DOCSLIB.ORG

Evidence from Impeachment of the President

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Evidence from Impeachment of the President Social Media and Rigid Beliefs: Evidence from Impeachment of the President Yong Suk Lee August, 2018 Working Paper No. 1021 Social Media and Rigid Beliefs: Evidence from Impeachment of the President Yong Suk Leea1, a Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305 Abstract Controversial news with little to no factual support has been proliferating in recent years. Such news has spread widely via social media, where individuals can easily create and distribute news. Using the news and events surrounding the impeachment of the former South Korean president Park Geun-hye, I examine (1) the relationship between social media use and beliefs in controversial news and (2) the relationship between protest participation and rigid beliefs based on social media use. The results indicate that individuals who use social media as their primary source of news are significantly more rigid in their beliefs in controversial news. Further, those who strongly believe in controversial news and are more consistent or extreme in their ideological views are more likely to participate in (more) protests. Moreover, this pattern is significantly stronger for those who primarily get their news from social media. Protests can have real-world impacts on public opinion and the policy-making process. Furthermore, a relatively small number of people can effectively mobilize political protests. Though protest participation is an individual choice, it is influenced by others and initially coordinated by a small number of people. The findings of this paper suggest that social media may allow a small group of people, potentially with more polarized and rigid beliefs, to have a disproportionately large impact on public opinion and policy-making in modern democracies. Keywords: social media, news, rigid beliefs, polarization, protests, impeachment 1 To whom correspondence should be addressed. Email: [email protected]. 1 1. Introduction Controversial news with little to no factual support has been proliferating in recent years (Allcot and Gentzkow 2017; Bradshaw and Howard 2017; Lazer et al. 2018). Such news has spread widely via social media, where individuals can easily create and distribute news. Social media enables people to share news with like-minded people, potentially creating an echo-chamber effect (Sunstein 2001; Pew Research Center 2014; Bakshy et al. 2015). Moreover, individuals with extreme political views can use social media to not only consume, but also distribute selective news. The first objective of this paper is to examine whether people who use social media as their primary source of news believe more strongly in controversial news. Studies have found that people who hold strong convictions are less likely to find a middle ground, reconcile on contentious issues, and solve problems creatively (Carnevale and Probst 1998; Mutz 2006; Montpetit 2012). Moreover, studies have found that false information travels faster than truthful information on social media (Vosoughi 2018) and that increased exposure to fake news increases people’s tendency to believe in such news (Pennycook et al. 2018). The second objective of this paper is to examine social media users’ protest participation based on the rigidity or ideological consistency of their beliefs. Studies have found that social media facilitate political protests (Bartels 1993; Shirky 2001; Bond et al. 2012; Tufekci and Wilson 2012; Enikolopov, Petrova, and Macarin 2017) and that protests can shape public opinion and political outcomes (Madestam et al. 2013; Acemoglu et al. 2018). The public and the government have become increasingly concerned about the effects of social media on public opinion and behavior and, ultimately, political outcomes (Pew Research Center 2016, 2018). Since the decision to select one media source over another is an individual choice, understanding the beliefs and protest behaviors of individuals who use social media as their primary source of news could shed light on how the prevalence of social media might shape public opinion and political outcomes in modern democracies. This paper examines these questions using the news and events surrounding the impeachment of Park Geun-hye, South Korea’s previous president. Park was impeached due to influence peddling by her close friend who had no role in the government. News related to the scandal was widely covered in South Korea. However, there were also many controversial news stories related to Park Geun-hye. As these news reports came out, people took to the streets and demanded that Park step down. The opposition party eventually put forward an impeachment 2 proposal, and the Constitutional Court unanimously voted for impeachment. However, the impeachment ruling did little to confirm the factual accuracy surrounding most of the circulating news. Other than confirming one account of abuse of power, the Court explicitly stated that there was insufficient evidence of the accusations brought forward against Park (Lim 2017). Consequently, some of the people who initially believed the controversial news may have become more ambiguous after the impeachment rulings. I conducted an online survey one week before the impeachment ruling and followed up with a post-impeachment survey after one month. To measure the rigidity of people’s beliefs, I collected their pre- and post-impeachment beliefs on four news items related to Park Geun-hye. I focused on news with little factual support and on which people may have adjusted their beliefs following the impeachment ruling. In the pre-impeachment survey, I asked whether the participants believed each news item was “True” or “False.” In the post-impeachment survey, I also allowed respondents to choose “Uncertain.” I find that people who use social media as their primary source of news (hereafter: social media users) are significantly more rigid in their beliefs—that is, they are less likely to change their beliefs concerning the news. Furthermore, social media users are ideologically more polarized—their ideological views are more consistent across issues and they have more extreme views. The relationship between social media and rigid beliefs holds even when controlling for measures of ideological consistency, extreme ideological views, political spectrum, individual characteristics, and personality traits. Focusing on protests as the outcome, social media users are more likely to have participated in (more) candlelight protests. Furthermore, social media users with more rigid beliefs or polarized views are significantly more likely to participate in street protests. 2. The Context 2.1 The news and scandals Park Geun-hye assumed office as South Korea’s first female president in February 2013. One of Park’s appeals was her image as a clean leader. Almost all previous South Korean presidents or their direct family members had been involved in some form of bribery or influence peddling and were jailed. Park was never married; both of her parents were assassinated decades ago; and, other than an estranged brother, she had no close family. Despite being elected the first female president of East Asia, Park experienced a less popular presidency than initially hoped. Her 3 governing style was reclusive, and she tended to hire and consult with only a small number of people (Doucette 2017; Kim, H. 2017). Her presidency experienced a major crisis with the Sewol ferry disaster of April 16, 2014. More than 300 people, most of them young students, died while the nation helplessly watched the ferry sink live on TV. Park made her first appearance after seven hours of the sinking, and people wondered what the president was doing that day and how she could have let such disaster unfold in front of everyone’s eyes (Fermin-Robbins 2018). Her popularity declined substantially. In September 2016, news broke about the influence of Choi Soon-sil, Park’s long-time friend, who had no official governmental position, over Park. Several news media reported that Choi had access to confidential government documents and information. Evidence that Choi edited and provided feedback on presidential addresses emerged. Continued news investigation found that Choi established several foundations through which she yielded political and financial influence. Taking advantage of her close ties with Park, Choi requested donations from major conglomerates to fund foundation activities. Choi's foundations used those funds to buy horses and fund her daughter's equestrian activities. Park was accused of being involved in this process, as she met with many of the conglomerate owners around the same time. Furthermore, it was revealed that Choi used her influence not only to send her daughter to a prestigious women’s university, but also to reprimand a professor who gave her daughter low grades due to poor attendance and performance. Many people were shocked and infuriated that someone with no official government position could hold so much political and financial influence. In late October 2016, Park publicly acknowledged her close ties with Choi, and her approval ratings fell to an all-time low of 5 percent (Harris 2017; Fendos 2017). Various news stories emerged around this time, especially on the internet and social media. For instance, it became known that there was a private meeting between Park Geun-hye and Jay Lee, Samsung’s vice chairman and heir apparent. News concerning the motives of the meeting quickly spread. Some news stories reported that Lee asked Park to help in his succession of Samsung and, in return, offered to donate to one of Choi’s foundations. Other news stories proposed the opposite angle: that Park first asked Lee to support Choi’s foundation and equestrian activities and, in return, offered to push the National Pension Fund to support Lee’s cause at Samsung (Seo 2016; Kim, S. 2017; Fermin-Robbins 2018). Park’s response to the Sewol ferry disaster was also the subject of many news stories. The ferry’s crash and sinking 4 were televised in the morning, but Park did not make her first remark or appearance regarding the disaster until seven hours after the disaster began.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Croatia's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments Through 2010
    PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:24 constituteproject.org Croatia's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2010 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:24 Table of contents I. Historical Foundations . 3 II. Basic Provisions . 4 III. Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms . 7 1. General Provisions . 7 2. Personal and Political Freedoms and Rights . 9 3. Economic, Social and Cultural Rights . 14 IV. Organization of Government . 18 1. The Croatian Parliament . 18 2. The President of the Republic of Croatia . 22 3. The Government of the Republic of Croatia . 26 4. Judicial Power . 28 5. The Office of the Public Prosecutions . 30 V. The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia . 31 VI. Local and Regional Self-Government . 33 VII. International Relations . 35 1. International agreements . 35 2. Association and Succession . 35 VIII. European Union . 36 1. Legal Grounds for Membership and Transfer of Constitutional Powers . 36 2. Participation in European Union Institutions . 36 3. European Union Law . 37 4. Rights of European Union Citizens . 37 IX. Amending the Constitution . 37 IX. Concluding Provisions . 38 Croatia 1991 (rev. 2010) Page 2 constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:24 I. Historical Foundations • Reference to country's history The millenary identity of the Croatia nation and the continuity of its statehood,
    [Show full text]
  • Open-And-Shut: Senate Impeachment Deliberations Must Be Public Marjorie Cohn
    Hastings Law Journal Volume 51 | Issue 2 Article 3 1-2000 Open-and-Shut: Senate Impeachment Deliberations Must Be Public Marjorie Cohn Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Marjorie Cohn, Open-and-Shut: Senate Impeachment Deliberations Must Be Public, 51 Hastings L.J. 365 (2000). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol51/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Open-and-Shut: Senate Impeachment Deliberations Must Be Public by MARJORIE COHN* Table of Contents I. Impeachment Rules and Precedents ................................................ 368 A. Current Impeachment Rules ............................................... 368 B. A Tradition of Senate Secrecy ............................................ 370 (1) Congressional Rule-Making Authority ........................ 370 (2) The "Closed-Door Policy"............................................. 370 (3) The Twentieth Century: The Door Opens Wider ...... 374 (4) When the Doors Are Closed ......................................... 376 C. Historical Impeachment Rules ............................................ 377 D. Why Did the Presumption of Openness Change in .. 1868 with the Andrew Johnson Impeachment?
    [Show full text]
  • The Economic and Political Situation in Croatia
    DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT D: BUDGETARY AFFAIRS The Economic and Political Situation in Croatia NOTE 08/06/2010 PE 411.280 EN This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Budgetary Control. AUTHOR Ms Yana Mechkova RESPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATOR Mr Christian EHLERS Policy Department D: Budgetary Affairs European Parliament B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR To contact the Policy Department or to subscribe to its monthly newsletter please write to: poldep- [email protected] Manuscript completed in June 2010. Brussels, © European Parliament, 2010. This document is available on the Internet at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/studies DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorized, provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice and sent a copy. The Economic and Political Situation in Croatia ___________________________________________________________________________________ TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION............................................................................................... 2 2. THE POLITICAL SITUATION............................................................................. 2 2.1. THE POLITICAL STRUCTURE...................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Globalization of K-Pop: the Interplay of External and Internal Forces
    THE GLOBALIZATION OF K-POP: THE INTERPLAY OF EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL FORCES Master Thesis presented by Hiu Yan Kong Furtwangen University MBA WS14/16 Matriculation Number 249536 May, 2016 Sworn Statement I hereby solemnly declare on my oath that the work presented has been carried out by me alone without any form of illicit assistance. All sources used have been fully quoted. (Signature, Date) Abstract This thesis aims to provide a comprehensive and systematic analysis about the growing popularity of Korean pop music (K-pop) worldwide in recent years. On one hand, the international expansion of K-pop can be understood as a result of the strategic planning and business execution that are created and carried out by the entertainment agencies. On the other hand, external circumstances such as the rise of social media also create a wide array of opportunities for K-pop to broaden its global appeal. The research explores the ways how the interplay between external circumstances and organizational strategies has jointly contributed to the global circulation of K-pop. The research starts with providing a general descriptive overview of K-pop. Following that, quantitative methods are applied to measure and assess the international recognition and global spread of K-pop. Next, a systematic approach is used to identify and analyze factors and forces that have important influences and implications on K-pop’s globalization. The analysis is carried out based on three levels of business environment which are macro, operating, and internal level. PEST analysis is applied to identify critical macro-environmental factors including political, economic, socio-cultural, and technological.
    [Show full text]
  • Identity Under Japanese Occupation
    1 “BECOMING JAPANESE:” IDENTITY UNDER JAPANESE OCCUPATION GRADES: 9-12 AUTHOR: Katherine Murphy TOPIC/THEME: Japanese Occupation, World War II, Korean Culture, Identity TIME REQUIRED: Two 60-minute periods BACKGROUND: The lesson is based on the impact of the Japanese occupation of Korea during World War II on Korean culture and identity. In particular, the lesson focuses on the Japanese campaign in 1940 to encourage Koreans to abandon their Korean names and adopt Japanese names. This campaign was known as “sōshi-kaimei." The purpose of this campaign, along with campaigns requiring Koreans to recite an oath to the Japanese Emperor and bow at Shinto shrines, were to make the Korean people “Japanese” and hopefully, loyal subjects of the Japanese Empire by abandoning their Korean identity and loyalties. These cultural policies and campaigns were key to the Japanese war effort during World War II. The lesson draws from the students’ lives as well as two books: Lost Names: Scenes from a Korean Boyhood by Richard E. Kim and Under the Black Umbrella: Voices from Colonial Korea 1910-1945 by Hildi Kang. CURRICULUM CONNECTION: The lesson is intended to use the major themes from the summer reading book Lost Names: Scenes from a Korean Boyhood to introduce students to one of the five essential questions of the World History II course: How is identity constructed? How does identity impact human experience? In first investigating the origin of their own names and the meaning of Korean names, students can begin to explore the question “How is identity constructed?’ In examining how and why the Japanese sought to change the Korean people’s names, religion, etc during World War II, students will understand how global events such as World War II can impact an individual.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impeachment and Trial of a Former President
    Legal Sidebari The Impeachment and Trial of a Former President January 15, 2021 For the second time in just over a year, the House of Representatives has voted to impeach President Donald J. Trump. The House previously voted to impeach President Trump on December 18, 2019, and the Senate voted to acquit the President on February 5, 2020. Because the timing of this second impeachment vote is so close to the end of the Trump Administration, it is possible that any resulting Senate trial may not occur until after President Trump leaves office on January 20, 2021. This possibility has prompted the question of whether the Senate can try a former President for conduct that occurred while he was in office. The Constitution’s Impeachment Provisions The Constitution grants Congress authority to impeach and remove the President, Vice President, and other federal “civil Officers” for treason, bribery, or “other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.” Impeachment is one of the various checks and balances created by the Constitution, and it serves as a powerful tool for holding government officers accountable. The impeachment process entails two distinct proceedings carried out by the separate houses of Congress. First, a simple majority of the House impeaches—or formally approves allegations of wrongdoing amounting to an impeachable offense. The second proceeding is an impeachment trial in the Senate. If the Senate votes to convict with a two-thirds majority, the official is removed from office. The Senate also can disqualify an official upon conviction from holding a federal office in the future; according to Senate practice, this vote follows the vote for conviction.
    [Show full text]
  • Impeachment As Judicial Selection?
    William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 18 (2009-2010) Issue 3 Article 3 March 2010 Impeachment as Judicial Selection? Tuan Samahon Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Courts Commons, and the Judges Commons Repository Citation Tuan Samahon, Impeachment as Judicial Selection?, 18 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 595 (2010), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol18/iss3/3 Copyright c 2010 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj IMPEACHMENT AS JUDICIAL SELECTION? Tuan Samahon* Ideological judicial selection encompasses more than the affirmative nominating, confirming, and appointing of judges who pre-commit to particular legal interpretations and constructions of constitutional text. It may also include deselection by way of im- peachment and removal (or at least its threat) of judges subscribing to interpretations and constructions of the Constitution that one disapproves. This negative tactic may be particularly effective when deployed against judges on closely divided collegial courts, such as the U.S. Supreme Court and the U.S. courts of appeals, where per- sonnel determine voting majorities and, in turn, majorities determine case outcomes. The Pickering-Chase, Fortas-Douglas, and Christian Coalition impeachments and threats of impeachment illustrate that the use or threat of this tactic is more common than might be supposed. Indeed, recent calls for the removal of Circuit Judge Jay Bybee demonstrate the continuing allure of impeachment as judicial selection. This Article examines the phenomenon of impeachment as judicial selection through Professors Tushnet’s and Balkin’s framework of “constitutional hardball.” In the case of impeachment as judicial selection, Congress plays constitutional hardball by claiming that it is an appropriate tool for political control and a fraternal twin to the modern appointments process.
    [Show full text]
  • The Korean Wave As a Localizing Process: Nation As a Global Actor in Cultural Production
    THE KOREAN WAVE AS A LOCALIZING PROCESS: NATION AS A GLOBAL ACTOR IN CULTURAL PRODUCTION A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Ju Oak Kim May 2016 Examining Committee Members: Fabienne Darling-Wolf, Advisory Chair, Department of Journalism Nancy Morris, Professor, Department of Media Studies and Production Patrick Murphy, Associate Professor, Department of Media Studies and Production Dal Yong Jin, Associate Professor, School of Communication, Simon Fraser University © Copyright 2016 by Ju Oak Kim All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT This dissertation research examines the Korean Wave phenomenon as a social practice of globalization, in which state actors have promoted the transnational expansion of Korean popular culture through creating trans-local hybridization in popular content and intra-regional connections in the production system. This research focused on how three agencies – the government, public broadcasting, and the culture industry – have negotiated their relationships in the process of globalization, and how the power dynamics of these three production sectors have been influenced by Korean society’s politics, economy, geography, and culture. The importance of the national media system was identified in the (re)production of the Korean Wave phenomenon by examining how public broadcasting-centered media ecology has control over the development of the popular music culture within Korean society. The Korean Broadcasting System (KBS)’s weekly show, Music Bank, was the subject of analysis regarding changes in the culture of media production in the phase of globalization. In-depth interviews with media professionals and consumers who became involved in the show production were conducted in order to grasp the patterns that Korean television has generated in the global expansion of local cultural practices.
    [Show full text]
  • Big Bang – Shout out to the World!
    Big Bang – Shout Out To The World! (English Translation) [2009] Shout out to the World: TOP “I came here because of that string of hope. Where do I stand now? I ask myself this but even I don’t have a specific answer yet. During the process where I search for my other self, all my worries will fade away because I must find the person who will lend his shoulders to me.” ~TOP Name: Choi Seung-hyun Date of Birth: November 4, 1987 Skills: Rap, Writing lyrics, Beatbox *Starred in the KBS Drama, ‘I am Sam’ The power to awaken a soul, sometimes it takes pain to be re-born. [~ Pt.One~] -I once wanted to be a lyric poet that composed and recited verses.- I became mesmerized with ‘Hip-Hop’ music when I was in Grade 5. I went crazy for this type of music because I listened to it all day and carefully noted all the rap lyrics. If we have to talk about Hip-Hop music, I have to briefly talk about the roots of American Hip-Hop. When I first started listening to Hip-Hop, it was divided up into East Coast and West Coast in America. Wu Tang Clan and Notorius B.I.G. represented the East Coast (New York) scene and they focused largely on the rap and the lyrics, while representing the West Coast (LA) was 2Pac who focused more on the melody. Although at that time in Korea and from my memory, more people listened to West Coast hip hop but I was more into the East Coast style.
    [Show full text]
  • Impeachment and Removal
    Impeachment and Removal Jared P. Cole Legislative Attorney Todd Garvey Legislative Attorney October 29, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44260 Impeachment and Removal Summary The impeachment process provides a mechanism for removal of the President, Vice President, and other “civil Officers of the United States” found to have engaged in “treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.” The Constitution places the responsibility and authority to determine whether to impeach an individual in the hands of the House of Representatives. Should a simple majority of the House approve articles of impeachment specifying the grounds upon which the impeachment is based, the matter is then presented to the Senate, to which the Constitution provides the sole power to try an impeachment. A conviction on any one of the articles of impeachment requires the support of a two-thirds majority of the Senators present. Should a conviction occur, the Senate retains limited authority to determine the appropriate punishment. Under the Constitution, the penalty for conviction on an impeachable offense is limited to either removal from office, or removal and prohibition against holding any future offices of “honor, Trust or Profit under the United States.” Although removal from office would appear to flow automatically from conviction on an article of impeachment, a separate vote is necessary should the Senate deem it appropriate to disqualify the individual convicted from holding future federal offices of public trust. Approval of such a measure requires only the support of a simple majority. Key Takeaways of This Report The Constitution gives Congress the authority to impeach and remove the President, Vice President, and other federal “civil officers” upon a determination that such officers have engaged in treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Or Legislative Pardon of the President
    Presidential or Legislative Pardon of the President Under the fundamental rule that no one may be a judge in his own case, the President cannot pardon himself. If under the Twenty-Fifth Amendment the President declared that he was temporarily unable to perform the duties of the office, the Vice President would become Acting President and as such could pardon the President. Thereafter the President could either resign or resume the duties of his office. Although as a general matter Congress cannot enact amnesty or pardoning legislation, because to do so would interfere with the pardoning power vested expressly in the President by the Constitution, it could be argued that a congressional pardon granted to the President would not interfere with the President’s pardoning power because that power does not extend to the President himself. August 5, 1974 MEMORANDUM OPINION FOR THE DEPUTY ATTORNEY GENERAL* I am forwarding to you an outline on the question whether the President can receive an executive or legislative pardon, and several substitute measures. Please advise me whether you require a more definitive memorandum, and, if so, which portions should be expanded upon and which may be dealt with summarily. I. Executive Action 1. Pursuant to Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution, the “Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment,” is vested in the President. This raises the question whether the President can pardon himself. Under the fundamental rule that no one may be a judge in his own case, it would seem that the question should be answered in the negative.
    [Show full text]
  • THE GLOBALIZATION of K-POP by Gyu Tag
    DE-NATIONALIZATION AND RE-NATIONALIZATION OF CULTURE: THE GLOBALIZATION OF K-POP by Gyu Tag Lee A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of George Mason University in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Cultural Studies Committee: ___________________________________________ Director ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ Program Director ___________________________________________ Dean, College of Humanities and Social Sciences Date: _____________________________________ Spring Semester 2013 George Mason University Fairfax, VA De-Nationalization and Re-Nationalization of Culture: The Globalization of K-Pop A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at George Mason University By Gyu Tag Lee Master of Arts Seoul National University, 2007 Director: Paul Smith, Professor Department of Cultural Studies Spring Semester 2013 George Mason University Fairfax, VA Copyright 2013 Gyu Tag Lee All Rights Reserved ii DEDICATION This is dedicated to my wife, Eunjoo Lee, my little daughter, Hemin Lee, and my parents, Sung-Sook Choi and Jong-Yeol Lee, who have always been supported me with all their hearts. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation cannot be written without a number of people who helped me at the right moment when I needed them. Professors, friends, colleagues, and family all supported me and believed me doing this project. Without them, this dissertation is hardly can be done. Above all, I would like to thank my dissertation committee for their help throughout this process. I owe my deepest gratitude to Dr. Paul Smith. Despite all my immaturity, he has been an excellent director since my first year of the Cultural Studies program.
    [Show full text]