VOL.5 NO.2 PUBLISHED BY UNITED BLACK WORKERS FORD MAHWAH PLANTATION AND NEWARK,N.J

A Call

tw^o^ a^*»n • • /* International V2 Worker's Day ** Rally ^ May1

MARCH MARCH!

MARCH!

March to begin from Straus Park UNITED BLACK WORKERS WHAT WE ARE FIGHTING FOR

We here by state that as oppressed workers here at the Mahwah Plantation (Ford Plant) we are not bound 1. End of Ford Motor Company paying union by any constitution, contracts, agreements, known or officials' salaries. unknown, by-laws or company policies agreed upon by 2. End of racism, exploitation and oppression of management and the U.A.W. that are racist or tend to all workers. deprive Black, Third World and all opressed workers of 3. Transportation provided for workers who must their basic constitutional and moral rights. These rights travel long distances back and forth to work. Many cannot afford to buy a car and must depend upon car being human dignity, health and safety 4 better working conditions, and equal job opportunities. pools. We further state it is our right as workers to 4. Waiver of 90 day eligibility for Viet Nam demand that both labor and management make use of veterans. Make them eligible as of the first day on the large portions of the monies gained from our labors to job. improve the living, educational and health conditions in 5. A complete revision of grievance procedures. our communities with no strings attached. 6. Mandatory medical check up every three To obtain these rights the U.B.W. are committed months for all workers who paint, spray, grind lead or to organize, agitate, expose, inform and use all means at metal, welders, drivers and all workers who are exposed our disposal, not settling for anything short of victory. to the deadly pollution which fills the air throughout We further state that we are not bound to respect, this plant. obey or follow the leadership of any plant manager, 7. End of compulsory overtime. supervisor, union official or any other underlings who 8. End of line speed-up. negate any claim they might have for these rights when 9. End of white skin privilege. they place personal ambition self interest, profit and 10. Mandatory printing in Spanish and Creole of all property rights over the human rights of workers. bulletins, pamphlets and job applications put out by The factories belong to the people and we workers Ford Motor Company and the U.A.W. are the people. 11. To get more "Black and Third World workers into skilled trades many already qualify but racism is keeping them out. A strong and effective apprenticeship program to prepare young Black and Third World workers for skilled trades. 12 Mandatory English classes in plant for non- English speaking or reading workers. 1 3. Ford Motor Company to announce a policy of THE BLACK VOICE complete disengagement from South Africa since all The Black-Voice is the information Amerikans doing business in South Africa reinforce that arm of the United Black Workers, an racist system and its government. organi/.ation of workers at the Ford Mahwah Assembly Plantation. Mah- wah, New Jersey. Thanks to the ef- forts of our members, friends and supporters. The United Black Workers oilers The Black Voice as an alterna- We do not profess to be experi- tive answer to the New York Daily enced newspapermen and women. We News, Playboy Maga/ine or other have no degrees in the fields of jour- types of similar reading material work- NATURAL MAN nalism or printing. We do have a ers are forced to read. "/ don'[ want no gold watch serious commitment to reach, unify The Black Voice was started in for working fifty years from nine to five and struggle with the working class of While the boss is guzzlin' champagne 1970. Its purpose, to help educate, and rm heltin' beer in some dive men and women wherever they may expose, inform and even agitate our 'Cause I want to he be. We do see the need for communi- happy and free fellow workers out of a feeling of livin' and l-n-in 'for me cation for and about workers and complacency and frustration. Its fur- like a natural man . . . their many problems. These problems (sung by Lou Rawls; are daily problems. These problems ther purpose is to assist in dealing song by Bobby Hcbb and Sandy Barun) realistically with the many problems arc not isolated, they affect us all. facing workers on the job, in the The United Black Workers and the community, country and around the Black Voice has dedicated itself to this important task. world. PAGE 2 LOCAL 906 U.A.W. NEEDS A REVOLUTION officials. There is even less Fellow workers here on the leadership coming from our Mahwah Plantation, and members of U.A.W. officials, from Wood- Local 906, U.A.W.; the United Black cock and Martin Gerber, (Re- Workers ask you this question. . . gion 9 Director), to our own How Much Longer? How much longer local president, Joe Rielly. are you going to put up with the The crisis for us here at lack of local union leadership? Mahwah and in Local 906 did How much longer are you going not just begin this year, as to sit quietly by and endure racism, most of you know. We have exploitation, and oppression by Ford been suffering for the past Motor Company, with no response two years. First with the Cgood or bad) from Local 906? so-called energy crisis when How much longer are we going over 3500 of us were laid off. to be pitted against each other; Those of us lucky enough to old against young, white against keep working, had to put up black, and men against women? with faster line speeds, fri- How much longer are we going to ghtened foremen, (afraid of do nothing while our fellow workers losing their jobs), long gas are being harrassed and deported as lines, and being penalized by the phoney reason for the loss of Ford Motor Company when we jobs? arrived late to work after How much longer are we going to standing in long lines for continue paying union dues while hours. getting nothing in return for our During this time, our local hard earned money? officials did nothing but blow How much longer are we going to hot air and promise us things put up with non-functioning commit- would get better in 1975 be- tee like F.P.C.(Fair Practice Com- mittee) that do nothing but rip off cause Mahwah was getting a new car (Granada) to build. our money? We could go on and on and the The new year came, the question would still remain. . . . new car came, but nothing How Much Longer? changed. Instead, it got These Are Hard Times worse. We did lose Nixon and Agnew, but we still Brothers and Sisters you have Rielly and his gang. are all aware that these are hard times for us all. There What Can We Do? is no leadership coming from During the last con- elected officials in Washing- tract, our local officials ton, D.C., or state and local pushed through an extension PAGES LOCAL 906 Not only are our jobs and for their term in office the jobs of our fellow wor- from two to three years. kers at stake, but our lives, That is all they have done. our families, our health, and How many of these so- our self-respect are also at called leaders had to stand stake. If we do not demand in long unemployment lines, respect and to be treated or fight to get food stamps with human dignity, we won't and a welfare check? How get it. We only have our- many have been threatened selves to blame. with having their gas and Things are going to get electric turned off, and worse in this country and on goods repossessed? Instead our jobs. We must begin now of offering assistance, they to fight back; later might be laugh when they hear of a too late. fellow worker in trouble Many of us are deeply con- and say, "tough luck." cerned about what is happening U.B.W. says its time to at home and around the world. put an end to this bullshit. Such as the liberation struggles While we suffer, they get fat. in Puerto Rico, Latin America, Check them out if you are lucky Africa, Viet Nam, and Cambodia. enough to catch one around. We are concerned about stepped- You know how they can disap- up police brutality, day care, pear. housing, bussing, rascism, and We cannot afford to wait two the struggles of women. years (1976) before we begin Local 906 has not taken any to act. We must move NOW 1 In position on any of these impor- two years they will be around EGGHEAD tant topics. All of these a- like bees to honey with promis- reas affect us in some way as es, promises, promises. We blacks, whites, workers, men, need action, action, action, women, or taxpayers. By ignor- and correct leadership. If they don't want to provide ing these issues, they will not that leadership and offer go away. concrete services, then we It's Not My Job must get rid of them once Our local 906 officials Our committeeman is and for all. real conscientious. He's seem to be telling us that they We must hold them ac- been working on my griev- are not concerned or interested ance for almost a year. countable for their actions in our problems. or inaction. They will con- "It's not my job." We are tinue to do nothing as long Continued on Page 10 PAGE * as we do and say nothing. HARD TIMES COHERENCE other being too many speakers On February 28, 1975, (four) on the opening night. the United Black Workers This made the program run too participated in a two-day long. Many in the audience community meeting at Laney became restless. Some even College, Oakland California. left before the last two The meeting was titled speakers had spoken. "Hard Times and the Economic We hope the Hard Times Co- Crisis." This event was alition will sponsor more pro- sponsored by over 25 organ- jects like this one. Also, we izations within the Bay area, are sure the Coalition has including students and pro- learned much from this exper- fessors from Laney College ience and will work towards and the Hard Times Coalition. correcting these problems. The Hard Times Coalition is a On the positive side, the study group of primarily inde- conference was well attended. pendent, progressive men and The present economic crisis women whose constant hard work was analyzed and put forth sacrifice, and commitment to clearly by all speakers. It this event, as well as their was more a teach-in than a concern for their community conference. A further posi- during this economic crisis, tive step was the keeping out made it all possible. of the many sectarian left There are some criticisms, organizations who would rather as is to be expected. However, disrupt a meeting than collec- this was their first attempt tively participate for the bet- at sponsoring such a large pro- terment of all. gram. U.B.W. feels that the U.B.W. enjoyed participating two-day program, forum and work- in the Hard Times Conference, shops were spirited and seeming- we enjoyed meeting new friends ly well run. The hospitality and comrades on the west coast. shown us was beautiful and in Most important, we established the spirit of true comradeship, communication with our comrades for which we thank all concerned. in struggle. The criticisms, though few, Most of the time, those of are important. The major one us here on the east coast are being the inability to attract unaware or misinformed of the the participation of Third World important work going on in oth- students of Laney College and erparts of the country. the Bay area Third World. The CONTINUED ON PAGE 10 PAGES A VISIT WITH THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY By Wilbur Haddock Central Staff UNITED BLACK WORKERS

David G. Du Bois EWneBfown One of the highlights of my trip to the West Coast was a visit with the beautiful brothers and sisters of the Oakland-based Black Panther Party, including visits to their many community projects. The Oakland Panthers sponsor a free Health Clinic, Restaurant and Bar, Office and Print Shop, Intercommunal Youth Institute, and campaign headquarters of Elaine Brown who is running for city council in Oakland, California. Due to the lack of communication, distorted media coverage, misinformation from east coast Panthers, concerning many areas including recent happenings within the party, I was most anxious to meet with and hopefully share experiences and learn from each other, as well as learn the truth. These are some of the things that are lacking among many movement groups these days.

Just Like Coming Back Home To my surprise and gratification, meeting with these comrades was just like, as we used to say, "coming back home." There were no visible signs of pain or anquish from the years of police and government harrassment, brutality and defection, organizatio- nal and tactical mistakes which all revolutionaries make in their growth process. Instead, I found warmth, love, pride and dedication to the Party and its many on- going programs. It was like coming back home because I felt like a member of the fam- ily, coming back to my roots. Many of us have gotten away from this in recent years. I could relate to, and sense the closeness of our joint struggles. The history of wor- ker's struggles, like the Black Panther Party in this country, has been filled with death, blood, brutality, sell-outs, etc. The United Black Workers too, have had their share of experiences with the CIA, FBI, Internal Revenue Service, Ford Motor Company, UAW, local and state police over the years. For that alone, we would have grounds for solidarity. A Lesson To Be Learned Throughout my visit, one thought kept running through my mind. Here was a lesson to be learned by many of us within the movement. Especially the Black Liberation Movement across this country, and in the east particularly. We have tasted few victories, seen little consistency, produced few concrete alterna- tives for the masses. Not counting the cultural centers, dance groups, Kwanza celebrations and the bertha butt boogie. What have we really offered the young, old, tenants, welfare recipients, prisoners, or workers? What leadership have we really given them? What have we built and shared with them that they could touch, feel, and be a collective part of? PAGE 6 What have we established "n our communities that the masses can be proud of, relate to, or speak with pride about to their friends and loved ones ? Not much, I'm afraid. In Oakland, I saw very much what the BPP had done and contributed. I talked with students, teachers, doctors, community residents, party members, campaing volunteers, bartenders, waitresses, and businessmen. All spoke with pride and support of the BPP and its survival programs. All were committed to the success and continued growth of the BPP. Isn't that what it's all about ? A Rewarding Trip My eyes were opened to the truth and commitment of these comrades as they wage the protracted struggle against a common enemy. It was rewarding talking to comrades Erica Muggins and her staff at the Intercommu- nal Youth Institute. Providing not only quality education for our young, but programs for our seniors. A place for the teenagers to meet and display their talents. Some- thing badly needed in east Oakland. The doctors and staff at the free medical clinic were testing for sickle cell and hypertension. Many talk about programs such as these, but few achieve. Talking to the bloods and beautiful sisiters at the Lampost Bar and Restaurant; be- lieve me, the food there is Dyno-Mite ! Meeting the many volunteers at Elaine Brown's headquarters. It reminds me of the days (1970), when U.B.W. was involved in the cam- paign to elect Kenneth Gibson, the first black mayor of Newark, and all the excitement that surrounded the election. Because of our early flight back, my meeting with sister Elaine Brown had to be cancelled. However, I wished her, on behalf of the U.B.W., success and victory in her upcoming election to the city council. With continued support like she was getting daily while I was there, victory is certain without a doubt. Finally, to my friend, guide, and comrade Brother David G. DuBois, editor of the BPP newspaper, and official spokesman for the Party, I can only say thanks for making me feel at home. Brother DuBois has a huge weight to carry on his shoulders. From what I could see, he is dealing with it and growing everyday. With the collective support of the other members of the Party, combined with those of us from the outside offering our support and solidarity, his task will be a little lightened. In the short time DuBois has been involved with the Party, he has gained the respect of many in California. Struggling to live up to the responsibilities of a famous name and family has only heightened his determination and commitment. Although he has not asked for it, I think we owe him and others like him a vote of confidence and our hand in support and solidarity. We often take each other for granted and as a result, we lose many comrades along the way. It is time to let them know what we think of their sacri- fice, work, commitment, and contribution. This gives them the confidence and strength to PAGE 7 keep on trucking. Isn't that what we comrades are suppose to be about ?

How We Can Help I do not mean to imply that the Panthers are without their problems. We all have them. They admit they have made some mistakes, again haven't we all. More important- ly, the contributions the BPP have made to the Black Liberation Struggle in particular and the overall struggles of oppressed peoples is a historic fact. As one community brother told me as he praised Huey Newton, "Before Huey and the Black Panther Party, noone ever heard of Oakland, California. They put us on the map." I bet some of you thought Charles Finley and the Oakland A's did that. Huey Newton is more popular in Oakland than Reggie Jackson could ever be. Too often we have sat by and watched struggling programs, schools and newspapers dedicated to the people and our community just fade away and die. We have the respon- sibility to support, strengthen and continue their work. Disagree with the BPP if you must, but still support their programs. The distruc- tion of the BPP's programs and its newspaper would be a victory for the enemy and a heavy set-back for the movement. All over the world, people still look to the Party for leadership, information, and strength. The persecution of the Party and its members still goes on and will continue to go on as long as we remain silent. If we don't give a dam, the enemies of, not just the party, but all oppressed peoples, will feel free to continue committing genocide on the BPP and its programs for survival. In California where one openly sees fascism everywhere, dressed as Minutemen, John Birch Society, American Nazi Party, Ronald Reagan, Richard Nixon, and fascist police and prison guards, all which must be dealt with. While here in the east, we tend to be lulled to sleep because these same forces hide themselves as liberals, Jewish Defense League, or are undercover agents. These are some of the reasons why we must support the BPP and learn from their ex- periences and faults so we can all get together down the road. They need our support on all levels, especially money. They need our financial support to continue the pub- lication of the Black Panther Newspaper and the Intercommunal Youth Institute. Yes, my trip was informational, successful, and rewarding. Because of it, our two organizations have moved closer together. We can learn much about community work and we can teach them of the struggles of workers. To paraphrase the song, 'He ain't heavy, he's my Brother.1 From my visit with BPP, I came away feeling, 'They ain't Heavy, They are my Brothers and Sisters.1 I will re- turn, what about you ? Wilbur Haddock UBW

PAGES ERICKA HUGGINS, T STARVE - FIGHT!

WORKERS during the last Depression trans- was repeated countless times across the formed their despair over mounting evictions nation, from the farms of Iowa to the and layoffs into collective action for the ghettos of . In this way, the right to live a decent life. For the mil- councils were able to win the support of lions of jobless, the National Unemployed thousands, some of whom had previously Council was the key organization through written them off as communists. In some which they fought. cities, like Chicago, the councils forced the authorities to stop evictions entirely Organized in 1930, the National Unemployed Council had councils and branches in BLACKS, then as now the hardest hit by nearly every city and town in the nation, unemployment, played a central role in the and a membership of 800,000 by 1936. Council, which took a militant stand Throughout America the councils fought, against racism. The Council used publi- often ferociously, for the rights of city and direct pressure to fight dis- unemployed and employed workers alike, crimination against Blacks and foreign- appearing frequently on the picket lines born people in the dispensing of relief. to help win strikes. There was virtually no scabbing during the Depression. In many places, unemployed people tried to organize economic self-help. In Seattle, The Council was a direct response to the Unemployed Sitizen's League fished, nationwide hunger and lack of relief. The picked unmarketable fruits and vegetables, unemployed who, in the earliest days of and cut wood, exchanging it directly with the Depression, had retreated in private carpenters, doctors, and seamstresses. shame, increasingly relied on collective action to insure their survival. In cities Throughout, the Unemployed Council was across the nation, they organized mass attacked as Communist. In dozens of cities actions to demand food, public works, and the jobless were slandered by businessmen, unemployment insurance. Under the banner investigated by committees, clubbed and of "Don't Starve—Fight!", they demon- jailed by police as Reds. Socialists, strated, marched and battled police in Communists and other leftists backed the New York, Chicago, St.Louis, Detroit... Unemployed Council and were active in it, but the membership of the councils con- sistently rejected witch hunts or expul- During this period, millions of families sions as politically divisive. were evicted from their homes because they were unable to pay the rent or meet The popular thrust of the unemployed the mortgage. Some of these people had councils declined with the advent of worked all their lives for their homes, reforms of the New Deal, but was main- yet blamed themselves when, without work, tained in part in the organization of they were unable to make the payments. the Congress of Industrial Organizations, Imagine how they felt when the deputies, the CIO. In their refusal to be red- the agents of the landowners, came and baited, in their stance against racism, moved their furniture and belongings out in their unity with employed workers on into the street! In the midst of these picket lines, and in their determined personal crises, the unemployed councils support of each other in demanding the would appear in number, moving the furni- means for survival, the Unemployed ture back into the house, and guarding Councils demonstrated remarkable and it against the deputies. This incident historical solidarity. PAGE 9 MAY 30, 1937--Chicago, 111: Memorial Day Massacre. Striking steel workers, demanding union recognition are attacked by 500 police as they peacefully pi- cket the Republic Steel plant. 10 murd?reJ and scores v.'ounded. Hard Times Com. LOCAL 9CT6: corft. Meeting new comrades, exchang- saying "what is the job of the ing information and experiences officials of local 906?" U.B.W. and developing new allies is con- says the workers' problems; our problems is their job. If they sistent with U.B.W.'s practice. can't handle it, lets do some- Our trip to the west coast thing about it. We put them in gave us renewed confidence in office and we can take them out. the future. With a continued And that we must do! commitment and collective, U.B.W. is calling for effec- practical work. . .We Shall tive leadership and sound pro- Win Without A Doubt. grams. We call for the forma- tion of Unemployment Committees Central Staff to provide assistance to employ- united black workers ed and layed off workers. Call APRIL 26 - MAY! for a massive Worker's March for Jobs on May 1, Internation- al Worker's Day. Call for an MARCH immediate end to deportation of fellow workers. Call for FOR JOBS! unity of our combined struggles, Call for jobs not war. Call for Support of International Workers Struggles. Call for a Revolution within Local 906 U.A.W. united black .workers

U.B.W. Crisis Demands

I***************************************** ********* 1. Formation of Unemployment Committee "If you think by hanging us you can stamp out the 2. Full seniority rights for all laid off workers. labor movement-.,the movement from which the down- 3. Shorter work week-no reduction in pay. trodden millions, the millions who toil in want 4. No forced overtime while workers are laid off, and miseryj expect salvation, if this is your and stop Speed-Up. opinion, then hang us: 5. Full S.U.B. pay for everyone for the duration of lay-offs to be paid by the Company. "Here you will /tread upon a spark, but there and 6. Increase unemployment benefits for all laid off there, behind you and in front of you, and every- workers. where, flames will blaze up. It is a subterranean 7. Expand food stamp program for unemployed. fire. Ifou cannot put it out." 8. Moratorium on all debts against eviction and repossessions during periods of lay-offs. -- August Spies, before being sentenced to death 9. Stop discriminatory layoffs of Black, Latin and in the eight-hour-day fiame-up in Chicago, 1886. Women workers. 10. No.Arbitrary Layoffs

PAGE 10 MOU:THE STRUGGLE FOR LABOR UNITY

On March 15, 1975 I'.I Mundo, one of the daily newspapers Some Background in Puerto Rico, devoted an entire editorial to a plea to union ... In Puerto Rico there have been many, many efforts to members to take an interest in "the future of their unions and unify the labor movement. These efforts date back to the the preservation of their jobs by mobilizing against those who beginnings of this century. In that epoch, it was the Federacion are attempting to steer the unions in the sole direction of Libre which gave most of the impulse to this unity. But the socialism and independence." Federacion Libre . . . became a very, very burcaucratized organi- This editorial is only one example of the all-out attack zation. In its close relationship with the Socialist Party of that against progressive trade unions, including the MOU (United time, it was becoming more an anti-worker instrument than a Workers Movement) leadership, which has been taking place in pro-worker one, to the point that in 1936, in the great sugar- the last few months. cane strike, it betrayed the cane workers .turned its back on This attack has taken the form of full-page newspaper ads, them . . . then the workers in the caneficlds decided to break news articles, and denunciations by government officials. The with the Federacion Libre. particular focus has been redbaiting against communists within . . . The next great effort to unite the working class . . . was trade unions; and of course the MOU, whose coordinator, Pedro the confederation the CGT- the Confederucion General de Grant, is also a member of the Central Committee of the Puerto Traba/adort's 1941, 1942. . . . Within a few years they man- Rican Socialist Party, has come under heavy fire. aged to unite more than 300 unions, comprising thousands of One can easily understand why the colonial government of workers, thousands; and the incredible thing is that in a few Puerto Rico is threatened by the MOU. At a time when Puerto years it had the most dramatic growth of any labor effort our Rico is suffering a major economic crisis, the MOU is building a country had ever seen. ... Its leadership was very committed united trade union movement capable of and active in coordi- and very genuine, and truly represented the workers. ... So nating island-wide strike support. The MOU was formed on now the CGT, being such a power, was an obstacle to the plans October 16, 1972 out of a labor committee organized by a which the gentlemen who own this country had. So they put group of labor leaders which sought a vehicle for unity in the into their heads the idea of destroying the CGT. They managed trade union movement. to get cadres of their party, the Part/do Popular Democratico, The MOU has forty member unions and about 100 locals the PPD, into places as union leaders. . . ^At the same time among which are the Boilermakers Union, the Island Union of they began to name leaders of the CGT to public posts, govern- Electrical Construction and Industrial Workers (UITICE), the ment positions, and they managed to split the CGT. And by Union of Workers of the Cement Industry, the Amalgamated splitting it, naturally, they managed to kill it ... to tie up the Meat Cutters Union, the National Workers Union, the Puerto labor movement in this country for many years. Rican Industrial Maintenance and Service Union, the Ready Mix Of course, there were always attempts to achieve that unity, Workers Union, the Union of Petrochemical Workers, the Union and in 1969 the Movimento de Accion Sindical, the MAS, was of Housing Fund Employees, the Union of Fomento Company organized. But this was not truly a workers' movement; it was a Employees, the Union of United Firefighters, the Union of movement of union leaders. . . participation of the base was not Professional Employees of the Electrical Authority (AFF), really heard much. They also committed a series of political Puerto Rican Workers Guild, the Independent Union of the errors, the MAS, so they destroyed themselves within two years. Liquor Industry of Arecibo, the Congress of Industrial Unions The MAS never developed to the point where it was enough of a' and APATE. threat to the government of this country. . . . When it died it The following are excerpts from a conversation held in June was still in diapers. . . . The death of the MAS was an infant of 1974 by Puerto Rico Libre! with Pablo Rivera, Secretary for mortality. Education and Propaganda of the MOU. Then the efforts continued. With companero Pedro Grant at its head. ... in 1972 many union representatives got together to Pedro Grant, President of the MOU. discuss on what basis labor unity in this country could stand. ... At that moment they agreed on a loose association, timid lukewarm. . . . But this is the Puerto Rican reality, and this was the basis on which we began to work. There wasn't a strong desire for unity, except for a few of the labor leaders - very few. Among them we should give special mention to companero Pedro Grant, 25 years as a union leader in this country. The MOU is Founded Pedro Grant begins to organize the MOU and the MOU begins to organize with independent unions and with interna- tional unions; with both. It begins to work. . . . The MOU is a very broad movement . . . which embraces every kind of serious labor organization. There's room for all kinds in the MOU. It is not an independence group. It is not a statehood group. It is not a people's organization. It is a labor organization; and it is for labor. It is on this basis in 1972 that the MOU was created. It has had its ups and downs, but it has always been growing, always growing. ... It has had its internal troubles. Recently . . . Mr. Guillcrmo Bobones . . . the executive secretary of the MOU . . . resigned. . . . Bobones held that the labor movement . . . should not PAGE 11 Rk-dn Solidarity Committee, P.O. Box 3 I 9, Cooper Station, N.Y., N.Y. I 0003 TO BE CONTINUED scabs from entering the McCormick Har- that most labor "leaders" were unwilling vester Works, leaving four dead and many International to take such a militant .stand. Early in wounded. The next day, there were street-; 1886, local workers' assemblies through- battles between police and strikers, and „ < Worker's Day out the country set May 1 of thai-year as night several rallies were organized to pro-' the date of the general strike. test police brutality. One of these took place at Haymarket In the United States, we've celebrated The centers of the eight-hour day Square on the evening of May 4. Toward i> ptember 1 as "Labor Day" in recent movement were the major industrial cities the end of the peaceful rally, after many tii.ies. On that day, the boss gives you a of the time- New York, Chicago, Cincin- people had already left, 180 police few hours off to go have a picnic, drink a nati, Baltimore, and Milwaukee. Strikes marched in to disperse the meeting. Sud- few beers, and try to forget what rotten and demonstrations building for the May denly a bomb exploded in the crowd, kil- jobs and difficult lives you and everyone 1 general strike involved over a quarter of ling one policeman and wounding many. else you know have. a million workers. By May 1, around This bombing, thought by many to But May 1 has been celebrated as 300,000 workers had already won the have been done by agents-provocateur, eight-hour day. International Workers Day by working unleashed the full fury of the govern- people throughout the world since 1890, THE HAYMARKET MASSACRE ment, press, police and church against and that was the original "Labor Day" in labor leaders. Police smashed the presses this country as well. The heart of the movement was that printed their newspapers, raided Chicago. During April, there were huge homes, and arrested many especially the ORIGINS OF MAY DAY demonstrations building for the May 1 foreign-born. Many people were beaten strike that drew more than 25,000 people and tortured, and some were bribed to May Day grew out of U.S. workers' each. act as state witnesses. struggles for the eight-hour day. As early At the same time, the National Guard In the weeks that followed, similar re- as 1866, the National Labor Union, a coa- was enlarged, the police prepared to "put, pressive tactics were followed in other lition of trade unions and labor reform down trouble," and leading businessmen cities. In Milwaukee, for example, the en- groups, set the struggle for the eight-hour armed their employees. According to one tire district executive board of the day as its number one priority. (New history of the period, one large company Knights of Labor was arrested and Yorkers can be proud of the fact that the formed "an organization of 150 young charged with "rioting and conspiracy." bricklayers' union here was one of the men . . . armed with breech-loading Rem- Others were arrested in Pittsburgh and first groups to go on strike for this de- ington rifles," which pursued "a regular New York. mand.) course of drilling." On the eve of the In Chicago, eight union leaders At that time, the norm in most in- strike, the Commercial Club put up were indicted for the murder of the dustry here was the ten-hour day and the $2000 to buy machine guns for the First policeman who died in the Haymarket six-day week. In the garment and textile Infantry of the Illinois National Guard. bombing, including August Spies and industries, the work day was often as On May 1, 30,000 Chicago workers Albert Parsons, eloquent spokesmen for much as sixteen hours. Employers bit- struck, including lumbermen, freight the eight-hour day movement. Although terly fought against the eight-hour day handlers, woodworkers and railroad only two had been in the vicinity at the movement, and in some industries, such workers, and about 60,000 either time of the bombing, seven were sen- as steel, the working day was growing watched or participated in their demon- tenced and four were hanged. longer. strations. On May 3, as more and more By 1885, the idea of a general strike The immediate result of the mass May workers were coming out on strike, police around the issue of the eight-hour day Day strikes was severe repression of all fired into a crowd that was trying to keep had captured the imagination of tens of the existing labor organizations. Thou- thousands of workers—despite the fact sands of workers lost their jobs and were blacklisted, and the "yellow-dog con- tract," requiring workers to swear that SUBSCRIBE TO !!! they would not join a labor organization (still used today in non-union coal mines, for example), was widely used. THE CITY STAR BLACK VOICE SEND TO THE BLACK VOICE UNITED BLACK WORKERS PO BOX 1855 NEWARK.NEW JERSEY 07101 $2.00 FOR 12 ISSUES

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