixed until 1947 because of efforts by the French government to attach parts of Upper Volta (present-day Burkina Faso) and French Sudan (present-day Mali) to Côte d'Ivoire for economic and administrative reasons.” (4) (Refer to Appendix A for geographical information)

Shortly thereafter, “In 1904, the French named [the Ivory Coast] part of French West Africa.” (5) The French-appointed governer of the region, “Angoulvant, who had little prior experience in Africa, believed that the development of Côte d'Ivoire could proceed only after the forceful conquest, or so-called pacification, of the colony.” (4)

“However pacification was not accomplished until 1915.” (1) That pacification was somewhat exaggerated, as shall be seen later on. In the mean time, however, the first World War was brewing in Europe. According to the Columbia University Encyclopedia, however, “several thousand of its troops fought with the French during World War I, but effective French control over the area was not established until after the war.” (6) 1915 and the end of the War are pretty close, but this indecision about the exact date of ‘pacification’ underscores the fact that the native population was never entirely at rest, and was merely waiting for the appropriate moment to regain control over its independent destiny.

That moment came when, “During World War II, the Vichy government worked hard to quash the nascent nationalist movements in west Africa, but after the war, efforts redoubled to gain independence.” (5) To set the stage for this change, one must consider that “Assimilation was practiced in Côte d'Ivoire to the extent that after 1930 a small number of Westernized Ivoirians were granted the right to apply for French citizenship. Most Ivoirians, however, were classified as French subjects and were governed under the principle of association.” (4) This principle of association is that the Ivoirians were subject to the rule of French law by association with the French colonial government, but were not eligible to become French citizens or to participate in government. Eventually, though, “after the assimilation doctrine was implemented entirely, at least in principle, through the postwar reforms, Ivoirian leaders realized that even assimilation implied the superiority of the French over the Ivoirians and that discrimination and inequality would end only with independence.” (4) With regards to the second world war, “Although Vichy forces held Côte d'Ivoire during World War II, many left to join the Free French forces in the Gold Coast (now Ghana).” (4)

In the years after World War II, desire to gain independence grew among the Ivoirians, and one “Félix Houphouët-Boigny, a planter and founder of the federation-wide Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA), formed (1946) the nationalist Parti Démocratique de la Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI).” (6) The French eventually held a national referendum on autonomy, and the Ivoirians “In the French constitutional referendum of 1958 … chose autonomy within the French Community.” (6)


II, C – The Rule of Félix Houphouët-Boigny

After independence, Félix Houphouët-Boigny was elected President, and remained in that position for over 30 years. “By the end of 1946, the PDCI achieved its political monopoly by bargaining with potential contenders, rather than through open competition. In any event, the party received widespread support throughout the country. For example, an African could be elected in Côte d'Ivoire only with the endorsement of the PDCI.” (4) “The organization of the PDCI, based on that of the French Communist Party, was determined during the party's First Territorial Congress in October 1947.” (4) The party itself held only a few of these Congresses, despite promises for annual change in leadership. The party actually discouraged independence and democracy, but, “In 1960, Côte d'Ivoire withdrew from the French Community and declared itself independent. The new republic joined the Organization of African Unity in 1963.” (6) This change occurred because of the reformulation of the French Community after “In 1959 several West African members of the French Community formed the Mali Federation” (4) and thence became independent, which led Houphouët-Boigny to try to convince these countries to remain in the French Community and eventually withdraw the Ivory Coast from that community in its new form.

“Côte d'Ivoire was one of the few African states to recognize Biafra during the Nigerian civil war (1967–70); this action, as well as Houphouët-Boigny's advocacy of dialogue with white-ruled South Africa, estranged the country somewhat from many other African states.” (6) This secret dialogue commenced in 1971, and “Other African leaders criticized the move,” but Houphouët-Boigny was so powerful, as head of the PDCI, that nobody in his own country would be successful in his overthrow, ever. Not that they didn’t try: “In 1980, high unemployment and a falling standard of living led to an attempted coup.” (6) The country’s dependence on agriculture and therefore the volatile commodities market would spark many conflicts throughout its modern history. “Student and labor unrest continued throughout the 1980s as the government cut wages and increased the privatization of industry.” (6) Houphouët-Boigny wasn’t necessarily the paragon of frugality and indulged a few times in waste, corruption, &c. “The capital was officially transferred to Yamoussoukro in 1983.” (6) This village was Houphouët-Boigny's hometown, and he wanted to build it into a major center of commerce. He even built the world’s largest basilica there, consuming roughly a year of the country’s production in the effort. However, the period of Houphouët-Boigny's reign was a relatively prosperous one, and by 2002, “Ivory Coast's $10bn economy [was] more than four times the size of its neighbours of Mali and Burkina Faso.” (10)

Politically, however, “Côte d'Ivoire had been a de facto one-party state since its birth as a republic, but opposition parties were legalized in 1990 after widespread popular protests.” (6) These elections in 1990 resulted in the re-election of Houphouët-Boigny, but he died in 1993, leaving the country for the first time since its independence in the position of having a transfer of power from one leader to the next. This transfer of power happened smoothly, with Henri Konan Bedié, who had been re-elected as president of the national assembly in 1986 (9), assuming power in accordance with a 1970’s law stipulating that the president of the national assembly assume power and hold an election after the passing of the President. M. Bedié won that election in 1993, and proceeded to begin the ruin of the Republic and its economy, built up by over 30 years of benevolent, quasi-authoritarian quasi-democratic rule.