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Peter Pihos, Black Police and Black Power

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Peter Pihos, Black Police and Black Power Peter C. Pihos Raoul Berger-Mark DeWolfe Howe Fellow Harvard Law School September 12, 2012 Black Police and Black Power in 1970s Chicago Beginning in 1968, Renault Robinson was harassed by his employer for more than a decade on account of his outspoken criticism of racism on the job and for trying to form a group with like-minded black employees to combat this unfair treatment. He was reassigned from a high-status highly independent position to a role as a low-status functionary. He was written up for minor rule violations. He was subjected to racist caricatures. What’s more, as was true with many activists of the era, his activities put him under the gaze of Chicago’s political police—the Department’s notorious Red Squad. He and his wife were even arrested and humiliated at a public event to which he had been invited as an honoree for his activism. If these events seem commonplace in the history of Black Power—they are. What was uncommon was that Robinson was a cop himself and the President and later Executive Director of Chicago’s Afro-American Patrolmen’s League (AAPL).1 Urban police forces were important actors in the history of the black freedom struggle. Their role is largely viewed in oppositional terms: The story of black activism since World War II, especially in the North, demands an account of activism directed against the police. Even as the sustained wave of civil rights protests that swept the country beginning in 1963 focused on “long-simmering issues such as discrimination in public accommodations, workplaces, and schools[,]”they often “became anti-police demonstrations, with a growing number of them 1The scale of harassment can be seen in Robinson’s disciplinary file as well as in various narrative accounts. See Thomas A. Gottschalk, “Synopsis of Rule Violations in Discharge Proceeding,” June 20, 1970, Afro-American Patrolmen’s League Collection, Chicago History Museum, Box 22 Folder 1 (“AAPL”); “Conversation between Renault Robinson and Supervisors at the Third District” (Tape 3), July 1975, AAPL Box 25 Folder 4. 1 turning violent.”2 Advocates of Black Power were amongst the most trenchant critics of the enforcement of social hierarchy through the use of state violence. The rhetoric of armed self- defense, the act of patrolling the police, and calls for community control of policing all play a central role in our understanding of the place of police in this story. Police repression had real and devastating consequences for people like Fred Hampton, Bobby Hutton, and for the survival of many Black Power organizations.3 By examining Chicago’s Afro-American Patrolmen’s League, this paper offers a different angle of vision. The AAPL’s history projects the full depth of influence that Black Power politics had during the 1970s, by demonstrating how it penetrated the very institution against which it is usually most prominently arrayed. How could the AAPL reconcile the quintessential Black Power slogan, “Off the Pigs!”, with its own motto, “Black Power through Law”? In providing answers to this question, the League offers new departures for thinking about the broad reach of the protean imagery, rhetoric, and ideas of Black Power. In particular, it helps to reframe the Black Power critique of the police in a more pointed fashion. The officer- activists who composed the AAPL highlight the ways in which Black Power activists specifically opposed the unlawful and unjust exercise of state violence, especially against black people, rather than opposing police powers more generally. The League’s activities against discriminatory law enforcement and police brutality dovetailed with their efforts as police 2 Thomas J. Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North (New York: Random House, 2008), 303. 3 A subfield of Black Power Studies has proliferated in recent years. Authors working in or engaging with this field offer a broader focus on a variety of activism beyond the critique of policing. Nonetheless, the relationship between the police and Black Power activists remains important. E.g., Robert O. Self, American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003); Peniel Joseph, Waiting for the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America (New York: Owl Books, 2006); Matthew J. Countryman, Up South: Civil Rights and Black Power in Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Sugure, Sweet Land of Liberty; Donna Murch, Living for the City: Migration, Education, and the Rise of the Black Panther Party in Oakland, California (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010). For a synthesis of the concerns of the new scholarship, see Peniel Joseph, “The Black Power Movement: A State of the Field,” Journal of American History 96 (2009): 751-776. 2 officers—and activists—to reduce crime and fear in predominantly black neighborhoods (including some of Chicago’s high-rise public housing). The efforts of the AAPL also highlight the centrality of the movements against state violence to the broader urban politics of the 1970s. The watchword at the black grassroots as the 1960s turned to the 1970s was not victory. It was survival. Building upon common experiences with police violence, activists helped to construct a new black politics. This new racial politics saw ending such state violence as an essential step in black liberation. In Chicago, I suggest that the AAPL provided a unique credibility for movements against such violence and helped to channel the formation of black political identity around efforts to resist it. I: Black Power Talk by Black Policemen The AAPL was founded in January of 1968, by a handful of black patrolmen, most of whom had trained begun their training together at the police academy in February of 1965.4 Much of the insight we have on these early years comes from later reflections by Curtis Cowsen and Renault Robinson, who both wrote on the development of the AAPL during their graduate studies. According to both men, a small network of friends began meeting about their dissatisfactions with the treatment of blacks on the force. The suspension of three black officers for police brutality catalyzed their concerns about disparate treatment. It was alleged that these black officers had beaten two white youths to obtain a confession. In the minds of League members, this was something that white cops routinely did to black youth with impunity. Why 4 Curtis Cowsen reported the number of patrolmen as being seven or eight, including Edward ‘Buzz’ Palmer, Renault Robinson, Frank Lee, George Jones, Willie Ware, Wilbert Crooks, and Curtis Cowsen. Curtis J. Cowsen, “The Formation of the Afro-American Patrolmen’s League of Chicago” (August 1963), pp. 4-5, AAPL Box 63, Folder 20. Renault Robinson also includes Jerry Harden, Nathan Silas, and Jack DeBonnett in the group. Renault Robinson, “Black Police: A Means of Social Change,” August 1971 (M.A. Thesis), AAPL Box 54 Folder 373. Only Crooks left the group because he found it too radical, according to Cowsen. Cowsen, “Formation,” p. 3. A later annual report highlights Mayor Richard J. Daley’s famous “shoot to kill, aim to maim” order of April 1968 as precipitating organizing. Afro-American Patrolmen’s League Annual Report (1974) (draft), AAPL Box 54 Folder 169. 3 did the Department dismiss black claims against white officers while pursuing white claims against black officers? 5 The League began with the idea that a group of black patrolmen might be able to combat these injustices at work. As the historic anti-discrimination lawsuit that the officers brought against the city demonstrated, they were able to do this. If the officers who started the litigation did not specifically benefit professionally, the near-total vindication of their legal claims paved the way for increasing the number of black, female, and Latino officers on the force and in command positions. Although this civil rights agenda geared toward professional advancement was significant, it was not the whole of the League’s efforts. Instead, it went hand-in-hand with a broader sense of mission focused on addressing the relationship between the police department and black Chicagoans. From the very beginning, when the small handful of officers began meeting, the process of articulating their problems with their working conditions and thinking about how to improve them opened up new vistas on the potential objects for a black police organization. As they began to organize themselves the League’s founders spoke of doing more than establishing “just ‘another’ police organization formed for the purpose of furthering the policemen’s lot.”6 Led by Edward “Buzz” Palmer, the men engaged in a series of consciousness-raising sessions. Over the course of several months, they came to realize that, as black patrolmen, they sat at a unique nexus between black people and the imperatives of law enforcement. co-founder Curtis Cowsen put it, “we ... began to think of the plight of black people in a broader sense,” during these meetings, and “to think in terms of solidifying the black policeman with the black community.”7 5 Robinson, “Formation,” pp. 10-11. 6 Renault Robinson, “Untitled Essay,” p.4 (1971) (first of two untitled essays), AAPL Box 54 Folder 371. 7 Cowsen, “The Formation” p. 3. 4 Right from the start, the organization faced choices about how to frame its relationship with other black movements. In early 1968, there were a wide range of opinions about how to proceed with organizing amongst the founders, which spanned the ideological spectrum from “extremely radical” to “ultra conservative.” Even just agreeing on a name was a serious task for debate, as there were supporters of describing the group as Negro, as Afro-American, as black, or with no ethnic designation at all.
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