Restructuring the Fasti Capitolini

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Restructuring the Fasti Capitolini Restructuring the Fasti Capitolini by ELISABETH NEDERGAARD The inscriptions of the so-called Fasti Capitoli- A key fragment ni are distributed on four Doric pilasters and On February121h 1876 a large marble block was on four tablets set in a Corinthian framing.' retrieved from the ruins in front of the temple The pilasters contain the fasti triurnphales and of Antoninus and Faustina in the Roman Fo- comprise all triumphators from Romulus (753 rum (Fig. 1). The block was immediately recog- B.C.) to L. Cornelius Balbus (19 BC). The fasti nized as belonging to the Fasti Capitolini. The consulares, the consular lists, are written in two handwritten reports of the excavations in the columns in each tablet. The consular lists end in 13 AD, the year before the death of the em- Forum in the 1870s make this very clear. 2 Less peror Augustus. The two lists belong to one and clear is the actual context in which the frag- the same monument. Part of this monument ment was found. From the reports of both the was found and destroyed in the Roman Forum 9th and the 141 of February 1876 it appears in 1546. The inscriptions were saved and are that in this period a large number of workmen now displayed in the Musei Capitolini (Palazzo were employed in removing some sort of wall dei Conservatori, Sala della Lupa). ("muro di cinta") built in front of the Temple of When the monument to which the inscrip- Antoninus and Faustina. It is well known that tions belong was conceived, no space was re- all post-Roman remains were mercilessly re- served for further triumphs, whereas the con- moved in the large scale excavations of the tinuation of civil life was marked by adding the 1870s. 4 The report of the 121h of February names of the consuls or other significant mag- mentions 19 workmen and two "scalpellini" istrates of each year in the last column of the working in front of the Temple of Antoninus fourth tablet of the fasti consulares. Remark- and Faustina, the latter two and a couple of ably enough, the space left open for this pur- pose turned out to be insufficient, and when the workers being occupied with removing the tablet was full, the inscriptions were con- three inscribed marble blocks from the exca- tinued on the wall to the right of this. Four vation area for subsequent cleaning, one of fragments of this so-called "fifth tablet" sur- which being the above mentioned fragment vive, one of which is of particular interest. of the Fasti Capitolini t The author of the re- I. The preserved fragments are carefully published in A. 5. Scavi at Foro Romano, 12. Febbraio 1876 (above, n. 2): Degrassi, Inscriptiones Italiae XIII, 1, fasc. 1-2 (1947): "Si è lavorato in questo giorno di fronte al tempio di An- 1-142, tabb. I-LIV. tonino e Faustina con No 19 Operai, uno dei quali fece 2. Archivio dello Stato (EUR), Busta 104, fasc. 135-5 (Scavi 0,75, ed i due scalpellini 0,50 di giornata per ciascuno al Foro Romano fra II Tempio di Antonino e Faustina e come appresso. Numo diciassette lavoranti vennero im- quello di Giulio Cesare), 12. Febbraio 1876 and Busta piegati al taglio delle terre e carico delle medesime sui 104, fasc. 135-6 (Angelo Pellegrini's Specchio Generals di carri dell'Impresa Stradella e Bonchetti, i due scalpellini ritrovanienti fatti negli Scavi di Rome e del suo Suburba- con alcuni dci suddetti lavoranti nell'allontanare dallo no). scavo tre marmi con iscrizioni, e quindi pulirli come 3. Archivio dello Stato (EUR), Busta 104, fasc. 135-5 (Scavi 5000 qui in fine. I carri fecero i seguenti viaggi. carro No at Foro Romano fra It Tenipio di Anton mo e Faustina e 39 viaggi No 8 Carro No 8 viaggi No 8 Cano No 20 viaggi No queue di Giulio Cesare), 9. Febbraio 1876, 14. Febbraio 7 in totale fecero viaggi No 23. Si rinvennero nello scavo 1876. [ ... ] (149) Marmo. Frammento dci fasti Consolari, ove ye- 4. For the excavations in general, see P. Rosa, Sulle scoperte dendosi scolpiti i norm dei consoli ordinani, che suffetti archeologiche della città e provincia di Roma negli anni nel periodo di anni sei dal 2 al 7 inclusive dell'era volgare 1871-72 (Rome, 1873). 755-60 di Roma, [.1".
Recommended publications
  • Ovid, Fasti 1.63-294 (Translated By, and Adapted Notes From, A
    Ovid, Fasti 1.63-294 (translated by, and adapted notes from, A. S. Kline) [Latin text; 8 CE] Book I: January 1: Kalends See how Janus1 appears first in my song To announce a happy year for you, Germanicus.2 Two-headed Janus, source of the silently gliding year, The only god who is able to see behind him, Be favourable to the leaders, whose labours win Peace for the fertile earth, peace for the seas: Be favourable to the senate and Roman people, And with a nod unbar the shining temples. A prosperous day dawns: favour our thoughts and speech! Let auspicious words be said on this auspicious day. Let our ears be free of lawsuits then, and banish Mad disputes now: you, malicious tongues, cease wagging! See how the air shines with fragrant fire, And Cilician3 grains crackle on lit hearths! The flame beats brightly on the temple’s gold, And spreads a flickering light on the shrine’s roof. Spotless garments make their way to Tarpeian Heights,4 And the crowd wear the colours of the festival: Now the new rods and axes lead, new purple glows, And the distinctive ivory chair feels fresh weight. Heifers that grazed the grass on Faliscan plains,5 Unbroken to the yoke, bow their necks to the axe. When Jupiter watches the whole world from his hill, Everything that he sees belongs to Rome. Hail, day of joy, and return forever, happier still, Worthy to be cherished by a race that rules the world. But two-formed Janus what god shall I say you are, Since Greece has no divinity to compare with you? Tell me the reason, too, why you alone of all the gods Look both at what’s behind you and what’s in front.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina
    The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina Abstract The Roman calendar was first developed as a lunar | 290 calendar, so it was difficult for the Romans to reconcile this with the natural solar year. In 45 BC, Julius Caesar reformed the calendar, creating a solar year of 365 days with leap years every four years. This article explains the process by which the Roman calendar evolved and argues that the reason February has 28 days is that Caesar did not want to interfere with religious festivals that occurred in February. Beginning as a lunar calendar, the Romans developed a lunisolar system that tried to reconcile lunar months with the solar year, with the unfortunate result that the calendar was often inaccurate by up to four months. Caesar fixed this by changing the lengths of most months, but made no change to February because of the tradition of intercalation, which the article explains, and because of festivals that were celebrated in February that were connected to the Roman New Year, which had originally been on March 1. Introduction The reason why February has 28 days in the modern calendar is that Caesar did not want to interfere with festivals that honored the dead, some of which were Past Imperfect 15 (2009) | © | ISSN 1711-053X | eISSN 1718-4487 connected to the position of the Roman New Year. In the earliest calendars of the Roman Republic, the year began on March 1, because the consuls, after whom the year was named, began their years in office on the Ides of March.
    [Show full text]
  • Poetic Difficulty in the Gemini Myth of Fasti 5
    Poetic Difficulty in the Gemini Myth of Fasti 5 From the beginning of the Fasti (1.295-6), Ovid makes clear that the stars form an integral part of his calendrical poem. For some time, scholarship was disappointed in the inaccuracies of Ovid’s astronomy. He often confuses risings and settings, sometimes by a forgivable amount of days, sometimes by an inexplicably large number of months. Recently, scholars have tended to look more generously on these scientifically incorrect star placements and have sought to explain their presence thematically within the Fasti (Gee 2000; Newlands 1995; Robinson 2011). In light of this, this paper explores three thematic readings of the Gemini story (5.693-720): programmatic concerns, metapoetics, and political context. These readings help reveal the difficulty Ovid’s poetry faces and exemplifies the creative ways Ovid adheres to and adapts his project. I begin by examining the three Greek sources for the myth of the Gemini: Pindar, Apollodorus, and Theocritus. Although Ovid follows the basic narrative framework presented by these sources, he departs by emphasizing the story as an aetion of the constellation and love as the motivation of the brothers’ battle. Throughout the Fasti, Ovid tries to maintain his programmatic dichotomy of arma against sidera and amor (Hinds 1992). Ultimately, this dichotomy breaks down in Fasti 5 with the death of the peaceful poet Chiron and the entrance of Mars Ultor. The separation of stars and weapons collapses in this catasterism myth because of its graphic battle scene. To try to rehabilitate this myth and his poem, Ovid turns to his other programmatic concern, love.
    [Show full text]
  • Are a Thousand Words Worth a Picture?: an Examination of Text-Based Monuments in the Age
    Are a Thousand Words Worth a Picture?: An Examination of Text-Based Monuments in the Age of Augustus Augustus is well known for his exquisite mastery of propaganda, using monuments such as the Ara Pacis, the summi viri, and his eponymous Forum to highlight themes of triumph, humility, and the monumentalization of Rome. Nevertheless, Augustus’ use of the written word is often overlooked within his great program, especially the use of text-based monuments to enhance his message. The Fasti Consulares, the Fasti Triumphales, the Fasti Praenestini, and the Res Gestae were all used to supplement his better-known, visual iconography. A close comparison of this group of text-based monuments to the Ara Pacis, the Temple of Mars Ultor, and the summi viri illuminates the persistence of Augustus' message across both types of media. This paper will show how Augustus used text-based monuments to control time, connect himself to great Roman leaders of the past, selectively redact Rome’s recent history, and remind his subjects of his piety and divine heritage. The Fasti Consulares and the Fasti Triumphales, collectively referred to as the Fasti Capitolini have been the subject of frequent debate among Roman archaeologists, such as L.R. Taylor (1950), A. Degrassi (1954), F. Coarelli (1985), and T.P. Wiseman (1990). Their interest has been largely in where the Fasti Capitolini were displayed after Augustus commissioned the lists’ creation, rather than how the lists served Augustus’ larger purposes. Many scholars also study the Fasti Praenestini; yet, it is usually in the context of Roman calendars generally, and Ovid’s Fasti specifically (G.
    [Show full text]
  • An Examination of the Fasti Praenestini Julia C
    The Roman Calendar as an Expression of Augustan Culture: An Examination of the Fasti Praenestini Julia C. Hernández Around the year 6 AD, the Roman grammarian Marcus Verrius Flaccus erected a calendar in the forum of his hometown of Praeneste. The fragments which remain of his work are unique among extant examples of Roman fasti, or calendars. They are remarkable not only because of their indication that Verrius Flaccus’ Fasti Praenestini was considerably larger in physical size than the average Roman fasti, but also because of the richly detailed entries for various days on the calendar, which are substantially longer and more informative than those found on any extant calendar inscriptions. The frequent mentions of Augutus in the entries of the Fasti Praenestini, in addition to Verrius Flaccus’ personal relationship with Augustus as related by Suetonius (Suet. Gram. 17), have led some scholars, most notably Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, to interpret the creation of the Fasti Praenestini as an act of propaganda supporting the new Augustan regime.1 However, this limited interpretation fails to take into account the implications of this calendar’s unique form and content. A careful examination of the Fasti Praenestini reveals that its unusual character reflects the creative experimentation of Marcus Verrius Flaccus, the individual who created it, and the broad interests of the Roman public, by whom it was to be viewed. The uniquness of the Fasti Praenestini among inscribed calendars is matched by Ovid’s literary expression of the calendar composed in elegiac couplets. This unprecedented literary approach to the calendar has garnered much more attention from scholars over the years than has the Fasti Praenestini.
    [Show full text]
  • OVID and the APOTHEOSIS of ROMULUS.* Anne Gosling
    ACTA CLASSICA XLV (2002) 51-(,9 ISSN0065-IUI SENDING UP THE FOUNDER: OVID AND THE APOTHEOSIS OF ROMULUS. * Anne Gosling University ofNatal, Durban ABSTRACT A comparative reading of Ovid's accounts of the apotheosis of Romulus (Mer. 14.805-28 and Fasti 2.481-512) reveals significant echoes and variatious. Striking divergences from other sources (Cicero, Livy and Dionysius ofHalicamassus) are also apparent. Ovid shows no (overt) interest in the political background, suppresses Romulus' military aspect, and is more concerned with fabulous elements. Yet his own stylistic emphases. and a nexus of resonances between the Metamorphoses and Fasti, with echoes ofAen. 6.851-53 and Aen. 1.292-93, pointedly siluate Romulus in the civil sphere as lawgiver, an interesting perspective in the light ofAugustan propaganda and the inescapable elements of fraternal strife and murder in Rome's foundation legend. By ellipsis and allusion Ovid constructs an image of Romulus which interrogates the AUguSUln ethos WId connects with the wider themes ofthe Fasti, particularly the rejection ofmilitarism and the celebration ofthe arts of peace. Recent readings of Ovid's later poetry - Metamorphoses, Fasli and the poems of exile - have concentrated on two aspects in particular: the situatiou ofhis work within the broader historical and cultural context of the Augustan age, and his intertextual resonances with earlier and • An earlier version of this paper was read at the conference on Augustan Poetry and the Traditions ofAncient Histariography beld at the University of Durham from 31 August 10 3 September 1999. I am grateful to the University of Nata! for l\mding to enable me to attend this conference, and to the conference participants in Durham and in the Classics Graduate Colloquium at the University ofNata! in Durban for stimulating and challenging discussion.
    [Show full text]
  • Contested Triumphs
    chapter 1 Triumphal Decision Making and the SPQR Tacitus’s Annales opens: “From the beginning kings held the city of Rome.”1 If indeed, as both Livy and the Fasti would have it, Romulus and his regal successors also celebrated the earliest triumphs,2 then they did so presum- ably on their own merits and by their own sovereign proclamation, needing no further sanction from anyone else. But under the Republic the situation grew far more complex, as command of Roman armies, and hence the opportunity to become the focus of a victory celebration, passed from the kings to the consuls and dictatores, later joined also by promagistrates and eventually praetors too.3 How then was it determined who deserved to triumph? The answer to this question turns out to be as subtle and multi- layered as the Republican constitution itself. For each recorded triumph, the Fasti Triumphales include the follow- ing: the name of the triumphator (including patronymics and cognomen); the offi ce that he held at the time; a Roman numeral, where appropriate, to mark a second triumph (or third, or fourth, etc.) by the same individ- ual; the name of the enemy over whom he celebrated his victory (marked by de plus the ablative case); and the year (from the founding of the city), the month, and the date when the triumph took place. Although a special 1. Tac. Ann. 1.1: “urbem Romam a principio reges habuere.” 2. For the earliest entries in the Fasti, see Degrassi 1947, 64 – 65, 534 – 35. Livy describes Romulus’s procession to the Capitoline with the spoils of his victory at 1.10.5 but does not call it a triumph.
    [Show full text]
  • Ovid's Fasti Panel Description
    Panel: Ovid’s Fasti Panel Description: The five papers in this panel explore themes of censorship, discourse and exile in Ovid’s Fasti. Paper 1, “Interpreting Romulus and Remus in Ovid’s Fasti,” examines the contradictory themes of fratricide and imperial praise in order to evaluate the role that encomium of Augustus and the imperial family serves within Ovid’s poetry. Paper 2, “Exile Stories in Ovid’s Fasti,” looks at the ways in which Ovid links the mental and emotional experience of exile in the stories of Evander and Carmentis, Ariadne, and Anna Perenna to themes of censorship and discourse in Ovid. Paper 3, “The Decline of Free Speech in Augustan Rome in the Context of the Parentalia,” considers the role of the Parentalia in the works of Cicero, Vergil and Ovid and examines what the changing attitudes towards the festival can tell us about cultural resistance and free speech in the early Empire. Paper 4, “The De-eroticization of Creation in Fasti 4,” argues that Ovid de- eroticizes Venus and restores her role as a generative goddess in order to demonstrate that the poet is in creative control of his work. Paper 5, “The Lemuria of Ovid’s Fasti: What the Not-So-Silent Dead Have to Say,” provides a close reading of the scenes featuring the Lemuria in order to illuminate Ovid’s political subtext within the poem and highlight the poet’s objections to the loss of free speech during the Augustan Age. Interpreting Romulus and Remus in Ovid’s Fasti Recent scholarship in Ovidian literature has often focused on the politics of the Fasti, and how unanswered questions and contradictions presented by Ovid may lead to an essentially oppositional interpretation.
    [Show full text]
  • OVID and LIVY the Relationship Between Ovid and Livy in the Fasti
    CHAPTER SIX OVID AND LIVY The relationship between Ovid and Livy in the Fasti is not as varied and complex as that between Ovid and Virgil, but it is still important and well worth studying. Such a study reveals more about Ovid’s engagement with preceding literature and about his narrative techniques in the poem, and the Livian perspective sharpens the focus and is vital for informed appreciation of all thirty-one narratives in the poem on Rome’s origins and early years,1 of four of them in particular. Research has already been done on the poet’s allusions to the historian, establishing numerous similarities and some minor differences in indi- vidual passages,2 but this will be the first analysis to address major issues and present a broad picture, discussing departures from Livy at length. Overall it seems that in the Fasti Ovid is reclaiming these myths and legends for verse and is responding to Livy the sober, moralistic historian (as a tempting target) and to Livy the accomplished story-teller (as a challenge). So Ovid puts the poetry and marvel back into these tales (with poetic language, figures and word order, with divine interventions and so on), eschews Livy’s manner (the solemnity, judicious caution, full and detailed treatment, ethical pur- pose, annalistic narrative and so forth) and also tries to improve on Livy’s stories as stories (making them livelier, snappier, darker etc., and sometimes mischievously out-Livying Livy). The resulting product has little historical value and is certainly open to censure as sheer entertainment, manifestly fanciful and fab- ricated, and lacking any real depth or breadth of vision.
    [Show full text]
  • Greek Chronography and the List of Roman Magistrates Gerding, Henrik
    Greek chronography and the list of Roman magistrates Gerding, Henrik Published in: Frusna ögonblick 2018 Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Gerding, H. (2018). Greek chronography and the list of Roman magistrates. In H. Gerding, L. Brännstedt, & R. Forsell (Eds.), Frusna ögonblick: Essäer tillägnade Anne-Marie Leander Touati (pp. 73-83). (Archaeology@Lund; Vol. 4). Humanistiska och teologiska fakulteterna, Lunds universitet. Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Greek chronography and the list of Roman magistrates Henrik Gerding Through the years that I have known Anne-Marie, since she returned to Lund University (for the first time) in 1995, I have only had the privilege to publish something together with her once – a paper on ancient jubilees and chronology.1 Thus, I find it appropriate to dedicate to her a text that constitutes an offshoot of that particular collaboration.
    [Show full text]
  • Roman Ludi Saeculares from the Republic to Empire
    Roman Ludi Saeculares from the Republic to Empire by Susan Christine Bilynskyj Dunning A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Classics University of Toronto © Susan Christine Bilynskyj Dunning 2016 Roman Ludi Saeculares from the Republic to Empire Susan Christine Bilynskyj Dunning Doctor of Philosophy Department of Classics University of Toronto 2016 Abstract This dissertation provides the first comprehensive analysis of the Roman Ludi Saeculares, or “Saecular Games”, from their mythic founding in the sixth century bce until their final celebration in 248 ce. The Ludi Saeculares were a series of religious celebrations held at Rome every saeculum (“age”, “generation”), an interval of 100 or 110 years. The argument contains two major threads: an analysis of the origins and development of the Ludi Saeculares themselves, and the use of the term saeculum in imperial rhetoric in literary, epigraphic, and numismatic sources from early Republic to the fifth century ce. First, an investigation into Republican sacrifices that constitute part of the lineage of the Ludi Saeculares reveals that these rites were in origin called “Ludi Tarentini”, and were a Valerian gentilician cult that came under civic supervision in 249 bce. Next, it is shown that in his Saecular Games of 17 bce, Augustus appropriated the central rites of the Valerian cult, transforming them into “Ludi Saeculares” through a new association with the concept of the saeculum, and thereby asserting his role as restorer of the Republic and founder of a new age. The argument then turns to the development of saeculum rhetoric throughout the imperial period, intertwined with the history of the Ludi Saeculares.
    [Show full text]
  • Ovid's Fasti: Historical Readings at Its Bimillennium Geraldine Herbert-Brown
    Ovid's Fasti: Historical Readings at its Bimillennium Geraldine Herbert-Brown Print publication date: 2002 Print ISBN-13: 9780198154754 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: Sep-07 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198154754.001.0001 Ovid and the Stage T. P. Wiseman DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198154754.003.0012 Abstract and Keywords Careful investigation of the contemporary evidence (mainly Cicero) suggests that mime was a major part of the theatrical repertory at the Roman games in the first century BC, and that mythological burlesque was one of its regular themes. With this in mind, and building on the one piece of direct evidence (Fasti 4.326), it is possible to reconstruct hypothetical stage originals for various episodes in both the Fasti and the Metamorphoses. Keywords: mime, theatrical repertory, games, mythological burlesque, themes, reconstruction, Fasti, Metamorphoses I Scaena sonat ludique vocant: spectate, Quirites (Ovid, Fasti 4. 187) The fourth book of the Fasti contains Ovid's account of the Ludi Megalenses, the games of the Great Mother. The din of her procession is deafening, but he has lots of questions to ask. The Mother deputes to the Muses the job of explanation, and Erato tells him what he needs to know. There are ten questions and ten answers, of which much the longest (102 lines out of the total 194) is the story of how the Phrygian goddess came to Rome. A major part of that story (Fasti 4. 297–328) concerns her reception at Ostia and the miracle of the grounded ship. 1 Page 1 of 29 Ovid and the Stage PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarship.com).
    [Show full text]