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Zhe Scottish Geyt Sodetp

The Works of

Sir David Lindsay

The Works of

Sir David Lindsay

of the Mount

1490-1555

EDITED BY

DOUGLAS HAMER, M.C., M.A.

VOLUME III.

NOTES TO THE POEMS

Prmtelf for tlje Sotietg bg

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS LTD. EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1934 PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN AIL RIGHTS RESERVED NOTE.

The third volume of the Scottish Text Society’s edition of The Works of Sir David Lindsay contains only the notes to the poems. Vol. IV. will contain (a) Introduction, [h) Bibliography, (c) notes to Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis, (d) Appendices, (e) Indexes, (/) Glossary. Of these, the Bibliography and Appendices are in type, the notes to Ane Satyre are at the press, and the Indexes and Glossary almost ready. The notes to The Monarche contain a few of the more interesting readings from the last eighteenth century edition, published in 1776. For the loan of a copy of this edition I am indebted to Professor G. Bullough, of the University of Sheffield. It was received too late for use in the minor poems, and is slightly defective, lacking the first 347 lines of the major poem. A few additional notes are given at the end of this volume. I would also like to draw attention to proposed emendations of the text, given at the beginning of the notes to each poem. These are additional to those already made, detailed under “ Corrections,” again at the head of the notes to each poem.

CONTENTS

NOTES PAGE I. THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY . . I II. THE COMPLAYNT OF SCHIR DAUID LINDESAY . 46 III. THE TESTAMENT AND COMPLAYNT OF THE PAPYNGO 64 IV. THE COMPLAINT AND CONFESSIOUN OF BAGSCHE . Ill V. THE ANSWER TO THE KINGIS FLYTING . . 115 VI. THE DEPLORATIOUN OF THE DEITH OF QUENE MAGDALENE Il8 VII. THE IUSTING BETUIX WATSOUN AND BARBOUR . 140 VIII. ANE SUPPLICATIOUN IN CONTEMPTIOUN OF SYDE TAILLIS 143 IX. KITTEIS CONFESSIOUN 147 X. THE TRAGEDIE OF THE [LATE CARDINAL BEATON] 151 XI. THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER WILLIAM MELDRUM . 176 XII. THE TESTAMENT OF SQUYER WILLIAM MELDRUM . 225 XIII. ANE DIALOGUE BETUIX EXPERIENCE AND ANE COURTEOUR [THE MONARCHE] . . . . 231 XIV. DOUBTFUL POEMS : i. ANE DESCRIPTIOUN OF PEDER COFFEIS . 483 ii. FRAGMENT IN BULLEIN’S DIALOGUE AGAINST THE FEUER PESTILENCE .... 491 iii. OTHER VERSES ASCRIBED TO LINDSAY . . 492

XV. ADDITIONAL NOTES 494 f The Dreme of Schir Dauid Lyndesay,

Text : I. 4-38.

Provenance : B.M., C. 39. d. 60; Bodley, Tanner 810; Bodley, Tanner 188.

Corrections: 29 greabyll; 33 leuth ; 179 chartarers ; 183 Remem- brance ; 221 Hererykis; 222 lamentabyl [see note to this line] ; 316 alslangsum ; 326 horrayll; 336 plugeit; 350 bind ; 365 dry ; 375 out; 392 dout; 451 sedutious ; 502 turne omitted ; 503 jeris [houris]; 513 Upthrow ; 560 diete ; 591 place ; 595 Greit omitted ; 691 tytill; 712 Tentonia; 730 Garnat; 785 Remembrance ; 798 sub-title Realne of Scotland ; 808 tytill; 811 Misere ; 822 conuenabyil; 825 fair omitted ; 847 goruernyng ; 849 Quhod ; 873 in [in to]; 886 quhilis ; 904 conclud ; 974 bebait; 971 far omitted ; 988 degenerat; 992 euer [euerilk] ; 1040 Remembrance; 1129 infusion ; ii32scrone; 1134 Cofirmand. Date : Chalmers, I. 54, dated the poem 1528. Drawing attention to line 905— “ our infatuate heidis Insolent. . . . Hauand small Ee vnto the comoun weill, Bot to thare singulare proffect euerilk deill. he remarked, “ This, then, is a pretty plain description of the sad misrule of the Douglasses, which ended with the king’s acquirement of power, in July 1528. The Dreme, of course, must have been written after the terror of their domination had disappeared. The poet makes Jhone the Commonweill describe the state of the southern borders, where nothing could be seen but reij, theft, [murderand mischief [953-959]- This description was true, before the king caused severe justice to be inflicted on the principal thieves, and reclaimed the borders, in 1529, after the expulsion of the Douglasses. ... The Dreme . . . then . . . was written towards the end of the year 1528.” This is, I think, sound. Chalmers omitted to mention that the state of the Highlands and the Hebrides is also touched upon [960-967]. These were also the object of James’s attention in 1529. There is also a direct reference to the " Ciuele weir ” [992], and although this is VOL. III. A 2 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

spoken of as in the present, Lindsay must be referring not to the fighting of 1526 but to the cleaning up of the country in 1528 after the flight of the Douglases. Lastly, the King is unmarried, and his marriage has evidently not been thought of [1095].

Authorities : Lindsay does not appear to have used a single authority. The many parallels between The Dreme and The Monarche [cf. note to Dreme, 761, 763, 769] indicate that Lindsay’s source or sources satisfied him equally in 1528 and 1550. In the cosmographical portion of the poem he refers to the authority of “ The Auctour of the Speir ” [639, 658], probably Sacro Bosco’s Sphcera Mundi, in one of its many editions. He also refers to Pliny and Ptolemy [748], but whether on traditional grounds or not I cannot say. He may well have known an edition of Pliny. The list of countries and islands [659-742] does not help, since nearly all the names are also found in the Liber Chronicarum seu Chronicon Nurembergensis (1493), in Claude de Seissel’s Le Premier [and Second] Volume de Orose (1509, 1526), and in the Cronica Cronicarum abbrege (1521, 1532), of all of which Lindsay made use in The Monarche. The lists given in these works are fuller than Lindsay’s, who chooses only those names he can fit into metre, but interpolates one or two others. Miss Janet M. Smith, The French Background of Middle Scots Litera- ture, Edinburgh, Oliver & Boyd, 1934, P- I32< suggests that Lindsay used the cosmographical portion of Antoine de la Sale’s La Salade [c. 1437]. She was evidently unaware of the works cited above, and her arguments are not supported by parallels. I have also seen this work, with many others, but have rejected it because of the inadequacy of the parallels, and because there is no other evidence of Lindsay having used the work. Miss Smith advances three arguments in support of her theory : (1) both works conclude with descriptions of the Earthly Paradise, (2) La Sale’s book contained a map, (3) " the position of La Sale as tutor to a prince would naturally appeal to Lindsay.” There is no relationship between La Sale’s description of the Earthly Paradise and Lindsay’s. A much better one exists with that in the Liber Chroni- carum, which also contains really valuable maps in place of the poverty- stricken map in La Sale. Lastly, Miss Smith appears to think that Lindsay was tutor to James V. ; he wasn’t. I see no reason to include La Salade among Lindsay’s authorities. Textual Variants : On the whole the text is bad, perhaps the worst of all the poems. Besides the long list of corrections given above, themselves an indication of textual degradation, the differences between the texts of 1558 [Jascuy], 1559 [Scot], and 1566 [Purfoote] are numerous enough to warrant the assumption that the poem was circulated in three or more forms. A quarto edition was probably published in 1529 or 1530 [Hamer, The Bibliography of Sir David Lindsay, The Library, June 1929, Vol. X., pp. 1-42], but of this there is no trace, so that although 1558 was a paginary reprint, we cannot tell what was the original state of the text. A selection of readings from the three editions mentioned will illustrate the variations in the texts. It will be noticed that 1566 sometimes agrees with 1558 and at others with 1559. NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 3 Line. 609. 1558 to dwell in to this gloir. 1559 to ryng with hym in glore. 1566 to raine with him in glory. 628. 1558 so lytill. 1559 so small. 1566 so smale. 647. 1558 tham well decide. 1559 than rycht desyde. 1566 them right describe. 890. 1558 lunge. 1559 sloug. 1566 slug. 898. 1558 Than ar his flokis rewlit all at rycht. 1559 Doith so that all his flokis ar rewlit rycht. 1566 Then all his flocke reuled all at right. 915. 2558 That ryches mycht be polices [? misprint for policey] incres. 1559 That ryches mycht be, and Policey incres. 1566 That riches might by policie increase. 924. 1558 Wyth ane malicious contenance. 1559 With ane right malancolious countynance. 1566 With a malicious countenaunce. 937. 1558 regioun. 1559 Natioun. 1566 region. 938. 1558 this. 1559 now ?our. 1566 now your. 958. 1558 viciousnes. 1559 vecious workis. 1566 vicious workes. 962. 1558 warld mak me no support. 1559 thay tuke of me non heid. 1566 would make me no support. 1114. 1588 Rememberyng of thy frendis fatale end. 1559 Remember of thy freindis, the fatell end. 1566 Remembring well thy friendes fatall ende. 1123. 1558 bittir deyt the schours. 1559 deith, the bitter schouris. 1566 bitter death the showers. Thus there is adequate ground for believing that at the time of Lindsay’s death in 1555 there existed more than one recension of the poem. It is traditional to use 1559 (though Chalmers used the octavo 1558), partly because it was printed in Scotland, partly because Jascuy's two editions of 1558 introduce a number of recognisably new errors, and possibly a vast number of unrecognisable errors. Hence, although I am convinced that Jascuy’s edition is a paginary reprint of the lost edition by Davidson, and must reproduce many of the spellings of that early edition, it cannot form the basis of a modern edition. An editor must, however, recognise its existence. I give here a list of com- parative spellings from the first fifty-six lines, the whole of The Epistil, as an example of the difierences of spelling between 1558 and 1559. It will be noted that in the case of lines 29 and 33, from which errors have been noted above, 1558 gives the correct reading. [Only the quarto 1558 is here considered.]

Spelling Variants in 1558 and 1559. 1558 1559 1 Imperiall Imperial 5 ^owtheid southed 6 seruice seruyce 6 thyn thyne 7 gudlye gudlie 8 ijowng ^oung 9 tenderlye tenderlie 4 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Spelling Variants—continued. 1558 1559 10 begowth begouth 11 happie happit 11 softlye sweitlie 12 dansyng dansing 12 ferely feiralie 13 farsis fairsis 14 takand takkand 15 transfigurate transfegurate 16 gryisly greislie 19 hefe haue 19 continewallye continewalye 20 yi thy 21 sewar copper and carboure seware, Coppare and Caruoure 23 natiuitie natyuitie 24 cheif cheiffe 25 hour houre 25 laute lawtie 26 louing louyng 26 trynite trynitie 27 habill habyll 28 aggreabill greabyll 29 thowart thov arte 30 bye hie 32 moir more 32 plesandlye plesandlie 32 till owerdryve tyll ouerdryue 33 hef haue 33 lenth leuth 34 gentill lulius gentyll lulyus 35 Of Ofi 35 worthye worthy 37 omits actis 37 honorabill honorabyll 39 luffers Luffaris 39 amiabill amiabyll 40 hef haue 40 fabill fabyll 41 troyelus troylus 41 sorow sorrow 41 ioy loye 42 segeis Seigis 42 tyre Tyir 42 troy Troye 45 eitin Etin 47 wyth with 47 support supporte 48 sal sail 48 storie storye 49 affoir affore 50 humilye humilie 51 ornat ornate 51 simpill sempyll 54 Pen mynd 55 moist moste 56 begyne begyn NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 5

But it is not necessary to record all the spelling variants in these two texts, for although 1558 must have followed Davidson’s text with moderate accuracy it is impossible to detect errors in words which might be spelt in more than one way; and although Scot’s edition shows many signs of anglicisation, it is safer to use his text as a base. It is otherwise with the variant readings. These must be studied, for those in 1558 belong to the oldest printed edition, or editions. It is impossible, of course, to say whether Lindsay himself was responsible for the alterations to the text. As he altered parts of the text of Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis he may have been.

Variant Readings in 1558 and 1559.

Copies used : 1558. B.M., C. 10. a. 18 (1). 1559. B.M., C. 39. d. 60 ; Bodley, Tanner 810. Note.—Mere spelling variants are not given, unless metre is concerned, and here my rule has been to include only those spelling variants which are syllabically incorrect in 1559 ; those in 1558 are not our concern. Nor are any other defects of 1558, such as missing words, spelling errors, recorded. Abbreviations have been expanded throughout. It will be noticed that 1558 does not possess any of the sub-titles which are a feature of 1559. The Lambeth Palace MS. of The Monarche also lacks sub-titles, and in both cases I regard their presence in the printed texts of Scot as the interpolation of the printer. Line. 1558 mont knyt, alias Lion kyng of armes derecket onto our souerane Lord Kyng lames the Fyft. 1559 mont, Familiar Seruitour, to our Soverane Lord Kyng lames the Fyft. .&c. 1558 omits The Epistil. 11. 1558 softlye ; 2559 sweitlie. 28. 1558 aggreabill; 1559 greabyll. [1558 correct.] 37. 1558 omits actis. 54. 1558 pen ; 1559 mynd. 56. 1558 The Prolog ; 1559 The Prolong [Cf. 11. 391, 486]. 67. 1558 Rememberyng ; 1559 Remembryng. [1558 correct.] 80. 1558 stormes ; 1559 stromes. [Cf. 1. 1132, and Mon. 168.] 130. 1558 varisoun ; 1559 variasoun. 132. 1558 To thame that fixis on it thair intent. 1559 To thame that fixis all thare hole intent. 136. 1558 wyth cauld suld nocht tak harme 1559 with cauld suld tak no harme. 147. After And Followis the Dreme 1558 adds Thessalon. v. ^ Pro- phetias nolite spernere : omnia autem probate quod bonum est tenete. 178. 1558 it war bot cummer. 1559 it war ane cummer. 183. 1558 rememberance ; 1559 Remembrance. [1558 correct.] 222. 1558 wonder ; 1559 wounderous. 336. 1558 plungit; 1559 plugeit. [1558 correct.] 391. 1558 signis ; 1559 singnis. 405. 1558 chare ; 1559 sett. VOL. III. B 6 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAV

Line. 413. 1558 mars the god ; 1559 Mars that god. 430. 1558 prynces ; 1559 Prince. [1558 incorrect.] 485. 1558 naturall; 1559 naturallie. [1558 correct.] 486. 1558 signis ; 1559 singnis. 502. 1558 garreis thame tome ful evin. [1558 correct.] 1559 garris thame ful ewin. 503. 1558 houris ; 1559 ?eris. [1558 correct.] 504. 1558 astronomouris ; 1559 Austronomeris. [1558 correct.] 546. 1558 doctours sic hie maters declair. 1559 Doctouris of sic hie materis declare. [1558 correct.] 558. 1558 of nummer ; 1559 in nummer. 574. 1558 sanctitude ; 1559 Celsitude. 591. 1558 palice ; 1559 place. [7558 correct.] 595. 1558 thair greit felicite ; 1559 thare felycitie. [1558 correct.] 609. 1558 to dwell in to this gloir. 1559 to ryng with him in glore. 615. 1558 thair may no remeid ; 1559 thare is no remeid. 628. 1558 so lytill; 1559 so small. 631. The Qvantite of the Erth. Not in 1558. 637. 1558 That sal I schaw to the quod sche schortlye ; 1559 That sail I schaw, quod scho, to the schortlie. 647. J558 thamweil decide; 7559 than rycht desyde. 658. Finis. Not in 7558. The Deuisioun of the Eirth. Not in 7558. 705. 7558 fand ; 7559 fynd. [7558 probably correct.] 706. 7558 Quhilk war ; 7559 Quhilk ar. [7558 probably correct.] 756. Of Paradice. Not in 7558. 785. 7558 rememberance ; 7559 Remembrance. [7558 correct.] 798. Of the Realme of Scotland. Not in 7558. 811. 7558 quhat mouis our miserie ; 7559 quhate dois mufe our Miser[i]e. 824. 7558 strinds ; 7559 strandis. 825. 7558 the fair flureist; 7559 the fluriste. [7558 correct.] 828. 7558 Baith gold and siluer, and stonis precious. 7559 Baith Gold, Syluer, and stonis precious. 833. 7558 Than als is nocht; 7559 Quhilkis als is nocht. 859. 7558 And this ; 7559 So this. 861. 7558 this wnhappines ; 7559 thir vnhappynes. [7558 probably correct.] 871. 7558 & Ingland ; 7559 or Ingland. 877. 7558 amendis ; 7559 mendis. [7558 correct.] 882. 7558 on neid mon ; 7559 man on neid. 885. 7558 Is in ; 1559 Ar in. 890. 1558 lunge ; 7559 sloug. 897-8. 7558 Bot be the gud hirde w[a]lkryfe and deligent Than ar his flokis rewlit all at rycht. 7559 Bot the gude hird, walkryfe and delygent. Doith so that all his flokis ar rewlit rycht. 904. 7558 conclude ; 7559 conclud. [7558 correct.] 915. 7558 That ryches mycht be polices [policey] incres ; 7559 That ryches mycht be, and Policey incres. [7558 correct.] 9x7. The complaynt of the Comoun weill of Scotland. Not in 7558. 923. 7558 way ; 7559 wayis. [7558 probably correct.] 924. 7558 malicious ; 7559 malancolious. [7558 incorrect.] 928. 7558 Gif ?e plesit, to wit quhar [quhat] is ?our name; 7559 Geue that je plesit, to wyt quhat wer jour name. NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 7

Line. 937-8. 1558 And honorit in enerylk regioun. How happynnis this tribulation n. 1559 And weill honorit in euerilk Natioun. How happinnis now ^our tribulation n. 944. 1558 For thair is few that to me takis tent; 1559 For thare is few to me that takis tent. [1558 correct.] 945. J55Sgothus; 7559 go so. 950. 1558 clene capitane ; 1559 plane capitane. 953. 1558 I was allace ; 1559 allace I was. 954. 1558 that land ; 1559 the land. 955. 1558 lochmabane ; 1559 lowmabane. [1568, Loichmabane.] 958. 1558 viciousness ; 1559 vecious workis. 960. 1558 In the ; 1559 In to the. 960. 1558 resort; 1559 remeid. 962. 1558 warld mak me no support; 1559 thay tuke of me non heid. 963. 1558 repois ; 1559 remane. 964. 1558 Syk lyk in to the out ylis, and Argyll. 1559 Als in the oute Ylis and in Argyle. [1558 probably correct.] 975. 1558 quham to to mak my mane ; 1559 quhome to I suld me mene. [1558 probably correct.] 979. 1558 For symonye he rewlit all that rout. 1559 For Symonie, he rewlis vp all that rowte. [1558 correct.] 991. 1558 changeit; 1559 turnit. 992. 1558 And ciuil weir, misgidis euerylk cost. 1559 The Ciuele weir, misgydis euer oist. 1000. 1558 tel me ; 1559 schaw me. 1002. 1558 Quhat thow requiris it salbe sone decidit. 1559 That question, it sail be sone desydit. 1010. 1558 richt trew ; 1559 full trew. ion. 1558 that haith ane ower ^owng ; 1559 that hes ouir joung ane. [1558 probably correct.] 1026. 1558 boitis ; 1559 boltis. [1558 incorrect.] 1028. 1558 drame ; 1559 dreme. [1558 correct.] 1030. 1558 and lest with appetyit. 1559 with lyste and appityte. [1558 incorrect.] 1033. 1558 All this mater ; 1559 All the visioun. J034. 1558 as now I hef no moir. 1559 as now thov gettis no more. 1036. 1558 And exhortatioun to / the Kyngis grace. 1559 Heir Endis the Dreme. Wf And begynnis / the Exhorta- tioun to the / Kyngis Grace. [1568 THE EXHORTA- TIOUN TO THE / KINGIS GRACE.] 1038. 1558 Hes ; 1559 Haith. 1041. 1558 Quhow he ; 1559 That he. 1043. 1558 erthly thing ; 1559 vther thyng. 1048. 1558 Hir giftis cleirlye may be on the knawin. 1559 Hir giftis may be cleirly on the knawin. 1050. 1558 on the kythit; 1559 kyith on the. [1558 probably correct.] 1051. 1558 Hir gratitude sen scho hes on the schawin. 1559 Hir gratytude sche hes on to the schawin. 1052. 1558 Because that thow ; 1559 And sen that thow. 1058. 1558 weill heir ; 1559 weill wyt. 1067. 1558 the court; 1559 thy courte. 1068. 1558 thy commown weill; 1559 the commoun weill. 8 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Line. 1071. 1558 And all flatterars ; 1559 And ilke flattrer. 1074. 1558 the pepill; 1559 thy pepill. 1079. 1558 Kyngis and ; 1559 Kyngis nor. 1081. 1558 Without fredome is none to honor habill; 1559 Was neuer .jit na wrache to honour habyll. 1083. 1558 cresus of pers ; 1559 Mydas of Trace. 1084. 1558 Quhilk to his goddis ; 1559 That to his Goddes. 1094. 1558 From that wnhappy lusty [? luste] thy self abstene. 1559 Frome that vnhappy sensuall syn abstene. 1102. 1558 Mony lang jeirs ; 1559 Mony lang jeir. 1102. 1558 dois ; 1559 doith. 1104. 1558 Fredome, and manheid, gan ower thame to ryng. 1559 And Princelie curage, gane on thame to ryng. 1105. 1558 And chosin Romes Empryour and Lord 1559 And chosin of Romanis, Empriour and Lord. 1106. 1558 in thy mynd ; 1559 in to thy mynd. 1108. 1558 Wythout thaye ; 1559 Without it. 1112. 1558 perculiar ; 1559 perticulare. 1113. 1558 than sal; 1559 so sail. 1114. 1558 Rememberyng of thy frendis fatale end 1559 Remember of thy freindis, the fatell end. X120. 1558 Thow art nocht; 1559 And art nocht. 1121. 1558 Sen from that sentence thair is none may fie 1559 Sen thare is none, frome that scentence may fie. 1123. 1558 Bot all mon thole of bittir deyt the schours 1559 Bot all mon thole of deith, the bitter schouris. 1124. 2558 Quhar ar ; 1559 Quhar bene. 1125. 2555 Ar thay ; 255P Bene thay. 1132. 2558 scorne ; 2559 scrone. In consequence of the above collation it is possible to give a list of emendations in the text additional to those already made [indicated by square brackets]. Seven in the following list owe their existence to 2558 [11. 546, 915, 944, 950, 960, 979, 1123]. Seven more [11. 44, 272, 362, 634, 663, 702, 736] are the result of a closer study of the prosody of the poem. Two [497, 642] are corrections of Lindsay’s figures. The remainder, except four, are the suggested deletion of syllables [86, 112, 352, 527, 781, 915, 979, 984, 1087]. Three of the four are (1) a rearrangement of the line [974], and (2) the substitution of a dissyllabic doith for a monosyllabic dois [865]. For the third [741] and fourth [999], see notes. These emendations do not however make the poem prosodically perfect: a number of defective lines remain. Many other apparent irregularities can be resolved by the application of rules of prosody and elision. Attention should be paid to (1) the omission of the first syllable of the line ; (2) an extra weak syllable before a medial pause, whether grammatical or voice ; (3) elision when the following word begins with a vowel (some elisions are clumsy) ; (4) an alternative, and shorter, pronunciation although the word may be written in full. The correct pronunciation of double endings must be observed in words ending in -abyll, pronounced as in Chaucer, even when they occur within the line [244]. Ouev, euer, deuyll, euyll, cruell, and even hewin, sewin, rewin, are frequently monosyllabic. Regulars, singulars, particulars frequently lose the -u- ; also sensuale, which may turn -u- into -w-. Situate and infatuate turn -u- into -w- when neces- NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 9

sary. Elision most frequently takes place where w-, y-, and r- glides are possible—e.g., many ane, sorrow our. Machomete, in 1. 219, is quadri- syllabic. French words in -ure have their French pronunciation when at the end of the line, but have alternative pronunications when medial. These rules must be observed before other emendations are considered.

Additional Emendations of Text. [Words or syllables introduced are given in square brackets.] Line. 44. And of mony [ane] vther plesand storye. 86. To Nature makand lamentatioun [deleting gret]. 112. With that thay rais, & flew furth of my sycht [deleting out]. 272. Sum, for thare pryde ; sum for Adult[e]rye. 352. We enterit ane place of perditione [deleting in]. 362. Etand the fruit the quhilk was [sore] defendit. 497. In space of [sex] and thretty thousand ^eir [replacing sewin]. 527. As Messingeris send to this law Regioun [to in place of vnto]. 546. And lat Doctouris sic hie materis declare [deleting of], 1558. 634. Than all the eirth [is], efter the intent. 642. Is [fyfteine] thousand liggis, withouttin weir [replacing fyftie]. 663. In Affri[ca], Europa, and Assie [replacing Affrik and Europe]. 702. Off Affric[a] thir ar the principall [replacing Affrick]. 736. 3it [now] I sail sum of thare names declare. 741. Crete, Abidos, Choos, Cecilia [Choos replacing Thoes]. 781. Sen departyng of Adam, our Grandschyre [deleting the]. 865. Bot quhare that lustice [doith] delygence [replacing dois]. 915. That ryches mycht be Policey incres [deleting and], 1558. 944. For thare is few that to me takis tent [rearrangement], 1558. 950. Plane wrang is clene capitaine of Ordinance [clene replacing a second plane], 1558. 960. In the hieland I could fynd no remeid [deleting to], 1558. 974. And I no longer now may mak debait [rearrangement], 979. For Symonie, he rewlit all that rowte [deleting vp, and replacing rewlis], 1558. 984. Lordis of Religioun go lyke Seculeris [deleting thay]. 999. 3it, efter the [derke] nycht cumis the glaid morrow. 1087. To gold : he gat his supplicatioun [deleting In and fyne], 1123. Bot all mon thole of bitter deith the schouris, 1558. Commentary : Title. Familiar Seruitor. Lindsay’s description of himself is verified by the description of him in the Exchequer Rolls. Rotuli Scacarii, XV. 395 [1528] David Lindissay, familiarius domini regis, and again in 1529, R.S., XV. 473. These help to verify the date of composition being within those years. The Epistil: Laing, I. 225, says that 1571 [identical with 1568] reads The Epistel to the Kingis Grace. Not checked.

1. Rycht Potent Prince. The assumption throughout the whole of The Epistil is that James has recovered his throne.

5. Thocht my southed now be neir ouer blawin. Chalmers, I. 186, “ Lynd- say was then thirty-eight, or thirty-nine years old." This is supposing that he was born in 1490, but there is reason to believe that he may IO THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY have been born in i486 [App. I. 22, and Introduction], Laing, I. 225, “ I may suggest that be tang ower blawin would be a more appropriate reading.” Laing evidently believed in the adage “ too old at forty,” but Lindsay would probably know best both his own age and his sentiments regarding youth and age.

9. Begouth to gang : began to walk.

11. Sweitlie : 1558 softlye. The poet sang the young prince in bed to sleep. Either reading would do, but I prefer that of 1558.

13. Fairsis. Chalmers, I. 187, “ scene bouffonne, action drQle ; farces.”

15. Lyke ane feind, transfegurate : disguised, transfigured, dressed up to represent a fiend. Chalmers, I. 187, “ disfigura/e, transfigura/e ; disfigured, transfigured : disagysiZ, disguised : This kind of termination, ate, and it, for ed, is very common among poets of Lyndsay’s age.” The regular Scots past participle ending was -it: -ate may be an emphatic form of the ending, purely scribal, to strengthen the last syllable of the line, which would otherwise be weak, or it may be from the Latin adjectival termination, -atus. 16. The greislie gaist of gye. Dyce, Skelton, II. 185, " The ghost of Guy of Alost.” Note to Poems against Garnesche, 1. 70, “ She callyd yow Syr Gy of Gaunt.” Dyce refers to Colyn Chute, 1. 1157, “ Syr Guy of Gaunt ” ; Dunbar, Flyting, " Thow spreit of Gy ” ; Dunbar, Droichis Part, “ I am the spreit of Gy,” and to this line in Lindsay. Chalmers, I. 187, “ the well-known Sir Guy of Romance.” “ But,” says Dyce, “ both Dunbar and Lyndsay allude to a story concerning the ghost of a person called Guy, an inhabitant of Alost. There is a Latin tract on the subject, entitled De spiritu Guuidones, of which various translations into English are extant in MS. One of these is now before me, in verse, and consisting of 16 closely written 4t0 pages: Here begynnyth a notabyll matere and a gret myracule don be oure lord ihesus cryst and shewyd In the %eer of his incarnation mcccxxiii . . . and in the xvi day of decembyr in the Cete of Aleste. Whiche myracule ys of a certeyn man that was callyd Gy, and deyde and after viii days he apperyd to his wyf aftyr the commaundement of god. of which apperyng she was aferd and often tyme rauysshid. . . . Gaunt is the old name of Ghent, and Alost is about thirteen miles from that city. . . .” Cf. Satyre, Cupar Banns, 251-53, I trow ^one be the spreit of gy, Na, faith, it is the spreit of marling. Or sum scho gaist, or gyrcarling.

19-24. Lindsay here details all the offices he has held in personal service with the King. He states that he has been Usher since the day James was born, April 10, 1512 [1. 23]. The other offices he mentions, those of sewer, cupbearer, carver, keeper of the King’s Purse, and Privy Treasurer, must have been held under the general office of Usher. In NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY II the Rotuli Scacarii from 1514 onwards Lindsay is invariably designated ostiarius, the Exchequer Rolls between 1508 and 1514 being incomplete. Cf. R.S., XIV. 8-9 [1514]; XIV. 127-128 [1516]; XIV. 156-157 [1516] ; XIV. 220 [1516] ; XIV. 242 [1517] ; XIV. 409 [1521-22] ; XIV. 462 [1522] ; XV. 44 [1523] ; XV. 116 [1525] quondum hostiarius XV. 229 [1526] quondum ostiario : XV. 395 [1528] familiarius ; XV. 473 [1529] familiarius ; XVI. 12 [1530] herauldus. The Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer are more explicit, and indicate finer grades, or degrees, of service. Compota Thesaurariorum, IV. 441 [1512] ischar; V. 37 [1515] kepar of the Kingis Grace; V. 112 [1516-17] the Kingis ushare ; V. 127 [1517] the Kingis maister uschare ; V. 160 [1517] the Kingis master of houshald; V. 196 [1522] maister Ischare to the King ; V. 310 [1526] no office stated ; V. 431-32 [1530] herald. The fact that in 1517 Lindsay is styled Master of the King’s Household, and in 1522 Master Usher, makes it likely that he was the Master of the Household whom Pitscottie records, with many other servants, as being dismissed when the King's household was restaffed in 1524.

21. Seware : Sewer. Chalmers, I. 187, “The sewer was the officer, who came in before the dinner, the attentive master of an English inn, and arranged the dishes : So, in Stephen Hawe’s [sic] Pastime of Pleasure : She warned the cook, called temperance, And after that the sewer observance, With pleasaunce, the panter, and dame courtesy, The gentle butler, and the ladies all.” Laing, I. 226. " Chalmers might as well have quoted the words of Gawin Douglas, from the Acneis, Book First, or, as follows, from the Palice of Honour [Pt. iii. Douglas, Works, ed. Small, I. 68. 12-15] : Temperance is Cuik, his meit to taist and preif ; Humilitie Carver, that na wicht list to greif ; His Maister Sewar, hecht Verteous Discipline ; Mercie is Copper, and mixis weill his wine.” Coppare : cupper, cupbearer. Caruoure : carver.

22. Purs maister : Keeper of the King’s Purse. Secreit Thesaurare : Privy Treasurer to the King.

23. Thy Yschare, aye sen thy Natyuitie : Usher since the day the King was born, April 10, 1512. Cf. The Complaynt of Schir Dauid Lindesay, 15-16: And enterit to thy Maiestie The day of thy Natyuitie. 24. And of thy chalmer cheiffe Cubiculare. Chalmers, I. 188, " chief officer of his bedchamber,” Principal Gentleman, or Groom, of the Bedchamber. 12 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

27. Wracheit worme. The self-depreciation is more apparent than real. Lindsay has in mind the proverbial saying which he again employs in 1. ioSi, " Was neuer jit na wrache to honour habyll.” The honour was for him to have been " agreabyll ” to his Prince—i.e., acceptable.

29. Influence natural! The allusion is astrological.

31. Off antique storeis and dedis marciall. Stories, or histories, of former times and of heroic deeds, usually told in verse. John Bellenden, Archdeacon of Murray, translated for the King’s benefit, as he was ignorant of Latin, Boethius’s Chronicles of Scotland, and the first five books of Livy.

32-45. None of these works of Lindsay’s, all written before 1528, have come down. Most were probably written for the King’s benefit, and as part of his education, although Lindsay was never the King’s tutor. It is not to be supposed that each name represents a separate poem. Those mentioned in 11. 34-38 probably belong to a poem of the type of the Falls of Princes, and in the manner of Lydgate. The story of Troilus may have been a separate poem, or it may have belonged to the poem above. The sieges of Tyre, Thebes, and Troy may have occupied one long poem or three separate poems. The “ Prophiseis of Rymour, Beid and Marlyng ” probably were in one poem, and the stories of the Red Etin and the Gyr Carling in another. Lindsay’s main work had been that of the student of classical legends, and stories, and like so many of his brother-poets in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was principally concerned in raising the general level of culture by making stories of the past widely known. It is probable that Lindsay again refers to some of these in Papyngo, 605-611.

43. The Prophiseis of Rymour, Beid, &■ Marlyng. Cf. Ane Satyre, 4590- 4606, and notes. “ The prophysie of merlyne ” is mentioned in The Complaynt of Scotland [c. 1548]. Thomas of Erceldoun or Thomas the Rhymer, fl. ? 1220-? 1297 \yide. D.N.B.'], is said to have written " yn figure as were the prophecies of Merlin,” Warton, II. 87.

44. This line is defective of one syllable in both 2555 and 7559. Perhaps it should read : “ And of mony [ane] vther plesand storye.”

45. Reid Etin. The tale of the Red Etin is mentioned in The Complaynt of Scotland [c. 1548] as a popular story of a giant with three heads, " the taiyl of the reyde ettyn witht the thre heydis ” [E.E.T.S., Extra Series, 17, p. 63]. The story has not come down.

45. The Gyir Carlyng : Hecate ; goddess of the lower regions and night, and goddess of classical and mediaeval witchcraft, often confused with the Queen of Faerie in her rule over the infernal regions. Among the people of Scotland she was deemed a witch of hideous appearance and NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 13 tremendous size, who lived on the flesh of Christians. The poem, The Gyre-Carling, narrates how a man named Blasour fell in love with her laughing lips, attacked her castle with moles, but was wounded in the heel with her iron club. Then the King of Faerie came with elves and dogs to lay siege to her. The dogs gnawed down the castle, but the Gyre Carling escaped in the form of a sow. She married Mohammed, became Queen of the Jews, and ordered all dogs to be destroyed. The poem, which has three stanzas, is a botch of Classical, Biblical, and Mediaeval Mythology, with local Scottish allusions. The dogs, for example, come from Scotland, from Dunbar to Dumblane, and after the Gyre Carling’s marriage Scotland was in great distress. Gyre: Icel. gier, cf. Gk. guros, circle. Cf. Montgomery’s Flyting; Scott, Minstrelsy, “ On the Fairies of Popular Superstition ” ; Select Remains of the Ancient Popular and Romance Poetry of Scotland, ed. Laing, re-ed. Small, 1885, pp. 272-75. In Ane Satyre, 4592-93, Folly boasts that the Gyre Carling is his grandmother, who taught him the Prophecy of Merlin. Cf. Fergusson, Proverbs, 459, " God keip us from gyrcarlings and all long nebbed things.” Cf. also Satyre, Cupar Banns, 253.

56. This line should have read, "Now I begyn: the mater hapnit thus."

57. The Calendis of lanuarie. The name Kalends was given by the Romans to the first day of each month. See next note.

58-59. See accompanying diagram of the zodiac. Phebus moving round the earth had passed from the house of Capricorn to that of Aquarius. The house of Capricorn covers from December 22 to January 20, and the house of Aquarius from January 21 to February 21. But as the calendar in Lindsay’s day was fourteen or fifteen days behind real time these dates must be correspondingly altered to fit in with his statement. Lindsay probably did not intend to specify the first of January, but the early part of the month, as representative of mid-winter. His poem is written in the spirit of the opening lines of Henryson’s Testament of Cresseid, 1-4 : Ane doolie sessoun to ane cairfull dyte Suld correspond, and be equivalent. Richt sa it wes quhen I began to wryte This tragedie . . .

[Diagram of the Zodiac on next page. I4 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

THE ZODIAC.

\The Drtme, 386-488.]

62. Flora. The late Roman goddess of flowers, borrowed by the mediaeval allegorists.

63. Austeir Eolus. Cf. Henryson, The Preiching of the Swallow [Fables, 1692-93], " Awsterne Eolus, God of the wynd, with blastis boreall [northern, cold].” See note to Papyngo, 202.

65. Walking : awake. Cf. 1. 155, cummyng. NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 15

69. Tytane : Titan, the sun. Cf. Papyngo, 138.

74. Lansing ouirthorte the landis. Chalmers, I. 191, " darting across the landis.” He refers to Gavin Douglas, " lansand lichtly over the lands.” 78. Dame Flora, in dule weid dissagysit. Flora, who in May is sweet and delightful, was now in mourning (for the flowers winter had killed). 80. Stormes : 1559 stromes. O.E.D. records stromes as an obsolete Scots form, but quotes this as the only example. I regarded it as a misprint for stormes, but I have since found another example in Lindsay, Monarche, 168, " the stromye nycht.” Restoration of the original reading is desirable. 1558 reads stormes.

86. To Nature makand gret lamentatioun. This line in both 1558 and 1559 has one too many syllables, and could be corrected by deleting gret. 90-111. A Complaint poem. Warton, III. 231, "The expostulation of the lark with Aurora, the sun, and the months, is conceived and conducted in the true spirit of poetry.” 104. Reiffis. This word is dissyllabic here. 108. If this line is correct, there is elision between " sorrow our,” and a w-glide, " sor-wour.” 112. With that thay rais, & flew furth out of my sycht. This line is defective ; delete out. 122. With pen and paper to Regester, in ryme. This line is either unmetrical, or requires the clumsy elision " tregister.” It has the same reading in 1558. 124. See note to Papyngo, 967-68. 133. Quho moste had suld moste repent. Cf. Dunbar, To the King, 29, " Quha maist hes than sail maist repent.” 138. The sleit. We have already been told that " the sand wes smoith & dryye ” [115]. Inconsistencies are common in nature-pictures of this kind, which are intended to present a general survey of wintry conditions rather than a picture of a particular wintry landscape. Cf. The Prologue to The Mirror for Magistrates. Lindsay has another contra- diction, when the bright sun [69-70] suddenly becomes a cloudy sky [106-111]. 141. Eolus. See note to Papyngo, 202.

147. Heir endis the Prolong. And Followis the Dreme. 1558 follows this : with the quotation, “ Prophetias nolite spernere. Omnia autem i6 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY probate : quod bonum est tenete.—THESSAL V.” x Thessalonians v. 20-21. There is every reason to believe that this must have been in the lost Davidson quarto, and that therefore Lindsay himself inserted it. Cf. Ane Satyre, 269, where it is used ironically.

155. Cummyng. Comen, past participle. Cf. 65, Walkyng, awake.

161. In twynkling of an Ee. Cf. Mon. 5616, 5930, 6164; Chaucer, Complaynt of Mars, 222. Cf. 1 Corinthians xv. 52, " all changed, in the twinkling of an eye."

162-63. Down throw the eird . . . into the lawest hell. Warton, History of English Poetry, Ch. VIII., " It was a part of the old mundane system, that Hell was placed in the centre of the earth. So a fragment cited by Hearne, Glossary Rob. Glouc. ii. 583 : Ryght so is hell-pitt, as clerkes telles, Amyde the erthe, and no where elles. So also an old French tract, ' Limaige du Monde,’ or Image of the World, ' Saches que en la terre est Enfer, car Enfer ne pourrait estre en si noble lieu comme est 1’Air,’ &c." Quoted by Chalmers, I. 196, without acknowledgment, and by Laing, I. 228. Cf. The Monarche, and Henryson’s description of Hell, Orpheus and Eurydice, 11. 303-344. 183-215. Henryson devotes one stanza to the description of the clergy in hell, but his reasons for their presence are identical with Lindsay’s : Thair saw he mony paip and cardynall, 338 In haly kirk quhilk did abusioun, and bischopis in thair pontificall, 340 Be Symonie and wrang Intrusioun ; abbottis and all men of religioun, ffor evill disponyng of thair place and rent, In flame of lyre wer bittirly torment. 344 Henryson’s line 339 is identical with Lindsay’s line 182 ; Henryson 340 is, or should have been, identical with Lindsay 175. The text of Henryson here is defective of one syllable, for which " Arch- ” is the obvious emendation, as Lindsay’s line shows. The other lines of Henry- son’s stanza are not identical with any of Lindsay’s, though Lindsay reproduces the same ideas. Cf. Henryson 341 with Lindsay 195 ; Henryson 342 with Lindsay 181 ; Henryson 343 with Lindsay 206; Henryson 344 with Lindsay 166 [in flame of fyre],

195-96. Cf. Ane Satyre, 2853-54: For throw thir playis and thir promotioun, Mair for denners nor for devotioun, Sir Symonie hes maid with thame ane band. . . . Lindsay repeats the line in italics.

209. Thare ladyis : their mistresses. NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 17

217. Symone Magus. Cf. The Monarche, 4945, 5818 ; Acts, VIII. 9-25. Verse 18, “ And when Simon saw that through laying on of the apostles’ hands the Holy Ghost was given, he offered them money, [19] Saying, Give me also this power, that on whomsoever I lay hands, he may receive the Holy Ghost.” He later typified the person who endeavoured to purchase spiritual power and ecclesiastical rank.

217. Byschope Cayphas. Cf. The Monarche, 5786, and Satyre 3943. See next line, Byschope Annas. Annas and Caiaphas were high priests throughout the life of Christ. Cf. Luke iii. 2 ; John xi. 49, 51 ; John xviii. 12-28 ; Acts iv. 6. Annas was father-in-law to Caiaphas, and Christ was taken before Annas to be tried, but Annas sent him to Caiaphas, who had already recommended the death of Christ. Hence to the people of the middle ages these two were two of the greatest evildoers in the world.

218. The treatour ludas : Judas, the betrayer of Christ. Cf. Matthew xxvi. 47 ; Mark xiv. 43 ; Luke xxii. 47 ; John xviii. 1-5 ; Acts i. 16. Cf. Satyre, 32, 1336, 2919 ; Monarche, 4100, 5752 ; Squyer Meldrum, 1019.

219. Machomete. Mohammad was, to the people of the middle ages, the promised anti-Christ, destined to lead the people away from salvation. Hence Lindsay's description, “ that Propheit poysonabyll.” Cf. Monarche, 5204, 5784; Satyre [Mahown], 4302. Machomete is here quadrisyllable : mach-om-et-e.

220. Choro, Dathan, and Abirone. Cf. Numbers xvi. 1-35. Korah, son of Izhar, and Dathan and Abiram, sons of Eliab, rebelled, with two hundred and fifty princes of the Jews, against Moses and Aaron, accus- ing them of assuming too much power. After Moses had appealed to the Lord to pass judgment, the three men, their houses, and goods were swallowed up in an earthquake, and the rebels consumed by fire. Cf. The Monarche, 5814, where Lindsay states that, presumably because they were swallowed up by the earthquake, “ thay sank down to the hell." It was therefore thought that there was a biblical foundation for the belief that Hell was in the centre of the earth. Cf. also The Monarche, 5998, for the sudden disappearance of the wicked into Hell after the Last Judgment. 221. Heretykis. It is a pity that Lindsay, who believed in reading the Bible in the vulgar tongue, regarded the Pope as anti-Christ, and denounced the Church for every conceivable sin and crime, never defines a Heretic. Cf. Mon. 5730. 229. To knaw thare rewle : to know the Rules of their Order.

233. Empriour Constantyne. Cf. Monarche, 4410; Satyre, 1450; Papyngo, 803. Laing, I. 229, “ It is by no means improbable that Lyndsay might here have had in view the well-known lines in Dante’s Inferno (xix. 15). i8 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Ahi Constantin, di quanto mal fu Non la tua Conversion, ma quella dote Che da te finse il prime ricco Patri ! Which Milton thus rendered into English blank verse. Ah ! Constantine, of how much ill was cause Not thy Conversion, but those rich domaines That the first wealthy Pope receiv’d of thee ! Milton also quotes allusions by Petrarch (Sonnet 108) and Ariosto (Orlando Furioso, canto 34) to Constantine’s gift to the Roman Pontiff, ‘ whereby it may be concluded for a receiv’d opinion, even among men professing the Romish faith, that Constantine marr’d all in the Church : as it was (Milton adds) at this time Antichrist began first to put forth his home.’ (Of Reformation, &c., p. 30. Lond., 1641, 4to.) ” See note to The Monarche, 4410. There is no need to assume that Lindsay knew Italian ; he is rather indebted to common tradition.

247. Wrangus Conquest. Cf. Henryson, Orpheus and Eurydice, 322, " wrang conqueist.”

253-259. Lindsay lists Nero, Pharaoh, Herod, Pilate. Henryson lists Hector, Priam, Alexander, Antiochus, Julius Caesar, Herod, Nero, Pilate, Croesus, Pharaoh, Saul, Jacob, Queen Jezebel. In The Monarche, 5744-5751, Lindsay prophesies that Pharoah, Nero, Antiochus, and Holofernes shall remain for ever in hell. Nowhere does Lindsay consider the heroes of the legends of Troy, Greece, and Rome as figures of evil. He had already written poems describing them as heroes [Dreme, 34-37, 41-42].

272. Sum, for thare pryde; sum for Adultrye. An extra syllable is required in the last word, which should read Adult[e]rye.

275. Wrangous heretouris : sons by other men foisted by women on their husbands.

281-82. Sumwemen . . . did thame neuer schryue. 1568 and subsequent quarto editions insert in margin, “ Quhat horribill torment of conscience was this auricular confessioun ” [Sig. 2D6a]. Probably this was a reader’s comment in the text used by the printer of 1568. See notes to 11. 337, 355.

283. Secreit Synnis : adultery.

285. Quhairfor, but reuth tha ruffeis did thame ryue ; wherefore without pity those ruffians [fiends] did them tear.

316-336. Cf. Henryson's description of the torments of hell, Orpheus and Eurydice, 310-16 [parallels in italics]. O dully place, [and] grundles deip dungeoun, furness of fyre, and stink intollerable, pit of dispair, without remissioun. NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY IQ

Thy meit wennome, Thy drink is pusonable. Thy grit panis and to compte unnumerable ; Quhat creature cumis to dwell in the Is ay deand, and nevirmore sail de. 324. And, for thare clethyng, tadis and Scorpionis. Cf. Revelations ix. 5, " their torment was as the torment of a scorpion, when he striketh a man,” hence one of the torments in hell. Torment by toads does not appear to have a biblical authority, but cf. Cursor Mundi, 23227.

337. 1568 inserts a marginal note, " He semis rather to elude than allow of Purgatorie.” This was not reprinted by Bassandyne, and hence does not appear in later quarto editions. See Lindsay’s remark to Remembrance, 344-350. 338. Ane countre full of cair : Purgatory [342].

351. The thrid presoun . . . Quhare many babbis war. This was the Limbus Puerorum, where were confined infants who had died before they had been baptised. 352. We enterit in ane place of perditions. This line has a syllable too many. Delete in. 355. 1568 inserts in margin, “ Sic wes ye ignorance of yai dayes y1 men euin of scharpest iugement culd not espy all abusis.” Reprinted in later quarto editions. 358-364. The Lymbe . . . [of] Our Forefatheris. This was the Limbus Patrum, where were confined those who had lived before the time of Christ, and therefore had not been given the chance of obtaining salvation through his word. The occupants of this region and the Limbus Puerorum [351] would receive the favour of God at the Judgment Day.

362. Etand the fruit the quhilk was defendit. This line is defective of a syllable. I suggest “ . . . was [sore] defendit.”

365. The erth, of nature cauld and drye. The four elements, earth, water, air, fire [vide notes to 1. 386], had natures as follows : earth, cold and dry; water, cold and moist; air, hot and moist; fire, hot and dry. 366. Glaid to eschaip those places parrelous. Lindsay has obviously a firm belief in the reality of hell, and his dread of it is apparent here, as well as in the closing scenes of The Monarche.

375-380. According to the old cosmologies, the earth, which contained hell and purgatory, was rich in precious stones, gold, and silver. Round it were the concentric spheres of water, air, and fire. In the days when it was believed that the earth was flat, the perimeter was thought to be composed of water, while the air was above both, this being referred to in 1. 376. Above the air was fire. 20 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

383-85. " Before we could reach the empyrean heaven we had to pass through the spheres of the seven planets.’’ The seven planets, in order of ascent from the earth, were (i) the Moon, (2) Mercury, (3) Venus, (4) the Sun, (5) Mars, (6) Jupiter, (7) Saturn. Above these was the Firmament of the Fixed Stars, then the Crystalline Sphere, then the Primum Mobile, and lastly, the Empyrean Paradise. Each planet had its own astrological qualities. As there were seven planets, and also seven sciences in the Trivium and Quad- rivium, parallels were sought. According to Dante, Convito, II. xiv-xv, the Moon resembled Grammar ; Mercury Dialectic [Lindsay’s “ God of Eloquence,” 1. 394] ; Venus Rhetoric ; the Sun Arithmetic; Mars Music; Jupiter Geometry ; Saturn Astrology. Continuing his parallels, Dante makes the Fixed Stars resemble Natural Science (Physics) and Primary Science (Metaphysics) ; the Primum Mobile resembles Moral Science ; and the Empyrean resembles Divine Science. Dante gives his reasons, but they are too lengthy to be quoted here. Mediaeval " ascents ” were ultimately derived from the Somnium Scipionis of Cicero, originally forming part of Book VI. of the De Republica. It was not preserved here, but in a separate form by Macrobius, fl. 400 a.d., who wrote a commentary on it in two books. Chaucer refers to it no fewer than four times : The Nonne Prestes Tale, 303 ; The Poke of the Duchesse, 284 ; The House of Fame, 5x4 ; and The Parlement of Foules, 31 [Chaucer, Minor Poems, ed. Skeat, 285. Skeat’s notes are invaluable]. The second traditional source was Boethius, IV. 1. In Chaucer’s translation [ed. Skeat, II. 94-95], Phil- osophy says : I have, forsothe, swifte fetheres that surmounten the heighte of hevene. Whan the swifte thought hath clothed it-self in tho fetheres, it despyseth the hateful erthes, and surmounteth the roundnesse of the grete ayr ; and it seeth the cloudes behinde his bak ; and passeth the heighte of the region of the fyr, that eschaufeth by the swifte moevinge of the firmament, til that he areyseth him in-to the houses that beren the sterres, and ioyneth his weyes with the sonne Phebus, and felawshipeth the wey of the olde colde Saturnus ; and he y-maked a knight of the clere sterre ; that is to seyn, that the thought is maked goddes knight by the sekinge of trouthe to comen to the very ay knowleche of god. And thilke thoght renneth by the cercle of the sterres, in alle places ther-as the shyninge night is peinted ; that is to seyn, the night that is cloudeles ; for on nightes that ben doudeles it semeth as the hevene were peinted with dyverse images of sterres. And whanne he hath y-doon ther y-nough, he shal forleten the laste hevene, and he shal pressen and wenden on the bak of the swifte firmament, and he shal ben maked parfit of the worshipful light of god. Ther halt the lord of kinges the ceptre of his might, and atempreth the governements of the world, and the shyninge luge of thinges, stable in him-self, governeth the swifte cart or wayn, that is to seyn, the circuler moevinge of the sonne. And yif thy wey ledeth thee ayein so that thou be brought thider, thanne wolt thou seye now that that is the contree that thou requerest, of which thou ne haddest no minde : " but now it remembreth me wel, heer was I born, heer wol I fastne my degree, heer wole I dwelle.” But yif thee lyketh thanne to loken on the derknesse of the erthe that thou hast NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 21 forleten, thanne shalt thou seen that thise felonous tyraunts, that the wrecchede peple dredeth, now shollen ben exyled fro thilke fayxe contree. Within this extract from Boethius are the familiar features of the poetic ascent to the heavens. The poets, unlike Philosophy, do not claim powers of flight for themselves. They rely on a fair lady seen in a dream, but this is far better than the “ swifte fetheres ” of Boethius, which recall to memory the less successful flight of The Fen^eit Freir of Tungland [Dunbar, S.T.S., I. 139-143]. But as in Boethius, the object of the ascent was attained when the poet reached a corner of the heavens from which the earth with its “ felonous tyraunts ” and " wrecchede people" could be described and discussed in safety. There is something more than mere whimsicality in the idea, and something more than mere imitation by one poet of another, in the everlasting repetition of the convention, for these poems were to the later middle ages what the Utopias and Oceanas were to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The poetic dreams go back to Boethius and Cicero, the prose ideal republics to Plato. The poets and the prose writers differ in their attitude towards their common theme, the ideal state. The poets compare the misguided sinful world with the harmonious firmament, to the disadvantage of the former; the prose utopists are content, and wiser, to imagine a fair but previously unknown land in this world. The poets preserve the views of the biblical funda- mentalists : in the beginning Man and the World was created good ; it is only through the growth of evil in man that the world is unhappy and distressed now. Their method is not distinguished for constructive argument, and they have no practical remedies to suggest. They have contemplative, not active minds. They are of the middle ages, not the Renaissance. The last and greatest view of the world from afar is in Paradise Lost, with the essential difference that Satan rises from Chaos to view the World (= in Milton, the Universe). With this supreme effort the ascent-convention dies, and is glorified. While the poets denounce existing evils profusely and even luridly, and while they deplore maladministration of both Church and State, and evil living, the prose writers endeavour to discuss economic ills, and their pictures, more direct, better conceived, sketched by men who were not content to dally with the subject, remain classical, in contrast with the work of the poets, which will always be regarded as one of the quaint features of mediaeval life and thought. Lindsay’s picture of Scotland in the early sixteenth century can be held worthy of consideration only in so far as its testimony is borne out by other writers and official records. The period was one of economic change, and this is not realised by the poets. Only dimly is it realised by the economists and the pamphleteers, who point out, for example, the great harm done to individuals by the vast increase in grazing land and the evils of depopulation ; but they do not fully realise either the causes, or the inevitability, of these economic events, and the modern economist only sees in them the “ preacher and the moralist.” In the opinion of Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Com- merce [5th ed., I. 556], the preachers and moralists, who included Armstrong, Latimer, Gilpin, Edmund Dudley, and Crowley, " uttered VOL. III. C 22 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

fine sentiments, but did not formulate principles of duty which were applicable to new circumstances." This is the judgment of a scientific age, and harsh in consequence. More, Bacon, and Harington did more than this, and so too the mid-sixteenth century prose pamphleteers [Certain Causes gathered together wherein is shewed the decay of England (c. 1550, E.E.T.S.) ; Henry Brinkelow’s Complaint of Roderick Mors (E.E.T.S.) ; Thomas Starkey’s Description of England (E.E.T.S.) ; and Hales’s Discourse of the Common Weal (1549)], for attention must be drawn to abuses before they can be remedied, and it is rarely the age which complains which is able to right the harm. The poets do not pretend to be more than court-moralists. Lindsay’s duty to Scotland ends in denouncing the governors :

I fynd the fait in to the heid ; For thay in quhome dois ly our hole releif, I fynd them rute and grund of all our greif ; The Dreme, 878-880. Only to a certain extent, and in the particular case of the rule of the Douglases, was this true. In the main Scotland, like England, was suffering from economic changes.

386-488. Cf. Henryson’s fuller description of the planets, Testament of Cresseid, 147-273, to which Lindsay owes little, though here and there are verbal parallels.

386. The Mone. Lindsay describes her as weak and cold by nature, ruler of the sea (tides), beauty of the night, of no creative power, since her light is reflected from the sun : she passes through the twelve signs of the Zodiac in twenty-eight days. Lindsay gives the period of rotation for each of the planets in round numbers. Alfraganus says : Narrando orbes uel rotationes planetarum. . . . Fit itaque orbis Lunae 27 dierum & n horarum & dimi diae & quartae unius horae, Mer- curij ac Veneris ac Solis unius cuiusque istorum rotatus fit 365 diebus & quarta unius diei fere. Martis autem in anno persico & 10 mensibus & 22 diebus fere. louis uero in circulo egressae cuspidis in ir annis & 10 mensibus & 16 diebus. In circulo autem signorum, minus uno die & dimidis fere. Et Saturni in circulo egressae cuspidis in uigintinouem annis & quinque mensibus & quindecim diebus in circulo signorum minus hoc per nouem dies. The Sphcera Mundi of Sacro Bosco says : Hunc si quidem motum secundum diuidit per medium zodiacus : sub quo quilibet planetarum sphaerum habet propriam in qua defertur motu propria contra coeli ultimi motum : & in diuersis temporum ipsum metitur ut Saturnus in .xxx. annis luppiter in .xii. Mars in duobus. Sol in .ccclxv. diebus & fere sex horis. Venus & Mercurius fere similiter. Luna uero in .xxvii. diebus & octo horis. [Sphcsra Mundi cum tribus Commentis nuper editis. . . . Venetiis'per Bonetus locatellus : impends nobilis viri Oclauiani scoti ciuis Modoetiensis. M.CCCC.LXXXXIII. 13. kalendas Januarias. Sig. a6b.] NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 23

Cf. the description of the moon in The Monarche, 153-157 : Bot Synthea, the hornit nychtis quene, Scho loste hir lycht, and lede ane lawar saill, Frome tyme hir souerane lorde that scho had sene. And in his presens waxit dirk and paill, And oner hir visage kest ane mistye vaill. Cf. also Dunbar’s description [Eneados, Prolog, Book III., Works, II. 116. 1-7], beginning : Hornyt Lady, paill Cynthia, nocht lycht, Quhilk fra thi broder borrowis all thi lycht, Rewlar of passage and wais mony one, Maistres of stremis, and glaider of the nycht, . . . Cf. also Henryson, Testament of Cresseid, 253-259. As the moon only borrows her light from the sun, as the poets explain, she was regarded as black in natural colour.

390. Bot the reflex of Phebus bemes brycht. Cf. Dunbar, Goldyn Targe, 33, “ Throu the reflex of Phebus visage brycht.” Cf. Monarche, 170-171. 393-402. Mercurious. Mercury, also God of Eloquence and learned speech, hot and dry by nature, governor of painters and poets, and completing his course through the heavens in three hundred and thirty- eight days. Cf. The Testament of Squyer Meldrum, 64, 78-84, 133 ; Papyngo, 118-21 ; Monarche, 159, 2147. All the cosmographies I have consulted give the course of Mercury as one year, but The Complaynt of Scotland [E.E.T.S., Extra Series, 17, p. 54] states " nyne dais mair haistiar nor dois venus,” which is there stated to take 348 days.

395. Termes delicious. Cf. Henryson, Testament of Cresseid, 241, " With polite termis and delicious."

403-420. Uenus : Venus, in her silver chair, queen of love, yet change- able, sometimes sad of cheer, sometimes pleasant and delightful, sometimes constant, sometimes variable. She opposes the wrathfulness of Mars. She is weak and hot by nature, and therefore provocative to those who are susceptible to love. She completes her course in twelve months exactly. There are many references to Venus in Lindsay. Cf. Testament of Squyer Meldrum, 64 ; Monarche, 6322 ; Papyngo, 125 ; Court of Venus, Deploratioun, 38 ; Flyting, 7 ; Venus’ works, Flyting, 26, 30 ; Testament of Squyer Meldrum, 152, &c.

407. Blenkis amorous. Cf. Henryson, Testament of Cresseid, 226, blenkis Amorous. 416. Prouocatyue. Cf. Henryson, Testament of Cresseid, 226, Provocative.

421-441. Phebus : the Sun, the lamp of the heavens and gladdener of the stars, principal of the seven planets, and set right in their midst (he is set fourth in the seven). He sits like a king in a golden chariot drawn by four horses. His influence is always good, especially on earth. 24 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

He is hot and dry by nature, and completes his course in exactly one year. There are many references to Phoebus in Lindsay. Cf. Dreme, 58. 96, 390 ; Squyer Meldrutn, 712, 932 ; Papyngo, 106, 122, 1097 ; Monarche, 158, 161, 171, 175, 691, 3928, &c. As Titan, cf. Dreme, 69 ; Papyngo, 138.

422. That lusty lampe and lanterne of the heuin. Cf. Henryson, Testa- ment of Cresseid, 197, Lanterne &1 Lamp of licht.

423. And glader of the sterris with his lycht. Cf. the quotation from Dunbar in note to line 386, where Cynthia is called the “ glaider of the nycht.”

426-27. As Royeroyall . . . Cheir. Ci. Henryson, Testament of Cresseid, 204, As King Roy all he raid upon his Chair.

437. His goldin Cairt. Cf. Henryson, Testament of Cresseid, 208, This goldin Cart. Henryson names the four steeds.

442-457. Mars : God of Ire and War, hot and dry by nature—drier than the tinder—with flaming red face, choleric of complexion, with malicious look, principal cause of the destruction of realms. Venus mitigates his ire, otherwise the world would be uninhabitable. He completes his course in two years. Many references in Lindsay : (Star) Dreme, 413; Papyngo, 113, 129; Monarche, 159; (Temple of Mars) Testament of Squyer Meldrum, 60-64 ; (God of War) Testament of Squyer Meldrum, 60, 65, 76-7, &c.; Monarche, 2149, 2352, &c.

458-472. lupiter : Amiable and sweet, weak and hot by nature, lover of peace and hater of dispute. Formerly held the chief of the gods, he resists the malice of Saturn. His course is twelve years. Cf. Papyngo, 125, 134 ; Monarche, 159, 2144, 2353, 4628.

472-488. Saturnus : Saturn, gloomy, melancholy, pale as lead, cold and dry by nature, as ugly as an owl, perverse, envious, and cause of sickness. He completes his course in thirty years. His sphere is frosty (because it is so far from the sun). Cf. Complaynt of Schir Dauid Lindesay, 7; Papyngo, 113, 133; Monarche, 2143. Cf. 'Lydgate's' description, Assembly of the Gods, E.E.T.S., Extra Series, 69, p. 9.11. 281- 287. But he was clad me thought straungely. For of frost & snow was all his aray ; In hys hand he helde a fawchon all blody. Hyt semyt by his chere as he wold make a fray. A bawdryk of isykles about hys nek gay He had, and aboue an hygh on his hcde, Cowchyd vsith hayle stonys, he weryd a crowne of leede.

And Henryson, ed. Smith, S.T.S., HI. 8-9, Testament of Cresseid. NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 25

475. Cullour paill as leid. Cf. Henryson, Testament of Cresseid, 155, his lyre was lyke the Leid. Saturn was represented as of leaden hue, and clothed in grey. The planets had the properties of metals : Sol gold is, and Luna silver we threpe, Mars yren, Mercurie quik-silver we clepe, Saturnus leed, and Jupiter is tin. And Venus coper, by my fader kin. Chaucer, Chanouns Yemannes Tale, 826-29.

Cf. Chaucer, The Knightes Tale, 1509-2482.

478. Foule lyke ane Oule. Henryson, Testament of Cresseid, 155-161, gives details : “ Out of his Nois the Meldrop fast can rin."

490-497. The Firmament, / The quhilk was fixit full of sterris brycht. The Eighth Sphere, or Firmament of Fixed Stars. Of figour round : In the fifteenth century Tarocchi Cards the eighth sphere is represented as an angel holding up a globe dotted with stars. This globe is Lindsay’s “ figour round." The Fixed Stars complete their course in 36,000 years, though Lindsay says 37,000. That he is incorrect, or his printed text is so, is proved by the following extracts : Alfraganus, De numero stellarum fixarum . . . “ motus eorum fit in omnibus 100 annis uno gradu [= 36,000 years]. Also Dante, Convito, II. vi, “ one hundred years one degree." Albertus, De Celo et Mundo, also gives thirty-six thousand years : " Sunt autem deprehensi tres motus in opera stellarum fixam, quorum unus est motus diurnus ab Oriente in Occidentem super polos mundi completiis in .xxiiii. horis. Et alter est motus stellarum fixarum ab Occidente in Orientem in omnibus centum annis per unum gradum, completiis in omnibus .xxxvi. milibus annis. Tertius autem motus. . . .” According to Macrobius, Commentarius ex Cicerone in Somnium Scipionis, ii. n, the great, mundane, or Platonic year contained 15,000 years, but by the early Middle Ages this had been corrected, possibly through Arabic influence, to 36,000. The calculation was one of some importance, for it was believed that when the circuit of the heavens had been completed the heavenly bodies would return to their positions at the Creation. For many this meant that God’s purpose had been fulfilled, and that He would appear in judgment on His greatest created thing, man [cf. quotations below], but the six thousand year theory [cf. Monarche, 5280-5305] was much more widely accepted. Cf. The Romance of the Rose (Temple Classics edn.. III. 17631-34] : For surely he will reappear When round hath rolled the circling year. Thirty-six thousand times in space To come where God first fixed its place. There is thus adequate reason to note Lindsay’s 37,000 years as an error for 36,000, but there is a parallel with Lindsay’s figure in The Complaynt of Scotland [E.E.T.S., Extra Series, 17 (1872), p. 33, " Socrates techit in his achademya, sayand, that eftir seuyn and thretty thousand 26 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

^eiris, al thingis sal retoume to that sammyn stait as thai began . . and p. 35, “ i suspect that there is ouer mony that beleuis in the opinione of Socrates, that is to saye, that the varld sal indure seuyn ande thretty thousand ^eiris [before the Day of Judgment].” This use points to Lindsay and the author of The Complaynt of Scotland having each used an authority in which the incorrect figure of 37,000 appears. Neither this, nor the fact that both authors also refer to Carion later [Monarche, 5280-5303], proves that Lindsay and the author of The Complaynt are the same person. I suggest the restoration of line 497,where “ sewin ” could be replaced by “ sex ” [six] without harming the metre, although 1558 also reads " sevin.” A commentator in the Opusculum Johannis de sacrobosco spericum, Leipzig, 1499, Sigs. A4b-A5a, describes the natures and qualities of the planets as follows : " Inter cell speras septem sunt planetarum. Primus planeta est Saturnus qui naturaliter frigidus est et siccus in effectu, pallidus et malignus. . . . Jupiter secundus calidus et humidus clarus et candidus maliciam saturni temperans. . . . Mars tercius calidus et siccus ignitus et radiosus ideo niscius et ad bella prouocans. . . . Soli quartus calidus et luminosus. . . . Venus calidus et humidus inter sidera splendidissimus semper solem comitatur precedens lucifer sequens vero uesperus. . . . Mercurious radiosus in qualitate varius cum sole semper. . . . Luna frigida et humida mater est aquarum a sole illuminate noctem illuminat. . . Lindsay seems to have used an authority related to this. The Liber Chronic-arum does not give the characteristics of the planets. 498-511. The nynt Speir, and mouare principall: The Ninth Sphere, or Primum Mobile, surrounding the sphere of Fixed Stars. This sphere was “ invented ” by Ptolemy, who, " perceiving that the eighth sphere is moved by many movements, seeing its circle to depart from the right circle, which turns from East to West, constrained by the principles of Philosophy, which of necessity desires a Primum Mobile, a most simple one, supposed another Heaven to be outside the Heaven of the fixed stars, which might make that revolution from East to West, which I say is completed in twenty-four hours nearly. . . .” [Dante, Convito, trans. Sayer, II. iii.] Cf. above, 490-97, quotation from Albertus. The ninth sphere, says Dante, is not visible except by the movement from east to west. Dante is not Lindsay’s authority. Cf. also The Complaynt of Scotland [E.E.T.S., Extra Series, 17, pp. 47-56]. [See Diagrams, pages 152, 153.]

510. Rycht melodious harmonie and sound : the Music of the Spheres. For a poetical description of the music of the spheres see Henryson, Orpheus and Eurydice, 219-239 ; and Gavin Douglas, Police of PLonour, ed. Small, I. 16, 11. 21 to I. 17, 11. 22 ; and for the tradition that the music of the spheres was discovered by Pythagoras, see Plato, Republic, 617B, Timaeus 35B, Aristotle, De Caelo, II. 9, and Heath, Aristarchus, 105-115. 513. The heuin callit Christallyne : Warton, History, III. 233, “Most of this philosophy is borrowed from the first chapters of the Nuremburgh NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 27

Chronicle, a celebrated book when Lyndesay wrote, printed in the year 1493. It is there said, that of the waters above the firmament which were frozen like crystal, God made the crystalline Heaven, See,., fol. iv. This idea is taken from Genesis i. 4 [6-8. And God said. Let there be a firmament in the midst of the waters, and let it divide the waters from the waters. 7. And God made the firmament, and divided the waters which were under the firmament from the waters which were above the firmament: and it was so. 8. And God called the firmament Heaven]. See also St Paul Epist. Cor. ii. xii. 2 [the " third heaven," Monarche, 6077]. The same system is in Tasso, where the archangel Michael descends from heaven, Gier. Lib., C. ix. st. 60, And in Milton, Paradise Lost, iii. 481 : They pass the planets seven, and pass the fixed, And that crystalline sphere,” [whose balance weighs The trepidation talked, and that First Moved. . . .] Lindsay has reversed the order of the ninth and tenth spheres. Dante and all other authorities give these in the order: (1) Fixed Stars, (2) Crystalline Sphere, (3) Primum Mobile. Cf. the quotation above from Milton, and see Masson’s notes on the Ptolemaic and Alphonsine systems in Milton, Works, I. 89-96. Dante says that the Primum Mobile is not only the cause of the movement of the universe, but itself moves at tremendous rate, because within it is the Empyrean Paradise, " and because of the most fervent appetite which each part of it has to be united with each part of that most Divine Heaven of Peace, in which it revolves with so much desire, its velocity is almost incomprehensible ” [Convito, II. iv]. Laing, I. 232, reprints Warton’s note. 514. The heuin Impyre: the Empyrean, Empyrean Heaven, or Empyrean Paradise, so called to distinguish it from the Earthly Para- dise [752]. Cf. The Monarche, 5011, 5634-5695, 6124-6165. 515. It passis myne Ingyne. The poets usually hesitated before attempting a description of Paradise. The hesitation was conventional, since it was merely a way of saying that the splendours of heaven were too great for mortal man to understand [cf. 1. 537], and so inviting the reader to supply the defects of description from his imagination. St Paul originated the convention. See quotation in note to 1. 594. Cf. Monarche, 6106-10, 6161. 518-19. Angellis ... In Ordouris nyne. The Nine Orders of Angels. In the centre of the Empyrean sat God on his Throne, with Christ on his right hand, and the Virgin Mary, who was surrounded by Virgins, on his left. Around this group was the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Priests, Doctors, Confessors, and Martyrs. Around these in concentric circles were, according to Lindsay, the nine orders of angels in order from highest to lowest as follows : Seraphim, Cherubim, Thrones, Dominations, Principates, Potestates, Virtues, Archangels, and lastly, Angels, these being the lowest in degree, and furthest from the Throne of God. The Nine Orders were divided into three Hierarchies. Lindsay gives the details in 11. 519-579. Cf. Monarche, 5568-71, 6260-66. 28 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

THE DREME, 162-511.

[Lindsay reverses the order of the Crystalline Sphere and the Primum Mobile, and gives 37,000 years instead of 36,000 for the mundane year]. NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 2Q

THE DREME, 512-609. 30 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

The order of rank given by Lindsay coincides with that given by the Liber Chronicarum, but this differs from that given by all the other authorities which I have consulted. The Liber Chronicarum, 1493 ed., f. 19, says, " Distinctio celestium hierarchiarum. . . . De celesti vero nature triplicem quidam possuere distinctionem. scilicet supernaturalem, id est, supercelestem, celestem & subcelestem.” [The highest rank consists of Seraphim, Cherubim, and Thrones; the middle rank of Dominations, Principates, and Potestates ; the lowest of Virtues, Archangels, and Angels.] Most other authorities give the order of Dante [Convito, II. vi.] : Seraphim, Cherubim, Powers ; Prin- cipalities, Virtues, Dominations; Thrones, Archangels, and Angels. I give Dante’s list in the reverse order. Cary [Dante, Paradiso, xxviii., where the order is Seraphim, Cherubim, Thrones; Dominations, Virtues, Powers; Princedoms, Archangels, Angels] quotes Gregory the Great, Horn, xxxiv, f. 125, ed. Paris, 1518, fob, " Novem vero angelorum ordines liximus ; quia videlicet esse, testante sacro eloquio, scimus : Angelos, archangelos, virtutes, potestates, principatus, dominationes, thronos, cherubim atque seraphim.” This agrees with the order given in the Liber Chronicarum and by Lindsay.

522. Warton's note is of value [History of English Poetry, III. 233-34. Kept. Laing, I. 232-33]. " Because the Scriptures have mentioned several degrees of Angels, Dionysius the Areopagite, and others, have divided them into nine Orders ; and those they have reduced into three Hierarchies. This was a tempting subject for the refining genius of the school divines ; and accordingly we find in Thomas Aquinas a disquisition, De ordinatione Angelorum secundum Hierarchias et Ordines (Quaest. cviii.). The system, which perhaps makes a better figure in poetry than in philosophy, has been adopted by many poets who did not outlive the old scholastic sophistry. See Dante, Parad., C. xxviii.; Tasso., Gier Lib., xviii. 96 ; Spenser, Fairie Queene, i. xii. 39; San- nazarius, De Part. Virgin, iii. 241. Milton perhaps is the last poet who has used this popular theory [Parad. Lost, V. 748 ; V. 583 ; V. 600]. Such splendid and sublime imagery has Milton’s genius raised on the problems of Thomas Aquinas ! Hence a passage in his Hymn on the Morning of Christ’s Nativity is to be illustrated : And with your Ninefold harmony Make up full concert to the Angelike symphony. That is, the symphony of the nine Orders of Angels was to be answered by the ninefold music of the Spheres. Thomas Hey wood, a most voluminous dramatic poet in the reign of James I., wrote a long poem with large notes on this subject, called The Hierarchic of the Blessed Angels, 1635. See also Jonson’s Elegie on my Muse, in the Underwoods." I have omitted Warton’s quotations. The principal works referred to by Warton are : (1) St Dionysius the Areopagite, De Coelesti Hierarchi, esp. chaps, iii.-ix., De Divinis Nominibus, and De Ecclesiastica Hierarchia [in Maxima Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum, ed. M. de la Bigne, 2 vols., Leyden, 1677, Vol. II.] ; (2) St Thomas Aquinas, Quaestio cviii., De ordinatione Angelorum NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 31 secundum Hierarchias et Ordines, esp. Art. V., Utrum Ordines angelorum convenienter nominentur [in Opera Omnia cum commentariis Caietani, Rome, 1889 et seq, 15 vols., Vol. V., 494-505]. Laing, I. 234, adds, “ In like manner, in the Palice of Honour, Gawyn Douglas says : The Harmonie was sa melodious fine ... it semit nathing ellis Bot lerarchyes of Angellis Ordours nyne. See also note to page 243 of ' The Gude and Godlie Ballates,' edit. 1868, i2mo.”

527. Messingeris. The idea was borrowed from the Bible that Angels, being the lowest grade in heaven, and therefore farthest from the throne of God, were used as messengers between heaven and earth. This line has too many syllables. I suggest that to should replace vnto.

546. And lat Doctouris of sic hie materis declare. 1558 gives a better metrical reading by omitting of, which I suggest should be deleted.

552. Louyng : praising.

555. Ladyis of delyte : ladies of great beauty, the Virgins who were grouped round the Virgin Mary in Heaven. 581. Innutnirabyll: so in 1558, 1559. Chalmers, I. 218, Unmesurabill, which Laing, I. 234, prefers “ as applied to magnitude.” 1558 innum- erabill.

593. Inpronunciabyll : indescribable. Cf. Monarche, 6148-50.

594. Thare is none eiris may heir. . . . Cf. 1 Corinthians ii. 9, “ But as it is written. Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, the things which God hath prepared for them that love him.”

597. Sand Paule. See note to 1. 594.

602. Quhilk was, and is, and sail be euer more. There are many biblical sources for this, but perhaps the best known is the conclusion to the Lord’s Prayer, Matthew vi. 13, "... For thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory, for ever . . Cf. also the familiar “ Sicut erat in principio, et nunc, et semper, et in saecula saeculorum.” Cf. Monarche, 1755, " That wer, and is, and evir salbe." 607. And, for thy Synnis, be pennance, suffer paine : so in 1558, 1559. 1568 reads Into the warld, quhair thow sail suffer pane.

634. Than all the eirth, efter the intent. An extra syllable is required. I suggest Than all the eirth [is], efter the intent. 32 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

639. The Auctow of the Speir. Chalmers, I. 221, " Anaximander wrote upon the sphere 552 b.c. But Lyndsay’s auctor of the Spheir was, no doubt, ‘ Sphcera mundi cum tribus commentis nuper editis: per Simonem Vapiensem dictum Bivilaquam; Venet. 1499.’ ’’ Laing, I. 235> borrowing this without acknowledgment, comments, “ I do not, however, see anything in his treatise to support this idea.” Laing is incorrect. Lindsay took his calculation of the circumference of the earth, and his table of distances [642-649] from one of the many editions of Sacro Bosco’s Sphcera Mundi. Sacro Bosco was the name by which John Holywood, a thirteenth century English mathematician, who lived and died at Paris, was known. There are many editions, both manuscript and printed, of his work on the mathematics of the universe called Sphcera Mundi, and many of these editions contain elaborate notes by different commentators. In his section on the size of the earth Sacro Bosco states, " Totus autem terras ambitus autoritae Am- brosii, Theodosii, et Eratosthenis philosophorum 252000 stadia continere diffinitur.” This is Lindsay’s authority for lines 642-43, though, as I shall show later, Lindsay’s 50,750 leagues should be 15,750 leagues. Sacro Bosco himself does not give the table of distances which pro- vides Lindsay with material for lines 644-49. These are given in some editions, not all, by a commentator on the above statement by Sacro Bosco. The form of this table, and its accuracy, vary considerably. Some editions give less than Lindsay, some more, but I give the fullest I have come across : [Commentator] Lindsay Digitus, haec mensuram minima statuntur. Palmus digitos habet 4 1 palm 4 inches Sextans palmos habet 3 Pes palmos habet 4 1 foot 4 palms Cubitus sesquipes est: palmos habens 6 Passus pedes habet 5 1 pace 5 feet Stadium passus habet 125 1 stage 125 feet Milliarium stadia [habet] 8 t mil#:* 8 [Some editions add " duo platum miliaria facit leucum ”]

Here then is second proof that Lindsay used Sacro Bosco, " the Auctour of the Speir,’’ although it is true that I have not discovered an edition which contains in the commentary the calculation as to the time it would take to walk round the earth, walking ten two-mile leagues a day. But a checking of Lindsay’s calculations with the circumference of the earth has revealed an error in line 642, where “ fyftie thousand ” should read " fyfteine thousand.” Sacro Bosco states that the circumference of the earth is 252,000 stages. According to the table of distances, this is 15,750 leagues, against Lindsay’s 50,750. It can be checked another way. Lindsay says that a man walking ten leagues a day would walk right round the earth in 4 years, 16 weeks, 2 days. This time is, at 365 days to the year, 1574 days. But within this 4 years there would be 1 leap year, and an extra day must be added, making 1575 days, which at 10 leagues a day makes the circumference 15,750 leagues. With Lindsay’s original circumference over NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 33

15 years would be required. Therefore the emendation “ fyfteine ” for “ fyftie ” in line 642 is required. A similar confusion between these two numbers occurs in The Monarche, 1441-1442. I have not identified the edition of Sacro Bosco which Lindsay used, and therefore cannot say whether Lindsay himself is responsible for these amusing statistics or not. He himself refers his readers to Sacro Bosco, and probably one edition contains them in the commentator’s notes.

662-63. How that the eirth trypartit wes in thre, In Affrik, Europe, and Assie. Surprise has often been expressed that Lindsay did not mention America in his description of the world. But so little was known of America before 1530 that some standard works on Cosmography do not mention it—e.g., Cosmographies Introductio . . . Excusum In- goldtadt M.D.XXIX. [Colophon, Ingoldtadij, Anno M.D.XXII.] Lindsay is therefore following the method of the cosmographers. Laing, I. 235-37, has a long note on the name America, which I do not propose to quote, but indicates that it was proposed by 1507 to call the new continent after the name of Amerigo Vespucci, that of Columbus being ignored. This proposal was made by the editor of a 1507 Cosmo- graphies Introductio, &-c., Insuper quattuor Americi Vespucii Nauiga- tiones. Laing also states that " the earliest attempt to represent the Continent of the New World with any minuteness, is a map in the edition of Ptolemy’s Geographia, printed at (Strasburg,) Argentorati, in 1522, folio.” In this map the name America is distinctly marked on the portion exhibited of South America. In the same edition there is a separate map of the West Indies, as discovered by Christopher Columbus.” But, as seen above, not all the cosmographers included America in the divisions of the world. As early as c. 1519 John Rastell, in The Interlude of the Four Elements, Hazlitt-Dodsley, I. 29-31, mentioned the “ new lands ” : This sea is called the Great Ocean, So great it is that never man Could tell it, since the world began, Till now, within this twenty years, Westward be found new lands. That we never heard tell of before this By writing nor other means, Yet many now have been there ; And that country is so large of room, Much lenger than all Christendom, Without fable or guile ; For divers mariners had it tried. And sailed straight by the coast side Above five thousand mile ! But what commodities were within. No man can tell nor well imagine ; But yet not long ago Some men of this country went. By the king’s noble consent. It for to search to that intent. And could not be brought thereto ; Because they that were th’adventurers 34 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY Have cause to curse their mariners. False of promise and dissemblers, That falsely them betrayed, Which would take no pains to sail farther Than their own list and pleasure. Experience then discusses the value of the “ new lands " to England, and is probably the first in English Literature to sound the praises of Empire, of missions to the heathen, of exploration for minerals, of the value of forests, soap ashes, pitch, tar, and fish. The “ new lands ” are the territories discovered by John Cabot, who is probably the leader of the expedition referred to above, for mention is specially made of the fishing carried on by the French on the banks of New- foundland : Fish they have so great plenty. That in havens take and slain they be With staves, withouten fail. Now Frenchmen and other have formed the trade, That yearly of fish there they lade Above a hundred sail. This amazing description is little known. I quote it for two reasons. First, to show how much was known of America, and the trade which had sprung up in twenty years. Second, to note the equally amazing neglect of Bishop Bale to read it. In Scriptorum illustrium maioris Brytannie Catalogus, Basle, 1549, I. 660, his record of this play reads, “ Insignis hie Cosmographus de trium mundi partium, Asiae, Africae, et Europae descriptione,” omitting all reference to the description of America contained in the play. After this we need no longer express surprise that Lindsay also overlooked America. In Hickscorner, Hazlitt-Dodsley, I. 162, Hickscorner says that in his travels he has been to the " new found island.” This play did not appear before 1513, though it was printed before 1533. Further examples of the non-acceptance of America by religious teachers are : (1) Ridley and the commissioners at his last trial (Sep- tember 1555) [Ridley, Works, 279, Parker Society]; (2) In Foxe, Acts and Monuments [ed. Cattley (1837), IV. 88], the short History of the Turks (written c. 1566) states that “The world being commonly divided into three parts, Asia, Africa, and Europe . . .” In The Monarche, 5004-5005, Lindsay preserves the tripartite division. The difficulty for religious teachers was the doubt which the discovery of America cast on the truth of the Bible. Dunbar, Of the Warldis In- stabilitie, 62, II. 228, mentions the “ new-fund Yle.”

663. In Affrik, Europe, and Assie. This line is defective. A better reading would be In Affrica, Europa, and Assie, with a stress on the middle syllable of Europa.

664. The Cosmographouris. The geographers and historians of the time. Geography, astronomy, and history were allied subjects, and most histories and works on astronomy contain a section dealing with the countries of the world, done much as in Lindsay, though in greater NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 35 detail. I have not traced one sole authority for Lindsay’s list of countries, because it appears to be a selection of such names as he could fit into metre. Milton's similar principle of selection is, of course, classical. In lines 748-49 Lindsay quotes as his authorities Pliny and Ptolemy, both of which existed in many editions, but their writings had also been absorbed into the historical works of others, their names being cited. The regular cosmographers and historians are detailed by Higden, Polychronicon, Book I. ; Josephus, History of the Jews ; Hegesippus, de Excidio Urbis, trans. St Ambrose ; Pliny, de Naturali Historiu ; Trogus Pompeius, de cunctis pcene Orbis historiis, abbreviated by Justinus ; the Historia Ecclesiastica Tripartita of Eusebius, Hieronymus, and Theodorus ; Augustine, de Civitate Dei ; Orosius, de Ormesta Mundi ; Isidorus, Etymologiarum ; Solinus, de Mirabilibus Mundi ; Eutropius, Historia Romana ; Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum ; Sue- tonius, de Gestis Romanorum ; Valerius Maximus, de Gestis Memorabili- bus; Macrobius, in Saturnalibus; Priscianus Grammaticus, Cosmo- graphia ; Petrus Comestor, Historia Scholastica ; Gregorius, de Mira- bilibus Romee; Beda, de Gestis Anglorum; de Naturis Rerum; de Temporibus, besides the historians of the middle ages. While Lindsay may have used an edition of Pliny or Ptolemy, it is important to note that he might have used a cosmographical work which cited these ancients as authorities. The work, or works, which he used undoubtedly helped him in the historical portion of The Monarche, but the work which he used there, Le Premier Volume de Orose [see note to The Monarche, section “ The Creatioun of Adam and Eve,” lines 685 et seq\, was not used for this geographical section in The Dr erne, for Lindsay mentions places not in the section of that work devoted to the distribution of countries throughout the world. The later cosmographers were singularly unprogressive, and did not attempt to keep pace with the discoveries made at the close of the fifteenth century and the first thirty years of the sixteenth. Until Magellan discovered the straits which bear his name, and sailed across the Pacific to the East Indies, a poet might have been forgiven his omission of America, for until then it was believed that America was part of Asia. Perhaps the cosmographers were held back by deference due to the Bible, which had said that the earth was divided among the three sons of Noah [Cf. The Monarche, 1543-46]. Certainly the religious historians must have been, for the Bible did not mention America. I give a complete list of countries with identifications, and for ease in reference include those countries whose names and location are common knowledge. For the less-known countries I give latitudes and longitudes to the nearest whole number, Greenwich Meridian. There are some which I have not identified, though some of these again may be misprints. I have not distinguished between ancient and mediaeval countries. 671. Strait of Marrok, Straits of Morocco. 672. Span^e, Spain. Mentioned again in 11. 706, 729. Barbarie, Barbary Coast, Morocco. 32 N. 5 E. 683. Ynde, India. Cf. Monarche, 2080. Mesopotamia, Mesopotamia. Cf. Monarche, 1880. 36 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

684. Penthapolis, Penthapolis, a name given to five difierent countries each composed of five towns. Probably here is intended the one composed of Sodom, Gomorrah, Adama, Seboin, and Segor, in the Jordan Valley; alternatively Penthapolis, Africa, 32 N. 20 E. Egypt, Egypt. Cf. Tragedie, 12 ; Monarche, 2076, 3003, 3535, 4106, 4162. Seria, Syria. 685. Capadocia, Cappodocia, Asia Minor, 37 N. 33 E. Cf. Monarche, 2077, 3006. Seres, (1) ancient name for China, (2) town in Macedonia. Armenye, Armenia, Asia Minor, 39 N. 45 E. Cf. Monarche, 1494, 1511, 2075, 3007. 686. Babilone, Babylonia, 33 N. 44 E. Cf. Tragedie of the Late Cardinal, 9; Monarche, 589, 1628, title Book II., 1754, 1818, 2003, 2016, 2095, 2422, 2508, 2861, 3341, 3815, 4180. Caldia, Chaldea, 35 N. 41 E. Cf. Monarche, 589, 1697, 1819, 2016, 2102, 3004. Perth, Parthia, 33 N. 58 E. Arabye, Arabia. Cf. Tragedie, mo ; Monarche, 2061, 3003. 687. Sedone, Sidon (town and country), Phcenicia, Palestine. 33.5 N. 35-3 E. ludea, Judea, Southern Palestine, 31.5 N. 35 E. Cf. Monarche, 3481, 3970. Palestina, Palestine. 688. Euer, ? Sethea, . [Identification with Scythia doubtful. Le Premier Volume de Orose gives Sichie. Higden, Polychronicon, I. 123, “ Sichen or Sichenia ... in Samaria . . . callede now Neapohs.”] Tyir, Tyre (town), Palestine, 33 N. 35 E. Cf. Dreme, 42 ; Monarche, 3832. Galelie, Galilaea, Palestine, 33 N. 35 E. CL Monarche, 295, 4570, 4885. 689. Hiberia, Iberia, Caucasus, 43 N. 45 E. Bactria, Bactria, 37 N. 65 E. Cf. Monarche, 2080, 2754, 2783, 3012, 3029. Phelestina, ? Philistia. 690. Hircanea, Hircania, south of the Caspian Sea. 37 N. 54 E. Cf. Monarche, 2078, 3005. Compagena, older name for Phoenicia. Samarie, Samaria. 691. Lytill Asia, Asia Minor. Galathie, Galatia, 39 N. 33 E. 692. Pamphilia, Pamphylia, 37 N. 31 E. Cf. Monarche, 2076, 3008. Isaria, Isauria, 37 N. 31 E. Leid, Lydia, 37.5 N. 28 E. Cf. Monarche, 2077. 693. Regia, Rhegia ? [But not Reggio, Italy.] Arathusa, ? Arethusa, Macedonia, 41 N. 23.5 E. Assina, Assyria. Lindsay here wanders from Asia Minor. Cf. Monarche, 1966, 2006, 2102, 2709, 2713, 2784, 3008, 5738. Meid, Media, 35 N. 50 E. Cf. Monarche, 2064, 2950, 3004, 3605, 3783- NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 37

696. Ethiope, Ethiopia, 20 N. 31 E. Cf. Monarche, 2949. Tropolitana, Tripoli, Africa, 33 N. 13 E. ^ewges, Zeugitana, Africa, 36 N. 10 E. 698. Cartage, Carthage, city, Africa, 37 N. 10 E. 699. Garamantes, Garamantia, country, Africa, 22 N. 10 E. Nadabar, ? Nababurum, Mauritania, Africa [1482 Ptolemy], Libia, Lybia, Africa, 30 N. 25 E. 700. Getulia, Getulia, Africa, 33 N. o E. Maritania, Mauritania, Africa, 35 N. 2 W. Cf. Monarche, 2077, 3006. 701. Futhensis, Fez, Morocco, Africa. Numedie, Numidia, Africa, 35 N. 7 E. Thingetane, Tingitana, Morocco, Africa, 34 N. 5 W. 705-6. Although Lindsay says there are four principal countries in Europe, he only lists three : Spain, Italy, and France. Perhaps the fourth is “ the braid Yle of Bertane ” [791]. 708. Nether Scithia, South Russia. Trace, Thrace, 42 N. 27 E. Cf. Monarche, 5148 ; Dreme, 1083. Garmanie, Chalmers, I. 225, “ the context requires Carmanie, as the subsequent editions have adopted.” 709. Thusia, Tuscia, Tuscany, Italy, 43 N. n E. Le Premier Volume de Orose defines it, " Thussie ou thuscie ou Toscane.” Cf. Dreme, 714. Histria, Istria, Italy, 45 N. 14 E. Panonia, Pannonia, Austria, 46 N. 17 E. 710. Denmark, Denmark. Cf. Ane Satyre, 896. Gotland, Gothland, an island in the Baltic. " Grunland. The land joining Northern Scandinavia to Russia [Liber Chronicarum], Almanie, Alamannia, Northern Switzerland and Southern Ger- many, 48 N. 9 E. Cf. Ane Satyre, 896. 711. Pole, Poland. Hungarie, Hungary. Boeme, Bohemia, 50 N. 14 E. Norica, Noricum, Austria, 47 N. 14 E. Rethia, Raetia, Switzerland, 47 N. 10 E. Cf. Dreme, 723. 712. Teutonia, Chalmers, I. 226, “ The edition 1597 has Helvetia for Teutonia.” ? Germany. 714. Tuskane, Tuscany, Italy, 43 N. 11 E. Cf. Thusia, Dreme, 709. Ethuria, Etruria, Italy, 42.5 N. n E. Naiplis, Naples (town), Italy, 41 N. 14 E. Champanye, Champagne, Italy, 41 N. 14 E. 716. Lumbardie, Lombardy, Italy, 41 N. xi E. Ueneis, Venice (town), Italy. Cf. Monarche, 4513. 717. Calaber, Calabria, Italy, 40 N. 18 E. Romanic, Romania, Latium, Italy, 41 N. 13 E. lanewayis, Genoa (town), Italy, 44.5 N. 9 E. 718. Grece, Greece. Cf. Monarche, 230, 3005, 3584. Eperus, Epirus, Greece, 40 N. 20 E. Dalmatica, Dalmatia, Albania, 42 N. 19 E. VOL. III. D 38 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

719. Tessalie, Thessaly, Greece, 40 N. 22 E. Athica, Attica, Greece, 38 N. 24 E. Illeria, Illyria, Greece, 41 N. 20 E. 720. Achaya, Achaia, Greece, 39 N. 23 E. Boetia, Boeotia, Greece, 38 N. 23 E. Macedone, Macedonia, now Bulgaria, 41 N. 22 E. Cf. Monarche, 3644- 721. Archadie, Arcadia, Greece, 38 N. 22 E. Pierie, Pieria, Greece, 40 N. 22.5 E. Lacedone, Lacedemonia, Sparta, Greece, 37 N. 22.5 E. 723. Belgica, Belgium. Rethia, Raetia, Switzerland, 47 N. 10 E. Previously mentioned in 1. 711. Aquitaine, Acquitaine, France, 45 N. 1 E. 724. Flanderis, Flanders (now Belgium). Cf. Hist. Sq. Meldrum, 724. Picardie, Picardy, France, 50 N. 3 E. Cf. Hist. Sq. Meldrum, 250, 597, 610, 1397. 725. Normandie, Normandy, France, 49 N. 1 E. Cf. Hist. Sq. Meldrum, 597- Gasconê, Gascony, France, 44 N. o E. Burguinê, Burgundy, France, 46 N. 5 E. Bretane, Brittany, France, 48 N. 3 W. 726. Duchereis, Duchies of France. 729. Spanê, Spain. Cf. Dreme, 672, 706. Castelê, Castille, Spain, 40 N. 2 W. Arrogone, Arragon, Spain, 42 N. o W. 730. Nauerne, Navarre, Spain, 43 N. 2 W. Galice, Galicia, Spain, 43 N. 7 W. Portigall, Portugal. Cf. Tragedie, 639. Garnate, Granada, Spain, 37 N. 3 W. 733. The reading is desolate would be better than wes desolate. 735. Another example of the conventional modesty of the mediaeval poet. 737. Madagascar, Madagascar. See note 1 after 1. 742. Gardes, Garde (Cape), Algeria, 36 N. 5 E. Taprobane, Ceylon. Cf. Monarche, 1208 [Tarbane]. 740. Syper, Cyprus. Candle, Candia, another name for Crete [741]. Corsica, Corsica. Sardane, Sardinia. 741. Crete, Crete. Abides, Abydos, Hellespont, 40 N. 24 E. Thoes, ? misprint for Choos. See note 2 after 1. 742. Cecilia, Sicily. 742. Tapsone, ? misprint for Taphone, or Taphian Islands in the Ionian Sea. Eolie, the Eolian Islands, or Lipari Islands, north of Sicily. See note 3 below. (1) Madagascar was not known to Europeans before its discovery by the Portuguese navigator Diogo Diaz, 10th August 1500. Diaz discovered it on St Laurence’s day, and called it the Isle of St Laurence, NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 39 by which name it was known for about a century. But it had been known for centuries to the Arabs, and the existence of an island was known through them : it was known, for example, to Marco Polo. It does not occur, however, on the maps of Herodotus, Strabo, Pom- ponius Meles, Eratosthenes, Dionysius Periegetes, or Ptolemy, and mediaeval cosmographers did not know either its position or size. All the cosmographies I have consulted ignore it altogether. (2) Choos insula est adjacens prouincie athice in qua ypocrates medicus natus est. Et vt varro testis est prima arte lanificij in orna- mentum feminarum claruit [Liber Chronicarum, f. 19]. Pliny calls it Chios. (3) Eolie insule sicilie appelate sunt ab eolo ypote filio : queque poete finxerunt regum fuisse ventorum. [Ibid.] 761. Fresche holesum /metis Indeficient. Cf. Monarche, 847, “ Quhow fructis Indeficient.” 763. The temperat air serene. Cf. Monarche, 846, “ the temperat air serene.” 769. And loyis, of that Regioun deuyne. Cf. Monarche, 728, " To ane regioun repleit with loye.” Cf. note to The Monarche, 805-848. 771-74. It was beheved that after the Fall of Man, Earthly Paradise was raised above the earth, to keep it from contact with things mundane and transitory. In its elevated position it thus escaped being submerged in the Flood. Cf. Liber Chronicarum (1493), f. 8b.: Nota de paradiso hec sequentia secundum doctores diuine scripture. . . . Et secundum magistrum in historijs super Genesem Paradisus est in principio mundi partis orientalis locus. tarn altus quique aque deluuij vniuersalis ipsum non attigerunt: qui secundum Strabum et Bedam pertingit paradisus vsque ad globum lunarem quos tamen quedam impugnant vt Henricus de Eruordia. Et alij quidam, et est locus amenissimus longo tractu terre et maxis : et si homo non peccasset deus qui totum mundum fecit : et paradisum ampliasset. sic quod omnes homines conclusisset. . . . Et paradisus tante est altitudinis. quod est inaccessibilis secundum Bedam. et tarn altus quod etheream regionem contingat. The last sentence was quoted by Warton to illustrate this point.

775. Four fludis. Ci. Monarche, 849, 1290. Mediaeval poets frequently refer to the four great rivers : the Nile, Euphrates, Ganges, and Tigris. The Fountain is the river mentioned in Genesis ii. 10, " And a river went out of Eden to water the Garden ; and from thence it was parted, and became four heads." ix. The name of the first is Pison [identified with the Ganges] ... 13. And the name of the second river is Gihon [probably the Nile, though it may be the Indus, which was supposed to be the upper portion of the Nile] . . . 14. And the name of the third river is Hiddekel [the Tigris] . . . and the fourth river is Euphrates.

780. Kepit be ane Angell brycht. Cf. Monarche, 1106-07. Based on Genesis iii. 24, “ So he drove out the man ; and he placed at the east of the garden of Eden Cherubims, and a flaming sword which turned 40 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY every way, to keep the way of the tree of life.” Lindsay only mentions one angel in both poems.

783-84. Possibly Lindsay had these lines in mind when writing the two lines in The Monarche, 1115-16 : So Adam and his Successioun Off Paradyce tynt possessioun.

791-796. Lindsay here returns to the method of the cosmographer.

797. Pvoperteis. The mediaeval cosmographers devoted most space to a detailing of the extent, natural productions, and general excellencies of their own countries. In the section which follows Lindsay does this for Scotland. Chalmers, I. 231, “ Lyndsay overcharges, on this occasion, as on others, the picture of Scotland’s fructuosity, for the purpose of satire; which is levelled throughout against the Douglas party.” Except in lines 827-88, it is hardly overcharged. Lowland Scotland is a rich agricultural country, and in Lindsay’s day the amount of hunting and hawking done by the court substantiates the statement in lines 822-23. Gold was discovered in small quantities, but Scotland possessed no silver or precious stones, nor has it mines of every metal.

824. Strandis. 1558 striwds ; Gregory Smith, Specimens, 307, stryndis. This correction harmonises with the rhymes kyndis [821] and Hyndis [823], and might be accepted.

825. 1558 is the authority lor fair. Smith, Specimens, 307, unaware of this reading, remarks, weakly, “ It is doubtful whether Lyndsay uses the Chaucerian ‘ grene ’ here. Perhaps fluriste should read flurissit.”

833. The Mapamound : the mappemonde, the old maps of the world. The word was sometimes, as here, used for the world itself.

865. This line should be emended by replacing dois by a dissyllabic doith.

874. Lawis Exersitioun : putting the law into practice, to keep down wrong-doers of all kinds and classes.

881-82. Cf. Dreme, 915-16 ; Monarche, 4916-17 ; Satyre, 1045-46.

894. Goyng wyll at large: going wild without restraint. Chalmers, I. 235, reads going wyld.

895. Than Lupis cumis, and Lowrance, in ane lyng. Lupis, lupus, wolf. Lowrance was the name given to the fox in the old beast fables in Scotland, as Reynard in England. Cf. Chaucer, Nonne Prestes Tale, re-versified by Henryson as the Taill of Schir Chantecleir and the Foxe, with Reynard’s name changed to Lowrence. Cf. also Henryson’s own fable of the fox and the wolf. Cf. John x. 13. NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 41

897. Walkryfe and delygent. Cf. James VI., Basilikon Boron, Book II., " Bee in your owne person walkrife, diligent, & paineful.”

900-902. Such a picture is presented by Henryson at the end of the first fable mentioned above.

915. That ryches mycht be, and Policey incres. The line has a syllable too many, and there is a better rendering in 1558. It should be amended by the excision of and and of the comma after be. The line would then mean, “ That riches might by Policy increase.” Policy, good government.

919. A boustius berne. John the Commonwealth. Cf. Ane Satyre, 2417, et frequenter.

944. 1558 has a better reading, which I suggest should be accepted, preserving Scot’s spelling since only a rearrangement of his words is necessary : But thare is few that to me takis tent.

950. Plane wrang is plane capitane. There is something wrong in this repetition of plane. 1558 reads dene capitaine. Chalmers, I. 239, " dene means complete.” I suggest that this reading be accepted.

952. And small remeid is found for oppin treassoun. James V., however, soon remedied this, and became noted for the large number of charges of high treason in his reign.

953. In to the south, allace, I was neir slane. John the Commonwealth here refers to the unsettled state of the Borders until James’s two expeditions there in 1528 and 1529.

955. Betuix the Mers and Lowmabane. Cf. Ane Satyre, 3291. Chalmers, I. 239, “ between Berwickshire and Lochmabane, a town in Dumfries- shire, the ancient seat of the Bruces, lords of Annandale.” Laing, I. 240, adds, " The Merse is the name given to a district in Berwickshire, on the northern bank of the Tweed, throughout the whole space where the river serves to divide the two kingdoms. Lochmaben is one of the royal boroughs.”

958. Vecious workis. 1558 veciousnes, a slightly better reading.

960. In to the hieland I could fynd no remeid. This line has a syllable too many, and should be emended to read In the hieland I could fynd no remeid.

960. The Highlands were also the scene of James’s vigorous measures in 1529 and 1530.

962. Sweir Swyngeoris. Chalmers, I. 239, " lazy rascals.”

963. Cf. Sirach, XXXIII. 27, " Idleness teacheth much mischief [evil].” 42 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

964. Als, in the oute Ylis, and in Argyle. This line is unmetrical. The reading of 1558 is better, and deserves acceptance ; Syk lyk in to the out ylis, and avgyll. The people of the Hebrides were restless because their oaths of allegiance had to be taken through a deputy, but James pacified them in 1530 by allowing the chiefs to pay allegiance to him in person. The Duke of Argyll was imprisoned in 1530 by James. James VI. of Scotland can perhaps explain for us the particular difficulties of the highlands and the isles. He is speaking of oppression and justice. " As for the Hie-lands, I shortly comprehend them all in two sortes of people : the one, that dwelleth in our maine land, that are barbarous for the most parte, and yet mixed with some shewe of ciuilitie : the other, that dwelleth in the lies, & are all vtterly barbarous, without any sort of shewe of ciuilitie. For the first sorte,” he continues, " put straitely to execution the lawes made already by mee against the Ouer-lords, and the chiefes of their Clannes, and it will be no difficultie to danton them. As for the other sort, follow forth the course that I haue intended, in planting Colonies among them of answer- able In-lands subiects, that within short time may reforme and ciuilize the best inclined among them : rooting out or transporting the barbarous and stubborne sort, and planting ciuility in their rooms ” [James VI., Basilikon Doron, Book II.].

967. Lindsay now advances abstract causes of unrest. [969] Singulars proffect : vested interests.

974. And now I may mak no langer debait. This line is unmetrical, and is improved by rearrangement: And I no longer now may mak debait.

979. For Symonie, he rewlis vp all that rowte. 1558 offers what is obviously the correct reading : For symonye he rewlit all that rout. In Scot’s 1559 spelling this would be. For Symonie he rewlit all that rowte.

984. Lordis of Religioun, thay go lyke Seculeris. This line would be improved metrically by the omission of thay. 996. Sanct Ihone to borrow. A borrow is a witness, surety, security. St John was usually called upon to perform this office. Cf. Henryson, The Tail! of Schir Chanlecleir and the Foxe, 511-12 : I find, Sanct Johne to borrow. The prouerb sayis, “ als gude lufe cummis as gais.” In Lindsay, however, the phrase means, “ St John keep you safe.” It was a common parting salutation. Cf. Chaucer, Squieres Tale, 596 ; The Kingis Quair, stanza xxiii; Wallace, III. 336.

999. jit, efter the nycht cumis the glaid morrow. This line is unmetrical, wanting a syllable. This can be supplied from the line in Chaucer, Troilus and Cressida, I. 951, "And next the derke nyght the glade NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR DAUID LYNDESAY 43 morwe.” I therefore suggest the emended reading: ^it, efter the [derke] nycht cumis the glaid morrow. Cf. also Dunbar, Of the Changes of Lyfe, II. 232, 1. 18, “ Nixt eftir mid [MS. R, dark] nycht, the myrthfull morrow.”

1011. Wo to the realme that hes ouir %oung ane king. Cf. Ecclesiastes x. 16, "Woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a child”; and Isaiah iii. 4, " And I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall rule over them. 5. And the people shall be oppressed, every one by another, and every one by his neighbour : the child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honourable.” This quotation from Ecclesiastes is commonly used in late mediaeval literature and history. Shakespeare uses it in Richard III., II. iii. 11 : yrd Citizen. No, no, by God’s good grace, his son shall reign. 1st Citizen. Woe to the land that’s govern’d by a child. In Hall’s Chronicle, pp. 371, 386, it is twice quoted, the second time as " an olde prouerbe.”

1018-28. Cf. Dunbar’s picture of a ship, The Goldyn Targe, 235-243 [Poems, S.T.S., II. 9]: In twynkling of ane eye to schip thai went, And swyth vp saile vnto the top thai stent. And with swift course atour the flude they frak ; Thay fyrit gunnis wyth powder violent, Till that the reke raise to the firmament. The rochis all resownyt wyth the rak. For reird it semyt that the raynbow brak ; Wyth spirit afirayde apon my fete I sprent Amang the clewis, so carefull was the crak. 1031. Past in tyll ane Oritore. Past into a private chapel, as did Cressida : Henryson, Testament of Cresseid, 120. But it was also the term for a private room or study. Cf. The Tragedie of the Late Cardinal, 2, and The Monarche, 6331.

The Exhortatioun to the Kingis Grace. The Dreme has ended, as a poem, at line 1036. This Exhortatioun resumes the theme of The Epistil, by turning to consider the King's future conduct as ruler. Its message is very similar to that in the Epistle of the Papyngo to the King, Papyngo, 227-345. Cf. also Satyre, 1875- 1901. See Additional Notes (Papyngo, 307).

1037-39. Cf. Papyngo, 266-68.

1050. Kyith. O.E.D. gives " kithe ” as a past participle. 1558 reads kythit, which seems more genuine. Chalmers, I. 245, follows 1558, as throughout the text of this poem ; Laing, I. 40 follows 1559 ; E.E.T.S. reads kyith it on, which is meaningless. I prefer the reading of 1558. Cf. the uses of the word in Papyngo, 288. 44 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1052. Cf. Monarche, 5872-73 : That day thay sail be cleirly knawin, When je sail scheir as %e haue sawin. Cf. Galatians vi. 7, “ for whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap.”

1053. Cf. Psalm cxlvi. 5, “ Happy is he that hath the God of Jacob for his help, whose hope is in the Lord his God.”

1064-67. There were four cardinal and three theological virtues. The four cardinal virtues were Wisdom or Prudence, Justice, Strength or Courage, and Temperance ; the three theological virtues were Faith, Hope, and Charity. Cf. A. Scott, New ^eir Gift, an advice poem addressed to Mary, Queen of Scots [11. 25-28] : Found on the first four vertewis cardinall. On wisdom, iustice, force, and temperans ; Applaud to prudent men, and principall. Off vertewus lyfe, thy wirschep till avance. Cf. The Complaynt of Schir David Lindsay, 379-411, and Ane Satyre, 1882-1901, and Papyngo, 923. The Scottish poets personify Courage, or Strength, by Force. Cf. James VI., Basilikon Doron, Book II.

1083. Mydas of Trace. 1558 cresus of pers. Chalmers, I. 247, “ ' Cresus of Pers ’ is the reading of the ed. 1558 : The subsequent ed. changed this to ' Mydas of Thrace ': The first, I believe, is what Lyndsay wrote : The French printer did not interpolate : The subsequent printers have interpolations, without number. It was Mydas of Phrygia to whom the poets attributed the wish, that his touch might turn every thing to gold. Lyndsay, I think confounded this Mydas with Cresus of Pers." Laing, I. 244, " No doubt Lyndsay had so confounded the two, unless it was a blunder of the transcriber, but in either case, there is no use of retaining the misnomer in the text. The proverbial wealth of Croesus, King of Lydia, was derived, it is said, from the gold-mines of Tmolus near the Pactolus, a river of Lydia in Asia Minor, which flows from this mountain, and which Strabo says anciently brought down a large quantity of gold-dusr. But no gold-dust, he adds, was found in his time. This amnis aurifer was situated where Sardis, the capital of the King of Lydia, is often mentioned in the Latin poets. Thus Virgil (Aineid, lib. x. v. 142) has Pactolus qui irrigat auro ; and Horace (Epod, xv. v. 20), Tibique Pactolus fluat.

To this source may be traced the origin of the story of Midas, King of Phrygia ; who, according to Heathen mythology, obtained of Bacchus NOTES TO THE DREME OF SCHIR BAITED LYNDESAY 45 the choice of desiring a favour, and his request was, that all he touched might be turned to gold (Ovid, Metamorph., lib. xi.). Midas soon found what would be the fatal effects of this foolish and avaricious wish : Lyndsay indeed, at line 1090, says he died of hunger in consequence ; but the youthful god, in compassion having ordered Midas to repair to the source of the river Pactolus, and to plunge his head into the waters, hence this stream, it is alleged, was enriched with its golden sands. vis aurea tinxit Flumen, et humane de corpore cessit in amnem.” 1095. James did not take Lindsay’s advice, and if we are to believe Lindsay the King was lured into dissipations during the regency of the Douglases [Complaynt of Schir Dauid Lindsay, 233-52]. At all events, by 1534 James had four illegitimate sons. A dispensation of Clement VII. to James V., dated St Peter’s, August 30, 1534, still exists (Hist. MSS. Comm., 6th Report, 635b, 670b), granting James’s four illegitimate sons the power to enjoy ecclesiastical benefices.

Name of Son. Mother. Identification. James the elder, in ? ? his fifth year. J ames the younger, Margaret Erskine, later James Stewart, Earl of aged three. Lady Robert Doug- Moray (1531-1570). las of Lochleven. John, aged three. Elizabeth, daughter of John Stewart, Prior of Lord Carmichael. Coldingham (1531- 1563)- Robert, aged one. Euphemia, daughter of Robert Stewart, Earl of Alexander, first Lord Orkney (1533-1592). Elphinstone.

Only one of these dates from 1529, and none from the time of the Douglases. Others were born later. James V. lived as all his predecessors, save James I. of Scotland, had done. Cf. Answer to the Kingis Flyting. James VI. warned Prince Henry against incontinence. " Haue the King my grand-fathers example before your eies, who by his adulterie, bred the wracke of his lawfull daughter and heire; in be- getting that bastard [James, Earl of Moray], who vnnaturally rebelled, and procured the ruine of his owne Souerane and sister ” (Basilikon Doron, Book II). And again, “ And because we are all of that nature, that sibbest examples touche vs neerest, consider the difference of successe that God granted in the Manages of the King my grandfather, and me your owne father : the reward of his incontinencie (proceeding from his euill education) being the suddaine death, at one time, of two pleasant young Princes ; and a daughter onely born to succeed to him, whome he had neuer the hap so much as once to see or blesse before his death : leauing a double cursse behinde him to the land, both a Woman of sex, and a newe borne babe of age to raigne ouer them [Ibid].” Cf. the advice to the King in Ane Satyre, 1745-52. 46 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1107. That vicious lyfe makis oft ane euyll endyng. This appears in several different forms in Lindsay, altered as circumstances demand. Cf. History of Squyer Meldrum, 1501 : For cruell men, ^e may weill see, Thay end, ofttimes, with crueltie. Also Monarche, 2847-48 : Princis, for wrangus conquessing, Doith mak, oft tymes, ane euyll ending. And Monarche, 3578-81. It is of biblical origin—e.g., Psalm xxxiv. 21, " Evil shall slay the wicked ” ; Proverbs xi. 5, " The wicked shall fall by his own wickedness ” ; and Matthew xxvi. 52, " all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword ” ; and many repetitions of the idea. 1113. Cf. Papyngo, 301, “ Wyrk with counsale, than sail thy work be sure.’’ 1120. Cf. Deuteronomy xxviii. 66, “ And thy life shall hang in doubt before thee ; and thou shalt fear day and night, and shalt have none assurance of thy life.”

1123. Cf. Papyngo, 175, " Off bitter deth now mon I thole the schouris." This suggests that the reading of 1558 is better than that of 1559. The epithet “ bitter ” as applied to death occurs in Old English : “ se bitera deaS Saet todadeS call ” [Wufstan, Homily 49]. 1124-25. This theme is common in Lindsay, as in all mediaeval poetry. Cf. Villon’s Ballade du Temps Jadis.

1127. The Scottish poets were rather fond of conclusions in doggerel verses. Cf. the closing stanza of The Testament of the Papyngo ; The Answer to the Kingis Flyting ; and Ane Supplication in Contemptioun of Syde Taillis.

II.

The Complaynt of Schir Dauid Lindesay.

Text : I. 40-53. Provenance : Bodley, Tanner 188, checked with B.M., C. 39. d. 60. Corrections : 42 amestt; 52 recompance; 63 conqneis; 142 of obey ; 155 desydit; 191 fyche ; 194 gods ; 200 toun ; 204 in our ; 215 withtin ; 217 hand ; 218 conqueist; 336 sec ; 386 apou ; 386 gallous ; 421 superstitionis ; 428 all so ; 445 ail; 447 rewarde ; 495 NOTES TO THE COMPLAYNT OF SCHIR DAUID LINDESAY 47

Dum [Sum] ; 503, 504 Bodley, Tanner 188 lacks the two first words of these lines, supplied from B.M., C. 39. d. 60 ; Subscription to King. The initial at the beginning of 51, 81, 131, 449 is a one-line Lom- bardic capital employed to mark paragraphs.

Additional Emendation of Text. 188. For amang our handis read amang our landis [see note to lines 186-214]. Date : Through taking " Cessioun ’’ in line 326 to mean the Court of Session, established in 1532, Sibbald dated this poem 1533-1534. Chalmers, I. 56, dated it 1529, on the grounds that Lindsay refers to the expedition into Ewisdale, June 1529, and to the escape of the King from the hands of the Douglases in July 1528, and states that the poem must have been written before Lindsay’s appointment as Lyon Herald, and before his embassy to the Emperor in July 1531. Chalmers is as near correct as may be. Because of one circumstance for which Chalmers had no information, the death of William Dillye, or Duly, I have dated the poem 1529-1530. The later historical evidence is as follows: (1) 127-8. The kyng was bot twelf jeris of aige, Quhen new rewlaris come, in thare raige. James V. was born in April 1512, and thus Lindsay is referring to the seizure of the Government by the Douglases in 1524. (2) 356- The Battle of Linlithgow, September 13, 1526. (3) 356. The Battle of Melrose, July 25, 1526. (4) 356. The Battle of Edinburgh, April 30, 1520. (5) 374-78. I thank the haly Trinitie, That I haue leuit to se this daye. That all that warld is went awaye, And thow to no man art subiectit. Nor to sic counsalouris coactit. James freed himself from the Douglases in 1528. They were attainted on September 3, 1528. (6) 85. Auld Wille Dile, wer he on lyue. William Dillye, or Duly, appears in the Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer [C.T.] and the Rotuli Scacarii [E.S.] between 1506 and 1529. He was a Groom of the Chamber, who was dismissed in 1517 with three other servants, but all were allowed five marks until they could get other masters. They were restored to their appointments in 1518, for in that year they again appear as grooms with four marks a year [post, R.S. XIV. 290]. C.T. Ill, 353 [Nov. 15, 1506]. Item, to Wille Dulle . . . ix s. C.T. III. 372 [March 3, 1506-07]. Item, to William Dully, be the Kingis command . . . vij s. C.T. III. 399 [July 4, 1507]. Item, to William Dully to pas to Robert Muncreif for ane corsbow to the King . . . xiiij s. C.T. III. 412 [Aug. 22, 1507]. Item, to Wille Dulle be the gait [= way, journey from Dunfermline to Falkland] . . . ij s. 48 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

C.T. III. 414 [Aug. 30, 1507]. Item, to Wille Dullye, be the Kingis command . . . vij s. C.T. IV. 84 [Nov. 15, 1507]. Item, to Wille Dule . . . ij s. C.T. V. 96 [Dec. 13, 1516]. Item, for abil^mentis to the Kingis viij servitouris, viz . . . Dillye ... ilk ane of thame v elne of rowan tanne xiiij s. the elne ; summa of the claith . . . xxviij li. [Also doublets of ten quarters of scarlet at ns. an ell, with hose.] C.T. V. 148 [Dec. 2, 1518]. [Liveries to eight servitors.] C.T. V. 197 [Christmas, 1522-23]. [Liveries to fifteen servitors, as above.] C.T. V. 261 [Christmas, 1525]. [Liveries to seventeen grooms.] C.T. V. 265 [May 16, 1526]. Item, to WilLjame Dillie . . . xx s. C.T. V. 276 [July 18, 1526]. Item, gevin to Williame Duly till by stringis to the Kingis cors bowis and graiting of thame . . . xxviij s. C.T. V. 310 [Christmas, 1526]. Item, to . . . William Dilly, croce bowman ... in noumer of xxiij personis. . . . C.T. V. 383 [Christmas, 1529]. [Liveries] . . . William Dillye, crossbow. Rotuli Scacarii, XIV. 120 [1515]. Insuper allocatur compotantibus per solutionem factam Willelmo Duly et Johanni Craig, verletis cam ere regis, et Georgio Dempstar, hostario ejusdem, quilibet eorum percipiens in anno quatuor marcas in eorum feodis. . . . Et dictis tribus personis, quilibet eorum percipiens triginta quinque solidos in anno pro pabulo equorum suorum. . . . R.S. XIV. 128 [1516] . . . et in quindecim libris solutis Georgio Dempstar, Willelmo Duly, et Johanni Craig, in partem solutionis feodorum dictarum personarum, servitorum domini regis. . . . R.S. XIV. 202 [1516] . . . Willelmo Duly, Johanni Craig, et Georgio Dempster, servitoribus domini regis in camera sua. . . . R.S. XIV. 221 [1516]. [William Duly, payment to, with four other grooms, at four marks per annum.] R.S. XIV. 227 [1517]. Et per solutionem factam servitoribus domini regis in solutionem feodorum suorum termini Sancti Martini hujus compoti et pabuli equi. . . . Willelmo Duly in duabus marcis. . . . R.S. XIV. 287 [1517]. [Payment to William Duly, with others, at four marks per annum.] R.S. XIV. 290 [1517]. Et quatuor servitoribus domini regis expulsis de domo ejusdem pro eorum suportatione donee potuerint providere pro magistris, videlicet, Johanni Craig, Johanni Strogeith, Wilelmo Duly, et Patricio Douglas, quinque marce assignate cuilibet eorum ex consideratione auditorum. . . . xiij li. vj s. viij d. R.S. XIV. 355 [1518]. [William Duly recorded amongst the “ verletis camere domini,” at four marks per annum.] R.S. XIV. 464 [1522]. [Payment to William Duly with others of four marks per annum.] R.S. XV. Payments of fees to William Duly, at four marks per annum, 93 [1524], 201 [1525], 287 [1526], 381 [1527], 460 [1528], 533 [1529], 545 [1529]. R.S. XV. 548 [1529]. Et Johanni Tennand, lie yeman de Corsbow in loco Willelmi Duly nihill percipienti pro hoc officio. William Dillye or Duly died therefore either at the close of the year NOTES TO THE COMPLAYNT OF SCHIR DAUID LINDESAY 49

1529, for his Christmas livery is recorded, or in the first two or three months of 1530. As he was already dead when the poem was written, it is probable that the poem was written in 1530.

Commentary : Mediaeval poets were addicted to addressing begging letters to their monarchs and patrons. Lindsay’s poem differs from others of this type in that it betrays personal friendship with the King, and personal devotion to him. The poem is of considerable historical value, too, in giving us a broad picture of the events of James’s reign to 1530, and of the particular duties of the poet in the royal household.

7. Saturnis crueltie. “ Saturn is malefic, and is cold, dry, hard, restricting, and masculine. It rules old age, sorrow, melancholy, disease and chronic ailments ” [Robson, Beginners’ Guide to Practical Astrology (1931), 13]. Those born under Saturn are fond of gambling, unfortunate in speculation, and of melancholy disposition. They have as positive qualities punctuality, carefulness, seriousness, patience, reserve ; but as negative qualities deceitfulness, avarice, doubt, procrastination, and gloominess. They are sceptical, love solitude, and display no interest in other people. So Wilber Gaston, First Principles of Astrology, I. 4-5. If we may rely on Lindsay’s statement that Saturn reigned in his nativity he must have been born between December 22 and February 19, for Saturn reigns in Capricorn and Aquarius. But this statement may be merely a poetical fiction to explain his present misfortunes.

14. Contynewallie with kyng and quene. Lindsay entered court service about the year 1508, in the reign of James IV. [Appendix I. 24]. The Queen is James IV.’s queen, Margaret, daughter of Henry VII. of , England, regent during the minority of James V. 'Y * 15-16. And enterit to thy Maiestie / The day of thy Natinitie. This biographical note is important, for the official records are not so explicit regarding the day of Lindsay’s appointment as usher to the prince [Appendix I. 28]. Lindsay had previously been in the service of James’s elder brother, also called James, born February 21, 1507, died February 17, 1508, at Stirling [Appendix I. 24]. James V. was born at Linlithgow Palace, April 10, 1512, and Lindsay was certainly then in Court service.

24. Sum piece of land. In the bestowal of rewards in the form of grants of land by James on those who supported him in his escape from the Douglases, Lindsay had been overlooked. It is very probable that he had not taken any active part in the defeat of the King’s enemies, or had had only humble duties to perform.

36. The Father of Fameill. The parable of the labourers in the vine- yard, Matthew xx. 1-16. Fameill, household. Cf. Matthew xx. 1, “ Simile est regnum caelorum homini patrifamilias,” “ a man that is a householder," “ the goodman of the house." Lindsay reminds the king that he has given rewards to newcomers to his service, and hopes that his old servants will receive the like. 5o THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

49. Beir nocht like ane baird. Boast, vaunt not like a bard, poet. Lindsay glances with distrust, as the recipients must have done, at the usual type of poetical complaint addressed by needy poets to the monarch, boasting of their devotion and long service.

•50. Lang seruyce garnis, ay, rewaird. Cf. Dunbar, Quhome to sail I complene my wo, II. ioo, 1. 7, " For lang seruice rewarde is none.”

56. Ane dum man %it wan newer land. Proverb. Cf. Fergusson, S.T.S., p 8, n. 64. Cf. Dunbar, Aganis the Solitaris in Court, II. 206, for a picture of the reward-hunters at Court. Chalmers, I. 255, refers to Occleve’s use of the proverb. Occleve, compelled to break through his diffidence to ask Lord Furnivall, the Lord Treasurer, to pay his pension, now much in arrears, says that he must learn to beg. Stanza 55 begins, ■“ The prouerbe is the doumb man, no land getith ” [La Male Regie de T. Hoccleve, 1. 433, Works, ed. F. J. Furnivall, 3 vols., E.E.T.S., Minor Poems, Extra Series, 61 (1892), p. 38].

59. Schamefulnes. Chalmers, I. 255, “The English have shameful; but they seem not to have shamefulness.” Shamefulness is recorded in O.E.D. as far back as 1340.

64. Namely. That is to say, especially.

74. Insert period at end of line.

75-80. Cf. Dunbar, Of Discretioun in geving, II. 88, 11. 36-39 : Sum givis to strangeris with face new, That ^isterday fra Flanderis flew ; And to awld serwandis list not se, War thay nevir of sa greit vertew. Dunbar again describes the reward-seekers at Court in Aganis the solistaris in court. Works, II. 206.

80. Quhen I lay nichtlie be thy cheik. As the young King’s personal attendant Lindsay would serve him both day and night, partly in ordinary attendance, but partly as bodyguard.

,81. The Quenis grace, thy mother. James’s mother was Margaret, daughter of Henry VII. of England. She married James IV. at Edin- burgh on August 8, 1502, at the age of twelve years nine months, and died on October 18, 1541. 82. My lord Chancelare. Gavin Dunbar (f 1547), of the Dunbars of Cumnock, and nephew of Gavin Dunbar (1455 P-1532), Bishop of Aber- deen. After taking holy orders he was made prior of Whithorn, Gallo- way, and became tutor to James V. Appointed Archbishop of Glasgow, September 24, 1524, in succession to James Beaton ; member of the Privy Council, 1525 ; succeeded Angus as Lord High Chancellor, July 28, 1528; persuaded James to found the College of Justice, instituted NOTES TO THE COMPLAYNT OF SCHIR DAUID LINDESAY 51

May 27, 1532 ; one of the lords of the regency during the King’s absence in France, 1536 ; protested against Lord Maxwell’s act permitting the reading of the New Testament in English, March 1542 ; compelled to resign the chancellorship to Cardinal Beaton, 1542 ; precedence dispute with Beaton, 1545 ; assisted in the condemnation of Wishart, February 1546 ; died April 1547. A zealous churchman ; to him is attributed the power of the ecclesiastics during James’s reign.

83. Thy Nowreis, and thy auld Maistres. The first not identified. C.T. IV. 340 records that " Brounfeildis wyff ” should have been nurse to the prince [April 13, 1512], and another nurse was dismissed on December 12, 1512 [IV. 400], while an Irish nurse was engaged as wet nurse when the prince was sick [January 28, 1512-13, IV. 403]. There are other records of nurses, but without names. The King’s 'auld maistres’ [i.e., governess] was Elizabeth Douglas, who is described as such on January 6, 1517-18 [C.T. V. 146]. She was still in his service in 1526-27 [V. 300], 1529 [IV. 375, 385]. Cf. R.S. XIV. 287, 288, 356, 465 ; XV. 94, 202, 287, 382, 461, 546. She held lands at Steventon and Darnall [E.S. XV. 596, 597]. It is probable that she retired from the King’s service in 1529. With her is associated Elizabeth Sinclair. Was she the Queen’s nurse ?

85. Auld Wille Dile. For the records of William Dillye, or Duly, Groom of the Chamber, 1507-1529, when, according to Lindsay, he died, see the discussion of the date of this poem above. 91-93. The first sillabis that thow did mute Was pa. Da Lyn : upon the lute That playt I twenty spryngis, perqueir. The meaning and punctuation of line 92 has occasioned much amusing discussion. The quarto prints pa, Da Lyn in italics. These three syllables are therefore what the child utters. Chalmers, I. 257, punctuates as follows : The first sillabis, that thow did mute. Was pa, da, lyn, upon the lute ; Than playit I twentie springis perqueir, . . . [93] He glosses mute and translates line 93, but he evidently saw no difficulty. Scott, Notes to Marmion, 384-85, was the first to draw attention to the passage. He proposed to punctuate as follows : Was Pa, Da Lyn. Upon the lute Than playit I twentie springis perqueir. Scott regretted that Chalmers had “ not bestowed more pains in elucidating his author. . . . Mr Chalmers does not inform us, by note or glossary, what is meant by the King ‘ muting pa, da, lyn, upon the lute ' ; but any old woman in Scotland will bear witness that pa, da. 52 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY lyn are the first efforts of a child to say, ‘ Whare’s David Lindsay ? ‘ and that the subsequent words begin another sentence : Upon the lute Then played I twenty springis perqueir," &c. A footnote in the 1833 edition, doubtless inserted from a MS. note by Scott, says, “ It is suggested by an ingenious correspondent that Pa, da, lyn ought rather to be interpreted, play, Davyd Lyndesay.” Irving, History of Scottish Poetry, 332n, would have it read Pa Da Lyn, upon the lute. “ That is, as I understand the passage, ' play, David Lindsay, upon the lute.’ [Scott’s] correction certainly leaves the passage without any proper coherence. Play, David Lindsay, upon the lute—then I played twenty different tunes—are expressions which bear an obvious relation to each other ; but the question, ‘ Where’s David Lindsay ? ’ does not naturally introduce an account of his playing on the lute. The manner in which this line is printed by Mr Chalmers, ' Pa, da, lyn ’ clearly shows that he could form no conception of its meaning.” Chalmers had certainly not understood it. Laing, I. 47, prints : The first sillabis that thow did mute Was pa, da lyn, upon the lute Than playit I twenty spryngis, perqueir, . . . and attempts still another interpretation, this time not the happiest, I. 249, “ Line 92—Pa, Da, [sic] Lyn. The first syllables that thou did mute (articulate) were of PA-[pa] DA-[vid] LYN-[dsay].” Laing thus interprets Pa as Papa ! The E.E.T.S. editor prints : The first sillabis that thow did mute Was ‘ pa, Da Lyn, vpon the lute : ’ Than playt I twenty spryngis, perqueir, . . .

His marginal gloss reads, “ the young king, whose first effort of speech was to say, ‘ Play, David Lyndesay,’ &c.” Warton does not mention the point. He was much more interested in giving an account of card-playing. My own comment is that if the young prince was only able to utter baby-talk, in his Pa, da lyn, he would not be able to say at the same time upon the lute in grown-up English. I thus arrive at Scott’s punctuation. I cannot, however, accept his interpretation " Where’s David Lyndsay ? ” despite his old women, nor, still less in fact, Laing’s Victorian Papa. Play is obviously intended. Irving’s note on the " coherence ” of the lines is valueless. The discussion was renewed in Notes and Queries, 3rd Series, VII. 78, 466, and 5th Series, I. 108, 136, 236, 377. The passage is of interest in being one of the first, if not the first, attempts to reproduce baby-talk in English poetry. I interpret it as follows : “ The first syllables that thou didst utter were ‘ Play, David Lindsay.’ Upon the lute then played I twenty tunes, which I knew by heart.” NOTES TO THE COMPLAYNT OF SCHIR DAUID LINDESAY 53

94. Quhilk wos gret piete for to heir. Laing, I. 249, " Chalmers [I. 257] reads, what seems to be a more intelligible expression, great plesow." Chalmers draws no attention to his reading, which is in none of the early editions.

95. Fra play thow leit me neuer rest. From playing on the lute is meant.

96. Gynkartoun. In the preliminary dissertation prefixed to Ancient Scotish Melodies, from A Manuscript of the Reign of King James VI. . . . ed., by William Dauney (Edinburgh : Edinburgh Printing and Publishing Company. 1838), it is stated that there is a reference to this tune in Archibald Constable's MS. Cantus, c. 1680, containing older songs : I would go twentie mile, I would go twentie mile, I would go twentie mile, on my twa foot; Ginkertoune, Ginkertoune, till hear him, Ginkertoune, Play on a lute. 99. In to my dreme. This reference to The Dreme of Schir Dauid Lindsay, I. 4-38, clearly establishes that that poem preceded The Complaynt, though not necessarily immediately.

100. My sindry seruice. Cf. The Dreme, 1-49, Lindsay’s first attempt to draw the King’s attention to his long service at Court. It had obviously proved unavailing, and Lindsay now repeats, with more emphasis, but also more humour, the details of his career.

101-2. Thocht it bene better . . . Hape to the court nor gude seruyce. Proverb. Stewart, “ Rolling in my remembrance," Bannatyne MS. II. 249, concluding line of the first three stanzas, " Bettir hap to court, nor gud seruiss.” Hape, luck, good fortune, at court is better than faithful service—i.e., more productive of rewards. Cf. Fergusson, Scottish Proverbs (1641), S.T.S., p. 22, No. 182, “ Better happie to court, nor good service."

107. Sanct Geill. St Giles, the patron saint of Edinburgh. See Index of Biblical and Theological References.

113. I pray it daylie . . . Imperyall. When the King was young I prayed daily on my knees that I might see him, when he had grown up, in his royal estate, having kingly power.

120. Ane clips fell in the mone. The moon was eclipsed, a shadow fell on the moon. The allusion is to the seizing of the power, and the person of the King, by the Douglases in 1524. The form clips is the aphetic form of clippis, in use fourteenth to sixteenth centuries.

127-130. Lindsay’s charge of self-seeking against the Douglases is substantiated by Pitscottie, I. 306. Angus secured for himself Dunkeld, VOL. III. E 54 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

and wanted Coldingham and Holyrood; he appointed Sir Archibald Douglas Treasurer ; he appointed his brother George Master of the Household ; and later appointed himself Lieutenant to the King. 149. I gyf thame to the deuyll of hell. Cf. Answer to the Kingis Fly ting, 43, “ I giue jour counsale to the feynd of hell.” An emphatic malediction. Deuyll is monosyllabic, as frequently in sixteenth century Scots and English.

152. It was no reassoun. There is no touch of bathos here.

153-54. Lindsay’s prayer was not answered : he lived to see the infant princess Mary, when six days old, become queen of Scotland. It is remarkable that James I., James II., James III., James IV., James V., Mary, and James VI. all ascended the throne of Scotland as minors, in succession. The great social dread of the middle ages was a land over which ruled a minor : “ Woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a child,” Ecclesiastes, x. 16. Cf. The Dreme, ion. 157. Peirtlye. Pertly, with such audacity.

164. Also line 132. Lindsay's authority must be respected. How well James was educated is really not known, for various stories are told, even that he could not write or speak French. He wrote verses, as Lindsay bears witness, in The Answer to the Kingis Flyting. He probably did not know Latin, or not well, for Bellenden’s translation of Boece was done for him. At the same time I think we may see here rather an illustration of two social spheres in Scotland : that of the well-educated members of the court, represented by Lindsay, Gavin Douglas, Dunbar, and that of its more war-like members, indulging in hardy pursuits, and scorning culture, as the Douglases are represented here. The latter must have been in great numbers in Scotland, and to their craving for fighting must have been due much of the internal trouble.

175-178. Cf. close of note to lines 186-214.

175. Some made him play at the racquet.

176. The hurly Hakcat. Chalmers, I. 262, " A schoolboy sport, which consists in sliding down a precipice."

178. Laing, I. 251, " This perhaps is the earliest notice of horse-racing on the sands of Leith ; although most likely it refers to a kind of exercise among courtiers, and not to the regular Horse Race for stakes or prizes. The Annual Leith Races, usually on the last week of July, long continued to attract immense crowds of all ranks, until in 1816 removed to the links of Musselburgh, as better adapted for the purpose than the wet sands from the varying hours of the tides, at Leith. See the long and curious description in Campbell’s History of Leith, 1827, pp. 182-196.” NOTES TO THE COMPLAYNT OF SCHIR DAUID LINDESAY 55

184. Schir flattre. The commonest personification in later mediaeval literature is that of Flattery at court. Cf. Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis, where he appears as Lindsay saw him. James VI., Basilikon Boron, Book II., recommends Prince Henry to choose counsellors who are " free from that filthy vice of Flattery, the pest of all Princes, and wracke of Republics ... by the selling of such counterfeit wares, onely preassing to ground thair greatnesse vpon your ruines.”

186-214. In Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis, 984-1009, Lindsay not only repeats the picture here presented of the flatterers at court planning to cheat the king, but repeats the very lines. In the following extract from the Satyre identical words are printed in italics :

Flattrie. 984. Now quhill Gude-Counsall is absent, 985. Brother wee mon be diligent, And mak hetwix vs sikker bands, Quhen vacands fallis in onie Lands That everie man help weill his fallow.

Dissait. I had deir brother be Alhallow. Sa %e fische nocht within our bounds.

Flattrie. That sail I nocht be Godis wounds, But I sail plainlie tak £our partis.

Falset. Sa sail wee thyne with all our hart is. [Complaynt here inserts four lines not in Ane Satyre.'] Bot haist vs quhill the King is %oung. Let everie man keip weill ane toung. And in ilk quarter haue ane spy, Vs till adverteis haistelly, Quhen ony casualities Sail happin into our countries ; And let vs mak provisioun. Or he cum to discretioun : Na mair he waits now nor ane sant, Quhat thing it is to haif or want. Or he cum till his perfyte age, We sail be sikker of our wage. And then let everie carle craif other.

Dissait. That mouth speik mair my awin deir brother, For God nor I rax in ane raip, Thow may gif counsall to the Paip. 56 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

In some cases the Bannatyne MS. version of the Satyre gives a reading closer to the Complaynt than does the quarto—e.g., Complaynt, 200 [Satyre, 995], " And lat ilk man keip weill a tung ” ; and Complaynt, 211 [Satyre, 1006], “ And than lat ilk ane cairle craves vthir.” The main difference between the two texts, Complaynt and Satyre, in this portion, is due to the change from singular to plural person, and the omission of four lines from the Satyre, possibly to avoid offence, since it is a reference to the Treasurer [see note to 1. 195]. Thanks to the discovery of this parallel passage, though I find I have been anticipated by Laing, I. 251, I am able to offer a textual correction. For Complaynt, 188, amang our handis read amang our landis. [Cf. Satyre, 987.] My conjectural emendation in the Complaynt, 204, " in [to] our ” is justified by the reading of Ane Satyre, 999. I notice a further borrowing in Ane Satyre, 1020-23, from The Com- playnt, 175-178, this not so close : Better go reuell at the rackat. Or ellis go to the hurlie hackat, Or then to schaw our curtlie corsses, Ga se quha best can rin thair horsses. 195. The Thesaureir. Archibald Douglas of Kilspindie (? 1480-? 1540), uncle of the Earl of Angus. His accounts open on October 15, 1526, and it may have been be who tried to stop the payment of Lindsay’s salary [1. 272]. This would explain both the mention of the Treasurer here, through Lindsay’s personal antagonism, and the omission of these four lines from Ane Satyre. Douglas’s accounts extend to August 29, 1527, after which there is a lacuna until August 21, 1529, when Robert Barton of Over Barnton was Treasurer.

198. Cf. 1. 254, and Satyre, 1554.

219. Sand Dinnyce : St Denis. See Index of Biblical and Theological References.

223. His Bowis. Papal Bulls. Laing, I. 252, " The bulls or letters from the Court of Rome, granting or confirming Presentation to Bene- fices in Scotland, a right claimed and exercised by the Pope.”

230. Fluke at the crawe. Chalmers, I. 264, " pigeon him, in modern phrase." He refers to Gavin Douglas, Police of Honour [ed. Small, I. 26, 1]: Than all the court on me thair heidis schink. Sum glowmand grim, sum girnand with visage sowre. Sum in the nek gaue me feil dyntis dowre. Pluk at the craw, thay cryit, deplome the ruik, Pulland my hair, with blek my face they bruik. Lindsay makes it clear that this was some kind of game, obviously one with a victim who suffered. O.E.D. does not consider the phrase in this sense. Douglas calls it ‘ play,’ loc. cit. 1. 6. Cf. also Douglas, JEneid, VIII. Prologue, 86, " Knychtis ar kouhubis, and commonis NOTES TO THE COMPLAYNT OF SCHIR DAUID LINDESAY 57 plukyt crawis.” Cf. also " The Bird in the Cage ” [Satirical Poems of the Time of the Reformation, S.T.S., 2 vols., ed. J. Cranstoun, I. 160], lines 57-58: I traist in God that anis sail cum the day, Pluk at the Craw quhe barnis sail with yis bird. See Cranstoun’s note, II. 108, offering valuable evidence from Ninian WinJet, Certain Tractatis [S.T.S., II. 81], in support of the view that it was a game.

232. Pure. Poor, by contrast with the courtiers growing rich.

240. Qtthare to, schir, be gods blude scho passis. Chalmers, I. 265, " She passes, as one of the lustiest, wanton lasses, in Fyfe : Lyndsay too often obscures, by his verbosity, a plain proposition.” I rather understand passis in the sense of the French passer sa vie : "a maid in Fyfe, where, by God’s blood, she lives [dwells].” The alternative is to trans- pose lines 239 and 240, re-punctuating.

245. Trittyll, trattyll, trolylow. Cf. Satyre, 4366, where Folie interjects Trittill trattill. Cf. Fergusson, Proverbs, p. 103, No. 1411, " Trittl tratil trow low.” In The Complaynt of Scotland [E.E.T.S. edn., p. 64] is mentioned the song, “ Trolee lolee lemmen dou,” which is probably the song " Trolly lolly ” mentioned in Cocklebie's Sow. 237-252. Lindsay accuses the Douglases of having made the young king enter upon lascivious courses, but such was the tradition of his family since the days of James II., and the general conduct of court, church and commons. It would not have been delayed much longer. 255-262. What actually happened to Lindsay is unknown. The records of the Lord High Treasurer between August 29, 1527, and August 4, 1529, do not exist, but sufficient exist to show that at all events Lindsay’s wife, Janet Douglas, continued to sew the King’s shirts with gold thread [Appendix I., 53, 55, 56] throughout 1527, and that at Christmas, 1526, Lindsay himself received “ be the Kingis precept " a damask gown and a velvet doublet [Appendix I., 51]. But the Rotuli Scacarii bear out Lindsay’s complaint, because for each of the years 1525, 1526 [no record for 1527], although receiving his regular fee of £40, he is called " quondam ostiarius domini regis," and for 1528 and 1529 he is called " familiarius domini regis.’’ In 1530 he becomes " herauldus.” This is proof that Lindsay did lose his post as Usher to the King in 1524, though his office of Master Usher is not mentioned in the list of household changes effected given by Pitscottie [I. 305], unless it be the same as Master of the Household. The title " familiarius ” looks as though he did not recover it in 1528, when the King obtained his freedom, although he obviously, throughout the whole period, remained a member of the household. Pitscottie, Croniclis, I. 305, says that the following members of the household were changed : Treasurer, Comptroller, Secretary, Macer, Master of the Household, Cupbearer, Carver, Stabler, Hunter, Falconer, 58 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

and Porter; while a fool named John M'Crery [283] was installed. Also it seems to be not quite certain whether the Queen rearranged the household before taking James to Edinburgh, or whether Angus himself did it three or four months later.

270-271. See above note, and Appendix I. 44, 45, 46, 48, 50, 51, 57.

273-74. We have it only on Lindsay’s authority that for " ane quhyle ” he was kept from court, or away from the King’s person. The following lines, though lightened by the comparison of his own creeping about the court, in fear of his life, with that of the sick fool, John M'Crery, present a terrible picture of the danger faced by the old servant.

283. Ihone Makerery, the kyngis pule. John M'Crery, court fool. Pit- scottie, I. 305, says that M'Crery was appointed fool when a new establishment was set up for the King after Albany’s departure for France, in May 1524, when the Queen-Mother brought James from Stirling to Holy rood, intending him to rule as King. Almost immediately, however, her husband, Angus, returned from England. M'Crery’s name is omitted from the index to the S.T.S. Pitscottie. M'Crery served at court from that time till 1540. The Treasurer's accounts contain records of payments to him, with a break between October 1533 and June 1538. One record gives an account of his livery, which was, like that of all court servants and musicians, of red and yellow. Later he received a green velvet gown. C.T. V. 258 [Sept. 16, 1525], 260, 280, 312, 323, 325, 373, 374, 383, 386, 424 ; VI. 35, 38, 91, 204, 206, 417, 418 ; VII. 121, 132, 274, 414 [December 1540, livery]. There is no record of his receiving dowbyll garmoundis agane the gule. At Christmas new liveries were provided for all court servants and attendants. There is a record of his sickness in the Treasurer’s accounts for February 10, 1531-32 : “ Item, to Johne Makcrery quhen he lay seik at sindry tymez . . . vij li.” This looks as though the sickness had been of long standing, and may be the same as mentioned by Lindsay. Cf. Monarche, 4675, “ With dowbyll clethyng frome the cald.”

291-300. Lindsay says that the first men who seized the government quarrelled among themselves, and were thrown out, and others, worse than the former, took their place.

308. To draw at the cat harrow. A nursery game, played by pulling crossing loops of string. Also called cat-saw. See O.E.D.

309. The proudest Prelatis of the kirk. Chalmers, I. 269, " The allusion here is to the flight of Archbishop Beaton from the violence of the Earl of Angus.” This was James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow and St Andrews ; appointed Chancellor 1513, and deprived in 1526 by Angus. Pitscottie, I. 322 " [the Douglassis] flieit bischope James Bettoun sua that he staw away and durst not ane lang tyme be sen.”

317. Gy ding court and cessioun. Chalmers, I. 269, " The bishops were the most active, because the most able men, both in the court, and in NOTES TO THE COMPLAYNT OF SCHIR DAUID LINDESAY 59

the committees of parliament, for administering justice, before the establishment of the court of session [1532].” This is, generally speaking, quite true of the Scottish prelates, as of the mediaeval statesmen-prelates in all countries. Lindsay’s argument is, however, that they neglected their church duties to attend to state afiairs, and that the spiritual work of the country suffered in consequence. He also accuses the prelates of working for their own ends.

321. Esayas. Cf. Isaiah Ivi. 10-11. " (10) His watchmen are all blind : they are all ignorant, they are all dumb dogs, they cannot bark ; sleeping, lying down, loving to slumber. (11) Yea, they are greedy dogs which can never have enough, and they are shepherds which cannot understand : they all look to their own way, every one for his gain, from his quarter." While Lindsay quotes only one portion of this, his view of the prelates is formed rather by verse 11. He again refers to this passage in Ane Satyre, 3887-88 : Ane ideot priest Esay compaireth plaine Till ane dum dogge that can nocht byte nor bark. and in The Monarche, 5364-67 : For ane Prelat that can nocht preche. Nor Goddis law to the peple teche, Esaye comparith hym, in his wark, Tyll ane dum Dog that can nocht bark. Lindsay repeatedly insists that bishops must remain in their dioceses, and every priest in his parish," teiching their folk from vices to refraine," Satyre, 3910-12.

333. And mollet moylie on ane Mule. Chalmers, I. 270, “ Ride softly on a mule : For this luxurious practice, he again attacks the bishops in his Play, where he thinks it very sinful for old men to ride an amland mule [Satyre, 3363]. All this shows the practice of the age, and the prejudice of the poet." Lindsay, however, only attacks the use of mules because he regards them as many unnecessary luxuries, especially as the elaborate trappings of the animals betokened a self-indulgence and wealth undesirable in the true representative of Christ. Cf. Dunbar, The Petition of the Gray Horse, 72, “ busk him lyk ane beschopis muill." Cf. Tragedie, 336 ; Satyre, 2864, 3725. 334. Thocht thay had neuer sene the scule. Lindsay also derides the ignorance of the clergy of all grades. In Ane Satyre, 3873-3888, he insists, in his scheme of reformation of both Church and State, that only well-educated men shall be allowed to enter the Church. Cf. The Monarche, 4358-67.

337-349. Princes will be held responsible for promoting ignorant and worldly priests, unless the latter repent of their ways. When they become bishops they create discord, and set one lord against another, if they can gain thereby. 6o THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

347. Propynis : propines, gifts. See note to The Deploratioun, 105. 355. Feildit. Met on a battlefield. 356. Lyithgow, Metros, and Edinburgh. Chalmers, I. 271, gives the following dates. At Linlithgow, on September 13, 1526, the Douglases defeated the Earl of Lennox, who, to James’s great grief, was killed ; at Melrose, on July 25, 1526, the Douglases defeated the Scotts of Buccleuch, who were attempting to rescue James ; and at Edinburgh, on April 30, 1520, there was a street fight between the Douglases and the Hamiltons, known as " Cleanse the causey.” The latter seems to be beyond the scope of the passage. Lindsay may be referring to a smaller affair in Edinburgh, 1526-28. In March 1528 Angus forcibly expelled the Queen-Mother and her husband, Henry Stuart, from Edinburgh Castle. This may be the event referred to. Pitscottie, I. 282-83, 318-20. 366. Bot tyll new regentis maid thare bandis. Chalmers, I. 272, " The allusion is to the bonds of Manrent, which arose from the feebleness of government, and the turbulence of the times.” The simple meaning is that the lords all over the country swore allegiance to the new governors, in order to retain their lands, which, of course, they held, in feudal times, under the King. 367-372. “ Then rose a smoke, before I knew, which burst all these vows of allegiance, and those at the head (of the government) could not keep their feet from sliding, and in fear of their lives, fled over the Tweed into England.” This was in September 1528, when the King freed himself from the Douglas domination, apparently unexpectedly, by fleeing from Falkland to Stirling during the temporary absence of his masters. Lindsay’s confession that he was not aware of the plans for the King’s escape indicates that he took no part in it, and this may explain why he received no reward. Pitscottie’s account is most minute. 375-76. James V. escaped from the hands of the Douglases in June 1528 by a flight from Falkland Castle to Stirling during the temporary absence of the Earl of Angus in St Andrews and Archibald Douglas in Dundee. According to Pitscottie’s account, the King himself arranged the details of his escape. He raised his standard at Stirling, summoned the loyal nobles, and issued a proclamation forbidding the Douglases to come within six miles of his residence. Cf. Henryson, Robene and Makyne, 105-6: Robene, that warld is all away and quyt brocht till ane end. 379. The foure gret verteous Cardinalis. The four great cardinal virtues, not the four great virtuous cardinals. The four cardinal virtues were Justice (1. 381], Prudence [1. 387], Temperance [1. 388], Strength [dame force, 1. 389]. Cf. The Dreme, 1064-1075, Ane Satyre, 1882-1901. The same incorrect plural occurs in Papyngo, 923, " Togidder with the ver- NOTES TO THE COMPLAYNT OF SCHIR DAUID LINDESAY 6l teous Cardinall " [= cardinal virtues]. The error may easily have been made by the early compositor reading -ws as -ous. Cf. Satyre, 2599, " Vertews labour,” virtuous labour.

380. Principalis. Principals, usually meaning leading or prominent persons, here representative figures or personifications, as detailed in the lines following: Justice, with sword on high, and holding her balance ; Prudence guides your thoughts; Temperance leads your horse by the bridle; and Strength bears your shield of assurance. The model was given by Boethius, who represented Philosophy holding a sceptre in her left hand and a book in her right.

383-84. James’s first duty was to quieten both the Borders and the Highlands. During the rule of Angus the Armstrongs had sought to make themselves independent. In the summer of 1529 James led an expedition into Liddesdale, but trouble broke out again next year, when James led a second expedition, this time quietening the district by the hanging of John Armstrong with forty-eight of his men. In 1530 there was a rising in the Western Isles under Hector M’Lean of Duart, against the royal lieutenant, the Earl of Argyll. This was checked by permitting the chiefs to make personal submission to James, and Argyll was imprisoned.

407. Ihone Upeland. Chalmers, I. 274, " John Upland, like John the Commonweal, was a fictitious personage, who was brought in, by the poets of the 14th, 15th, and 16th century, to complain of grievances." He represents the peasant in particular, and comes to make known his grievances against harsh laws, grasping landowners, or the Church. He appears as John the Commonweal in The Dreme, 918-1014, and Ane Satyre, 2417-2668, 2717-2817, 2952-3028, [3770-3774]-

408. Because the rysche bus kepis his kow. Chalmers, I. 274-76, " Because the rush bush keeps the cow: James V. had made such an example of the thieves, and executed justice on rogues so steadily, that it was of him a common saying, ‘ That he made the rush bush keep the cow." " The phrase must be much older than this, however, although this is the first use recorded in O.E.D. Rush bush — a tuft of rushes, O.E.D., " In early Scottish use common in a proverbial expression denoting the strict suppression of cattle-lifting." Dalrymple, trans. Leslie’s History of Scotland, II. 77, says that this proverb was said of James II. ; Drummond of Hawthornden, History of James V., in Works (1711), applies it to James V. Quotations in O.E.D. Cf. James VI., Basilkon Doron, Book II., " Remember of the honourable stile given to my grand-father of worthy memorie, in being called ‘ the poore mans King.’ " 409. Nocht. This word has the sense of nought, nothing, of which it is a regular abbreviated form. " So is there nought without good order in this land ; everything has been put in good order ; except the spirituality." 62 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

419. Quhilkis dois the syllie scheip Illude. Cl. Papyngo, 995-96 ; Satyre, 3037; Monarche, 4799-4805.

427. Jeroboam. 1 Kings xii. 25-33, tells of Jeroboam’s idolatry; and 2 Chronicles xiii. of his overthrow by Abijah.

441-46. Dauid^ Cf. 2 Samuel v. 20-21. 20. And David came to Baal- perazim [in the land of the Philistines], and David smote them there. 21. And there they left their images, and David and his men burned them. Salomone. It is not said that Solomon destroyed images, but he is famous for having built the great Temple at Jerusalem. Neverthe- less in later life his wives " turned away his heart after other gods,” and built temples to them. Cf. 1 Kings xi. 1-13. 467. The Basse. The Bass Rock, Haddingtonshire, 56 N. 2 W. The Yle of Maye. The Isle of May, Fifeshire, 56 N. 2 W. Both are islands in the Firth of Forth.

468. Mont Senaye. Mount Sinai. L. Mons Syna.

469. The lowmound besyde Falkland. Lomond Hills, near Falkland, Fifeshire. Cf. Papyngo, 641.

476. Efter the daye of lugement. Laing, I. 256, " This jocular way of assigning the repayment to an impossible date, occurs also in [Ane Satyre, 1807-1810].” This type of verse, which consists of proposing impossible conditions, and called the “poem, or ballad, of impossibilities," is probably of French origin. Other examples appear in English and Scots. Cf. the reply of Pandarus in the poem by “ Stewart,” " Furth ouer the mold at morrow as I ment [went, cf. line 56],” Bannatyne MS., IV. 40-42, especially lines 22-53, and the two " vpii ballat[is] of impossibiUteis,” ibid., pp. 42-45. In the first poem the writer asks Pandarus when ladies will be true to their lovers. The reply begins [11. 29-35] : He said my sone ^our questioun Is obscure Bot gif I can I sail it sone declair In all Egipt quhen non Is fundi n peure And in to rome Ar fund no wrangus Air Quhen pat no woman desyris to be fair And quhen the law / leiffis no man to appeill Than ladyis to thair luvaris salbe leill. Cf. an English example from MS. Balliol 354, f. 250b, rept. Anglia, xxvi. 277, and Cambridge History of English Literature, II. 386.

479. Aberladye. Aberlady, Haddingtonshire, 5 J miles N.W. of Had- dington. Chalmers, I. 277, “ The fishers of Aberladie, in East Lothian, were more famous then, that they are at present [1806]."

481. Sanct Phillane : St Fillan. See Index of Biblical and Theological References. NOTES TO THE COMPLAYNT OF SCHIR DAUID LINDESAY 63

487-492. Cf. Proverbs xxi. 1, " The king’s heart is in the land of the Lord, as the rivers of water : he turneth it whithersoever he will.”

495-96. A paraphrase of Luke i. 52, " He hath put down the mighty from their seats, and exalted them of low degree.” Cf. The Complaint of Bagsche, 166-67 : He sittis abone that seis all thing. And of ane knicht can mak ane knaif. Cf. also 1 Peter v. 5, " God resisteth the proud, and giveth grace to the humble.”

501-510. This change from jesting to quiet is most effective.

503-4. These lines are repeated with a slight change in The Monarche, 350-5L 4998-99. 506. Unto my sempyll Hermytage. There has been some discussion, about this. Chalmers, I. 279, with the reading hermitage, comments, " Simple hermitage: I suspect, this was not Lyndsay’s word ; as where he mentions the thing, in other places, he spells the word differently: The context requires heretage." Laing, I. 256, with the reading herytage [I. 60], says, " The word herytage is an emendation made in the face of the edition 1559, and of the subsequent copies which read, my sempyll hermytage. [Quotes Chalmers, as above.] I rather imagine after all that hermytage was the word used by Lyndsay, meaning not a Hermit’s cell, but his own quiet, retired country residence, far distant from the noise of towns and the intrigues of the Court.” Laing’s second thoughts were better than his first. There is no need for the " emendation.” Lindsay imagines himself retired to his country house in his old age, the country-retirement theme of so many poets, classical and modern. His idea is based on the religious desire to retire to a hermitage. Cf. Papyngo, 819.

507. That my eldaris woun. Chalmers, I. 279, " Garmilton, and the Mount.” Rather the income from these estates, which Lindsay maintains is small.

508. As did Matussalem in his toun. Again there has been some discussion. Charteris’s reading in 1568 is did Diogenes in his toun (tun, barrel). Chalmers, I. 279, presents this reading without comment, but he obviously, from this and other evidence, cannot have had access to a copy of 1559. Laing, I. 60, also gives the 1568 reading, and says, I. 256, " In the original edition, printed by Scot in 1559. we find As did Matussalem, &c. Such a mistake was corrected by Charteris in 1568, and in subsequent editions.” But is it a mistake ? Charteris was a classical scholar, who in his function as editor added Latin quotations to title-pages of all works published by him, and translated Latin tags or quotations within texts for the benefit of the unlearned. When Lindsay says that he is going to retire to his country 64 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

house to spend his old age there, as Methuselah did in his town, he is certainly inventing a quiet old age for Methuselah, about whose later life there is no evidence, but Lindsay's idea is that an aged man must retire from active life, and pass his declining days in peace at home, as, he thinks, surely that very, very aged man Methuselah must have done. Charteris’s emendation was not necessary : I see no parallel between a country house and a barrel. Lindsay’s conception of Diogenes is very different. Cf. Satyre, 2627-38.

III.

The Testament and Complaynt of the Papyngo.

Text : I. 56-90. Provenance : Bodley, Tanner 810 ; Bodley, Tanner 188; B.M., C. 39. d. 60. Corrections : 21 Quhikis ; 73 clymmit; 151 annd ; 217 prentende ; 226 sub-title direct; 228 victore ; 233 vnfeujeit; 345 on ; 379 their L. southed ; 381 cousalouris ; 388 quhen ; 394 Doccouris ; 397 Intoxitat; 406 Trast; 409 cheageith ; 422 cheang ; 435 conspiratoun ; 476 Te Ciuyll; 476 Instetyne; 512 ordinace; 555 to steir hitaill; 618 resore; 623 remade ; 640 fortrace ; 645 Saynd ; 690 cofessioun ; 733 forthing ; 741 schawit; 811 procliamatioun ; 823 renounc ; 843 Docther ; 862 Chiastytie; 863 Sesualytie; 909 humllye; 957 incertane; 1004 Prencis, preucis ; 1040 beue ; 1061 floks ; 1084 holy; 1124 amag ; 1182 coit one vnclene. Additional Emendations of Text. (Explanations are given in the notes.) Title: For Quhat he sayis . . . that he wer out of paine, read Quhat scho sayis . . . that scho wer out of paine. 413. For Rothasay read Rothesay. 871. For begylit, quod Sewsualytie read begylit be Se[n]sualytie. 976. For said read laid. 1124. For amang read ama[n]g. 1143. For remaid read remeid. Date : The earliest extant edition is the English translation printed in London by John Byddell in 1538. His edition contains two colophons on F3a, as follows : Here endes the complaynt, & testament of the kygne of Scottes Papingo, compyled by Dauid Lyndesay of the mount, and finysshed the .xiiij. day of Decem- bre, in the yere of our lord. 1530. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 65

Imprynted at London in Fletestrete, at the sygne of the Sonne, by John Byddell. The yere of our lorde. M.D.xxxviij.

CVM PRIVILEGIO.

1. I have argued [Hamer, The Bibliography of Sir David Lindsay, The Library, June 1929, Vol. X. pp. 1-40] that these are two distinct colophons. The first is that of Davidson, who printed a quarto no longer extant; the second is that of Byddell himself. The question arises whether the first colophon is the author’s subscription, with the date on which he completed the poem, or whether it is the date on which the actual printing, or setting up in type, was completed. I believe it to have been the latter, for the Scottish poet never used a subscription of this type, and the printers had used this type of colophon in all countries for many years. The poem was therefore completed at least by the beginning of December 1530. In support it may be noted that the King is described as " adolescent ” [305]. He was then eighteen. 2. But there are two references to a Queen in the poem. Usually an editor must take a reference to a Queen as proof of composition after 1537, when the King married his first wife. So that we are faced now with a problem which is unique in Lindsay, and must consider two possibilities : (1) whether the poem was revised immediately after James's first marriage, for the references to the Queen appear in Byddell’s quarto; or (2) whether the Queen-Mother, Margaret, widow of James IV., is referred to. A decision must also be made regarding the reference to the fall of Wolsey. Wolsey died on November 28, 1530, and if his death is intended by the reference to him [583], and the poem was issued from the press sixteen days later, not allowing for four or five days to bring the news of his death from England to Scotland, either the poem must have been written in lightning haste, or the two stanzas devoted to Wolsey [570-83] are a later addition. It cannot, in fact, have been written in that short time, and I do not see anything which is at all suggestive that Wolsey was then dead, and this rules out the probability of revision. The poem therefore was written before the death of Wolsey [November 29, 1530], but after his fall [October 19, 1529. See notes to lines 570-71]. It is important to establish this point so far as Wolsey is concerned, because on it hangs the issue of textual revision by Lindsay, and the introduction later of references to the Queen. I do not think, however, that there is any doubt about the Wolsey stanzas. Margaret herself is mentioned by name in line 543, and in line 547 she is called " that peirle preclare, that lusty plesand quene.” This description of Margaret therefore does not rule out the probability of her being alluded to in lines 626-29 • Adew, Edinburgh, . . < Off trew merchandis the rute of this regioun, Moste reddy to resaue court, king, and Quene, 66 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY and lines 1180-81 : Be neuer sene besyde none other buke. With Kyng, nor Quene, with Lord, nor man of gude. And in default of other evidence of revision I assume that Margaret alone is referred to, and that in the first quotation Lindsay is referring to the reception by the merchants of Edinburgh of James and his mother, after the flight of the Douglases, and not to the reception of one of James’s queens. It is necessary to consider the possibility of revision in this poem, because we now know that Lindsay revised Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis. 3. James kept parrots, peacocks, cranes, and herons as pets, and occasionally they figure in the Treasurer's Accounts. None are mentioned before 1533, however, when the peacocks, cranes, and herons appear in the accounts because Sir James Nicholson, the King’s Master of Work at Stirling, where they were kept, was responsible for feeding them. There were two herons, two cranes, and five peacocks, their allowance for feeding being sixpence a day. Parrots do not figure before 1538, when Thomas Kellis, who had been in the royal service since 1531, as groom of the powder vessels in the pantry, was appointed " Keeper of the King’s parrots ” : C.T. VI. 390 [April 1538]. Item, to Thomas Kellis, kepar of the King[is] parrocatis to by him claithis with . . . iiij li. C.T. VI. 429 [July 1538. Livery to] “ Kellis, keeper of the parrot.” These are the only mentions of the parrots, and they do not bring us any nearer to establishing the date of the poem. 4. The next most vital evidence in settling the date of the poem is the reference to John Bellenden, of whom we are told definitely [49] : now, of late, is starte vpe, haistelie. One cunnyng Clerk, quhilk wrytith craftelie. One plant of Poetis, callit Ballentyne, Quhose ornat workis my wytt can nocht defyne Gett he in to the courte auctoritie. He wyll precell Quintyng and Kennetie. It is not known when Bellenden commenced poet. He is first mentioned in 1531 as the translator of the Latin Chronicles of Scotland, written by Hector Boece, and printed at Paris in 1527 : C.T. V. 434 [1531]. Item, to Maister Johnne Bellentyne for translating of the cronykill . . . xxx li. C.T. VI. 36 [Oct. 4, 1531]. Item, to Maister Johne Ballentyne for his translatyng of the croniclis . . . xxx li. Item, thairefter to the said Maister Johne . . . vj li. C.T. VI. 97 [June 26, 1533]. Item, Maister Johne Ballantyne, for ane new cornikle gevin to the Kingis grace . . . xij li. Item, to him in part of payment of the translatioune of Titus Livius . . . viij li. C.T. VI. 98 [Aug. 24, 1533]. Item, to Maister Johne Ballantyne, in part of payment of the translatioune of the secund buke of Titus Livius . . . viij li. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 67

C.T. VI. 206 [Nov. 30, 1533]. Item, to Maister Johne Balentyne for his lauboris done in translating of Livie . . . xx li. The fact that Bellenden’s name does not appear in the records before 1531 indicates that until that year he held no position at court, while the fact that Lindsay refers to him as a new poet is clear indication that the poem was not revised later. Had it been, to insert references to James’s wife, this passage, and that dealing with Wolsey, would surely have been revised. We may therefore take it that despite the suspicion aroused by the mention of the Queen on an equal footing with the King, that the poem had been revised in 1537 or 1538, it remained untouched after publication, both as manuscript and in quarto, and thus it offers invaluable evidence regarding Lindsay’s attitude towards both the Church and the future policy of the King in State affairs, for this poem is more outspoken than The Dreme and The Complaynt.

Commentary : There are no textual differences between 1558 and 1559 as in The Dreme. The poem opens, as The Dreme had closed, in the stately nine-line stanza used for formal occasions, rhyming aab : aab : bb : cc, five-foot lines being employed. The whole of the rest of the poem, as the whole of The Dreme excluding the Exhortatioun, is in the more rapid seven- line stanza, rhyming ababbcc, in five-foot lines. This stanza is better for narrative than the other, and is used again in The Deploratioun of the Deith of Quene Magdalene, The Tragedie of the Late Cardinal, The Testament of Squyer Meldrum, and in portions of The Monarche [11. 118- 299, 538-684, 4126-4244, 4743-4973, 6106-6266]. In the latter its function is to supply a form distinguished from the four-foot couplets, when the main narrative is interrupted for digressions. In one digression Lindsay uses an eight-line stanza [2437-2708]. For note on mock Testaments, see The Testament of Squyer Meldrum.

Title : Quhilk lyith sore woundit. 1568 and subsequent editions read Lyand sore woundit. Quhat he sayis . . . that he wer out of paine. So 1538, 1558, and 1559. Subsequent editions read scho in both places, and this is correct. Chalmers, I. 280, " Lyndsay himself makes the pye call the papingo sister [649]. I suspect the blunder was committed by Lyndsay himself, and not by the first printers.” Laing, I. 259, " This is a very absurd notion, when the author throughout the poem speaks of the Papyngo in the feminine gender, as hir, scho, sister, &c., even in the editions to which Chalmers refers.” Yet poets have been known to change their minds and the sex of their heroes. I accept the emendation. In 1568 the title is followed by the motto Livor post fata quiescit, undoubtedly introduced by Charteris. Laing, I. 259, “ This motto is from a line in the 15th Elegy of Ovid. (Amores, lib. i. [xv. 39-40]) : Pascitur in vivis livor : post fata quiescit. Cum suus ex merito quemque tuetur honos.” Suppose : here with the meaning of even suppose. 68 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

3. I not: I know not.

5. Tragedie. In the old sense of a story in which a person of princely rank, or governor, was brought to ruin, or death, by reversal of fortune. This definition does not consider dramatic form.

12. Chawceir, Goweir, and Lidgate. These three English poets were regarded as the models of verse and matter, each in his own style. Lydgate, however, was more on a level with the so-called Chaucerians of England and Scotland, except James I. of Scotland, and we find more practical imitation of Lydgate than of Chaucer, although the latter was considered the greater genius.

13-14. These lines are quoted on the title-page of Allan Ramsay, The Evergreen (1724), II. 14. Albion : England and Scotland together. 15-54. The list of Scottish poets is in two distinct parts : (1) lines 15-36, deceased poets (Walter Kennedy, William Dunbar, Quintin, Mersar, " Rowle,” Robert Henryson, Sir Gilbert Hay, and Sir Richard Holland, all of whom are celebrated in Dunbar’s Lament for the Makaris with others, from which Lindsay undoubtedly borrowed their names, and Gavin Douglas) ; (2) lines 37-54, living poets (Sir James Inglis, Alex- ander Kyd, William Stewart, Stewart of Lorne, Galbraith, Kinloch, and John Bellenden). Biographical details are given below. 16. Kennedie : Walter Kennedy (? 1460-? 1508), third son of Gilbert, first Lord Kennedy. Kennedy’s grandmother was Mary, a daughter of Robert III., and his uncle was James Kennedy (1406-1465), Bishop of St Andrews, and regent during the minority of James III., after whose coming of age he was one of the principal advisers. Kennedy was educated at Glasgow, where he is described in the college books as a nobleman. He matriculated in 1475, B.A. 1476, and M.A. 1478. On November 3, 1481, he was elected an examiner, and became bailiff to his nephew John at Carrick in 1492. His commissar, according to Dunbar [Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedy, 11. 2, 131], was “ Quentyn ” [see note to 1. 19]. Kennedy may have been in holy orders. On December 8, 1504, he purchased Glentigh, Ayrshire, formerly a leper hospital, alluded to in the Flyting. He was much respected by his fellow-poets, including Dunbar, despite the possibility that the Flyting indicates they were not on good terms. Dunbar mentions him most kindly in his Lament for the Makaris [ante 1508, when printed], 11. 89-91 : Gud Maister Walter Kennedy In poynt of dede lyis verarly, Gret reuth it wer that so suld be ... . and so also Gavin Douglas, Police of Honour [1501], “ greit Kennedy as yet undeid.” A poet named Rennedus [? Kennedus] is mentioned by Bale, Index, 496. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 69

Kennedy’s known poems are [S.T.S. editions] : 1. Parts of the Flyting. Bann. MS. III. 44 [&c.]. 2. Bann. MS. II. 131 and Maitland Folio MS., I. 234, " At Matyne houre.” 3. Bann MS. IV. 46 and Maitland Folio MS., I. 364, Against Mouth Thankles, beginning " Ane ageit man twyss fourty yeiris.” 4. Bann. MS. II. 245, " Jesu Chryst that deit on tre.” 5. Maitland Folio MS., I. 342, and Reidpath MS., " Leiff luff my luif.” 6. Asloan MS. Ane Ballet in praise of our lady. 7. Howard MS. The Passion of Christ. 8. The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedie [Dunbar, Works, II. 11-29]. In the 1566 English edition the name of Skelton is substituted for that of Kennedie. 1575 and 1581 read Kennedie.

17. Dunbar : William Dunbar (? 1465-? 1530), apparently of an East Lothian family, but details not known. A William Dunbar entered St Andrews University in 1475, and graduated Master of Arts in 1479. Joined and forsook the order of the Franciscan friars, but during his time with them he travelled in England, preached in Canterbury, and went to France. Towards the end of the fifteenth century he entered the service of James IV., for whom he travelled on missions abroad, among others going to Paris with the Earl of Bothwell in 1491. From August 15, 1500, he was in receipt of a pension of £10 per annum, later raised to £20, and then £80. In 1502 he went with the ambassadors to London to arrange the marriage of James IV. and Margaret Tudor, and in commemoration of his visit wrote the poem “ In Honour of the City of London.” The marriage he celebrated in " The Thistle and the Rose.” After the death of James IV. at Flodden traces of him are scanty, but he was alive in 1517. Lindsay mentions that he was dead in 1530, but the year of his death is quite unknown. Lindsay borrows from Dunbar’s Lament for the Makaris, written before 1508, in which year it was published by Chepman and Myllar, the names of his first group of poets, deceased Scottish poets, celebrated in lines 15-27. Vide Dunbar, Works, ed. J. Small, 3 vols. Scottish Text Society : 1884, &c. Dunbar is mentioned in Bale, Index, 496, among the " Scotici Scriptores.”

18. His golden targe : The Goldyn Targe. First printed in 1508 by Chepman and Myllar. Dunbar, Works, S.T.S., II. 1-10.

19. Quintyng, Mersar, Rowle, Henderson, hay &> holland : All these poets are mentioned in Dunbar’s Lament for the Makaris, from which Lindsay undoubtedly derived them :

Quintyng : referred to again in 1. 54. Also referred to by Dunbar, Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedie, II. 11-29, L 34 (Quintene), 1. 131 (Quintyne) ; Lament for the Makaris, II. 48-51,1. 86 (Quintyne Schaw); Of Sir Thomas Norray, II. 192-194, 1. 37 (Quhentyne) ; by Gavin Douglas, Police of Honour, Part II., I. 36, 1. 14 (Quintine); Bale, Index, 496 (Quintinus). Small, Dunbar, I. ccliii., notes, after quoting references in Dunbar, VOL. III. F 70 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

" Probably these (i.e., Quintin and Quintin Shaw) are the same person. Shaw is an Ayrshire family, and Quhentyne Schaw seems to have been the son of John Schaw of Haily, in that county, who received a charter to that estate on 20th June 1489 as his father’s heir [Reg. Mag. Sig., 1424-1513, No. 1855]. John Schaw had been one of the ambassadors who negotiated the marriage of James III. with Margaret of Denmark in 1467, and a relationship between the Schaws and Kennedys, also an Ayrshire family, is highly probable. Quhentyne Schaw is referred to in a suit before the Lords Auditors on 5th June 1479, when he appeared as procurator for his brother William (Acta Auditorum, p. 61) ; and on 19th March 1479 decree was given against him for £7 at the suit of Margaret Lamb, widow of Alexander Halyburton [Ibid., p. 81). He is frequently mentioned in the Treasurer’s Accounts between 14th April 1489 and 8th July 1504 as a pensioner in receipt of ^10 a year, and also as getting a gown and other articles of dress. Although he is not stated to have held any office, these are just the kind of rewards as were given to Dunbar himself and other poets of the Court. The only poem which has come down with his name is [‘ Suppois ye courte ^ow cheir and tretis,’ Maitland Folio MS., 384, signed ‘ quyntene schaw ’].” Although Small’s case is well worked out, and despite the signature in the Maitland Folio MS., I find it hard to accept the fact that this one man, among all the Scottish poets, was best known, in his own day, and after, by his Christian name. Quintin is not an unusual Scot- tish Christian name, for several appearances of it are to be noted in the Registrum Magni Sigillum, and I see no reason why there should not have been two poets, contemporaries, one named Quintin Shaw, the other named Quintin. The fact that none of the second man’s work survives is of no account, for we have none of the poems of Gal- breith or Kynlouch. The official records of “ Quintin ” and Quintin Shaw are as follows : C.T. I. 107 [April 6, 1489]. Item, to Quintin Schaw, be a precep of the Kingis, . . . vj li. [Other payments] C.T. II. 92 [Dec. 30, 1501, ^10] ; C.T. II. 93 [Sept. 2, 1501, /10] ; C.T. II. 112 [June 20, 1501, 14/-]; C.T. II. 426 [April 9, 1504, 28/-] ; C.T. II. 445 [July 8, 1504, yearly pension of ^10] ; C.T. II. 306 [July 7, 1504, clothing] ; C.T. III. 158 [Aug. 28, 1505]. Item, to Quintin to pas to rais his breves . . . xlij s. ; Rot. Scac. XI. 357 [1501], payment to Quentin Schaw of ^10 from the issues of ayres in Lanark. Even from these I would deduce that two men existed, for it was certainly not the habit of the accounts to call men by their Christian names. Mersar : Also referred to by Dunbar, Lament for the Makaris, I. 48-51, 1. 73 (Merseir). Mersar’s Christian name has not been ascertained. Four Mersars are mentioned in the Treasurer’s Accounts. (1) Peter Mersar, who received grants of dress when he went to Denmark in November 1494 ; (2) James Mersar, who received occasional sums from James IV., 1494-1497 ; (3) William Mersar, an attendant in the household of James IV., 1500-1503 ; (4) Andrew Mersar, Groom of the Prince’s Chamber, 1503-1508. He may, moreover, be none of these. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 71

Poems by Mersar are preserved in the Bannatyne MS.: 1. “ Off luve quhay lykis to haif ioy or confort.” III. 245. 2. “ Allace, so sobir is the micht.” IV. 48. 3. “ Thir billis ar brevit to birdis in speciall.’’ IV. 73. 4. Maitland Folio MS., I. 411, ascribes “ Eyrd vpone eird wondirfullie is wrocht ” to Mersar. There are many versions of this poem, which was a popular piece dating back to the early fourteenth century. Cf. Erthe upon Erthe, printed from Twenty-Four Manuscripts, ed. Hilda M. R. Murray, E.E.T.S., 1911. Its earliest English form is one of four lines, c. 1307, in MS. Harl. 2253, f. 57b, while there are also versions in Latin and French. The poem is attributed to Mersar therefore in error, though he may have made a translation into Scots. In the Reidpath MS., f. 43b, it is ascribed to " dumbar,” but as an English version exists in “ Richard Hill’s Commonplace Book ” [MS. Balliol 354, f. 207b, ante 1504], almost identical with this Scottish version, identification of authorship is impossible.

Rowle : Dunbar, Lament for the Makaris, I. 48-51, mentions two Rowls, both apparently poets. In line 77 he mentions " Roull of Aber- dene,” and in line 78 “ Roull of Corstorphine,” adding in line 79, " Two bettir fallowis did no man se.” The Bannatyne and Maitland Folio MSS. preserve a poem called “ The Cursing of Sir Johnne Rowlis vpoun the Steilaris of his Fowlis.” Because of their place-appendages Laing suggests that they were ecclesiastics, and though this may be so, especially in an age when the Church absorbed a vast number of men, Dunbar may merely be seeking to identify them separately to avoid confusion. Small, Dunbar, quotes Walker, Bards of Bon Accord, 17, “ It has been conjectured that the Rowl of Aberdeen belonged to the same family as Thomas Rowl, chief Magistrate of Aberdeen in 1416." This may be, but Dunbar refers to them both as his contemporaries. Small also notes, “ Perhaps the Rowl of Corstorphine is called ‘ Gentill Rowl of Corstorphine ’ to distinguish him from the authoir of the ‘ Cursing,’ to whom that epithet would not be appropriate.” Yet even the timid have been known to utter violence, and Dunbar rates them equally as good fellows. Small, following Laing and Hailes, notes that Sir John Rowlis Cursing refers to the reigning Pope Alexander [line 8], thus dating the poem between 1492 and 1503, when Alexander VI. occupied the Papal See. Vide Dunbar, Works, HI. cclvi-cclvii; Laing, Ancient Popular and Romance Poetry of Scotland (1885), 208-218. Poem : Bann. MS., II. 277, and Maitland Folio MS., I. 161, ‘‘ The Cursing of Sir Johnne Rowhs vpoun the Steilaris of his Fowlis.”

Henderson : Robert Henryson (? 1430-? 1506). Henderson was an alternative form, now discarded. Mentioned by Dunbar, Lament for the Makaris, 81-82, as dead, at Dunfermline. Little known of his life, but tradition states that he was schoolmaster at Dunfermline. His name does not appear in the registers of St Andrews or Glasgow, but as he was called " Maister ” he must have graduated. In September 1462 he was admitted a member of the recently founded Glasgow University, and is called Licentiate in Arts and Bachelor in Degrees. Three deeds between March 1477-78 and July 1478, granted by the Abbot of Dun- 72 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY fermline, describe him as a notary public, but he may also have been in orders, and he may have been schoolmaster at Dunfermline Abbey. He had recently died when mentioned by Dunbar, Lament for the Makaris [printed 1508]. His poems include Fables, The Testament of Cresseid, Tale of Orpheus and Fury dice, and Robene and Makyne. They are preserved in the Bannatyne, Asloan, Makculloch, Maitland MSS., and Harl. MS., 3865, but 1570 and 1571 editions of his Fables are extant. Cf. Works, ed. G. Gregory Smith, 3 vols., Scottish Text Society; and Poems and Fables, ed. H. H. Wood, Edinburgh, 1933- Henryson is mentioned in Bale, Index, 496, as " Rolandus Harryson.”

Hay : Sir Gilbert Hay, mentioned in Dunbar, Lament for the Makaris, I. 48-51, 1. 67. He was probably the son of Sir William Hay of Loch- arret, and was born about 1400. He studied at St Andrews, becoming Bachelor, 1418, and Master, 1419 ; then proceeding to France, perhaps as an archer in the Scottish Guard, remaining there for twenty-four years. On his return to Scotland he lived at Roslin with William Sinclair, third Earl of Orkney, and founder of Roslin Chapel [vide Bannatyne Miscellany, HI. 100]. He was probably connected with the Earl by the marriage of a sister of the Earl of Orkney with Hay of Errol. At the command of Earl Hay he translated three French works : (1) L’Arbre des Batailles, of Honore Bonet, or Bonnet, Prior of Salon, France ; translated as The Buke of the Law of Armys, or Buke of Bataillis. (2) Le Livre de L’Ordre de Chevelerie, an anonymous work on Knight- hood ; translated separately by Caxton as The Order of Chivalry, and translated by Hay as The Buke of the Order of Knichthood. Rept. Beriah Botfield, Abbotsford Club, 1847. (3) Le Gouvernement des Princes, a translation of the Secreta Secre- torum, one of the great mediaeval forgeries, professing to be a treatise, or epistle, on statesmanship, written by Aristotle for Alexander the Great. Three English translations appeared in the fifteenth century, one by James Yonge (1422) from the English Pale in Dublin, and a fourth was begun by Lydgate and completed by Benet Burgh, but not printed till 1894 [ed. B. Steele, E.E.T.S.], though part had been printed in Lydgate’s Minor Poems, Percy Society, 1840, and by Ashmole in Theatrum Chemicum. To Hay’s translation the title The Government of Princes has now been given. These three translations are preserved in a single manuscript volume dated 1456, now at Abbotsford, and were edited by J. H. Stevenson as Gilbert of the Haye’s Manuscript, Scottish Text Society, 2 vols., 1001-14. At the command of Thomas Erskine, first Lord Erskine and second Earl of Mar, Hay also translated three portions of the Alexander Romance. Hay’s translation is still unpublished, though portions were published by A. Hermann, The Taymouth Castle MS. of Sir Gilbert Hay's " Buik of King Alexander the Conqueror," Berlin, 1898 ; and by A. Hermann, The Forraye of Gadderis : The Vowis : Extracts from Sir Gilbert Hay’s “ Buik of King Alexander the Conqueror," Berlin, 1900. The major work is sometimes confused with The Buik of the most noble NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 73 and, vail^eand Conqueror Alexander the Great, of which a unique but imperfect copy, printed by Arbuthnot (Edinburgh, 1580), belonging to the Earl of Dalhousie, still exists ; rept. Bannatyne Club, 1831 ; pub. 1834, and ed. R. L. G. Ritchie, Scottish Text Society, 4 vols. This second poem is ascribed to Barbour by G. A. Neilson, R. L. G. Ritchie, and A. Hermann. Both Dunbar and Lindsay appear to ascribe to Hay original poems. None such are extant, although the Asloan MS. bears an entry introductory to a portion now lost, “ The Document of Schir Gilbert Hay,” evidence that Hay’s work was still current in 1515 when the Asloan MS. was compiled. The Avowis oj Alexander is mentioned in the testaments of R. Gourlay, 1581, and H. Charteris, 1599, as printed books on sale at their booths.

Holland : Sir Richard Holland, mentioned by Dunbar, Lament for the Makaris, I. 48-51, 1. 61. Author of The Buke of the Howlat, preserved in two MSS., the Asloan (1515) and the Bannatyne (1568), the poem being about sixty years older than the Asloan MS. It was written between 1447 and 1455 expressly for Elizabeth Dunbar, Countess of Moray m her own right, who married a younger son of the Douglas family, which is celebrated in the poem. The dates of composition are established by the description of the arms of Pope Nicholas V., consecrated 1446, and the loss of the Countess's husband at the battle of Arkinholm, May 1, 1455, when the power of the Douglases was broken by James II., who, three years earlier, had assassinated with his own hand the faHier, Earl William. It is thus most probable that <.(44^ the poem was writren before this murder. The Cambridge History of English Literature, II. 115, summarises the facts of Holland’s life as collected by Laing and Amours. " In 1450 Richard de Holland was rector of Halkirk, in Caithness, in 1451, rector of Abbreochy in the diocese of Moray, and like his contemporary Henryson, a public notary. In 1453, he was presented by the pope to the vacant post of chanter in the church of Moray. In 1457, after the fall of the Douglases, we find him in Orkney, where, in 1467, he demits the vicarage of Ronald- shay. He seems to have joined the exiled Douglases in England, from which he was sent on a mission to Scotland in 1480, and, in 1482, along with ‘ Jamis of Douglase ’ (the exiled earl) and certaine other priests ‘ and vther sic like tratouris that are sworne Inglismen, and remanys in England,’ he is exempted from a general amnesty.” Elizabeth Dunbar, however, after the battle of Arkinholm, the site of which is now partly covered by the town of Langholm, married the son of the Earl of Huntly inside three weeks of the loss of her husband. The Earl of Huntly was fighting for the King, and probably the marriage was effected to save her estates. The Buke of the Howlat, written at a time when such a volteface was not contemplated by the Countess, is a typical mediaeval allegory. The owl, observing himself in a river, becomes ashamed of his plumage, and begs the peacock, as Pope of the birds, to appeal to Dame Nature to change it. The peacock summons his council, the owl states his case, and the matter is referred to the eagle, as Emperor, the eagle being the emblem of temporal power. The swallow is thereupon despatched 74 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY as messenger, with letters written by the Pope’s secretary, the turtle. There follows a long interpolation in praise of the Douglases, done by way of a description of heraldic arms, an account of Sir James Douglas’s journey with the heart of Bruce, and then the story is resumed with the Pope inviting the Emperor to a feast and entertainment, when Dame Nature suggests that the owl should be given one feather from each of the birds. The owl, in his new plumage, becomes so domineering that the other birds complain of him, and Dame Nature has to strip him of his plumage again. The moral is a warning against pride, which the Douglases might have taken to heart, though it was not intended for them ; while Pinkerton reads into it, partly through a misreading of crovne [crown] for rovme, in line 984, a satire on James II. Giles, Camb. Hist., II. 113, thinks that with the restoration of the true reading Pinkerton’s theory falls to the ground, but the extravagant praise of the Douglases when in conflict with James must have included some such attack. The Howlat was edited by Pinkerton, Collection of Scottish Poems (1792), III. ; Laing, Bannatyne Club (1823), rept. Donaldson, for the new club series (1882) by the Hunterian Club, 1880-84, from the Bannatyne MS. ; Diebler, Chemnitz, 1893 • and ed. Amours, in Scottish Alliterative Poems, Scottish Text Society (1891-97). Cf. also J. Gutman, Untersuchungen uber das mittelenglische Gedicht The Buke of the Howlat, Berlin, 1893. One leaf of a blackletter edition, c. 1520, survives.

19. In 1566 the names “ Mersar, Rowle ” read “ Macer, Rouland,” but they are corrected in 1575, 1581. m 20. Libells : Laing, I. 261, " Libel, from the Latin, literally a little book, is now almost always used for Satire, or defamatory writing, called famosus libellus ; but in [Scots] Civil Law Paper it signifies a declaration or charge in writing against a person exhibited in court.”

27. Gawane Dowglas, Byschope of Dunkell. Gavin Douglas (? 1474-1522), poet, translator, and bishop. Third son of Archibald, fifth Earl of Angus (? 1449-1514). The place and exact date of birth unknown, but probably Douglas was a Lothian man, and probably studied at St Andrews, 1489-94. In 1496 he was presented to the living of Monymusk, Aberdeenshire, but moved to Prestonpans, near Dunbar. In 1501 he became Provost of St Giles’s, Edinburgh, and on September 20, 1513, was elected a burgess of Edinburgh. In 1514 the widow of James IV., Queen Margaret, married Douglas’s nephew, the sixth Earl of Angus. Shortly before her marriage to Angus she promised Douglas the abbacy of Aberbrothock, and expressed her wish to have him made Archbishop of St Andrews. Douglas actually went into residence there, but in the upheaval which followed her marriage to Angus he was expelled, and in the meantime Aberbrothock had been given to James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow. In 1515 the Bishop of Dunkeld died, and Margaret presented Douglas in her son’s name to that see, but he was thwarted by the Earl of Atholl, who wished his brother, Andrew Stewart, to be bishop. Margaret appealed to the Pope, who granted her request, but before the aflair NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 75 was settled, Albany came from France as Regent, and being in opposition to the Queen imprisoned Douglas on a charge of receiving bulls from the Pope. He remained nearly a year in prison. In July 1516, however, he was elected Bishop of Dunkeld, and in 1517 he accompanied Albany to France. In 1520 he was present at the Edinburgh skirmish between the troops of Arran and Angus, known as “ Cleanse the causey,” and there saved the life of the Archbishop of Glasgow, James Beaton, his great enemy. When the Queen returned and decided to divorce Angus, Albany retired to France, and Angus and his friends fled, Douglas with them. Douglas fled to the court of Henry VIII., partly for his own safety, but partly to advance the cause of Angus with the English, and was deprived of his bishopric in consequence. During his stay in England he made the acquaintance of Polydore Vergil, to whom he submitted an account of Scottish affairs for his history of England. Vergil records Douglas's death of the plague, in September 1522, in the house of his friend Lord Dacre, St Clement’s Parish, and his burial in the hospital church of the Savoy. Four poems have come down : (1) The Palice of Honour, the oldest extant edition of which was published in London in 1553, though this is the London issue of an edition printed by John Scot in Edinburgh [vide F. S. Isaacs, English and Scottish Types, Bibliographical Society] ; (2) King Hart; (3) Conscience ; (4) a translation of the TEneid. The names of his other poems are not known, and it has been doubted whether he wrote more, but Lindsay, in a line which has been overlooked [32] says that his works “ nowmer mo than fyue." Tanner ascribes to Douglas a translation of Ovid, De Remedio Amoris, and A ureas Narrationes, and comcedias aliquot. His translation of the AEneid, which is specially mentioned by Lindsay [33-34], was known to the Earl of Surrey, who made use of the second and fourth books for his own translation.

38. Delete comma after ballattis. Breuis is the verb. “ And in the court are present, in these days (those) that write ballades and songs which they present to our Prince daily.”

40. Schir lames Inglis : Sir James Inglis, priest at the court of James V. until about 1530. By the Treasurer’s Accounts he is shown to have received payments for “ play-coittis ” in 1512 and 1526. He became Chaplain to the young king, James V., Secretary to Queen Margaret in 1515, and Chancellor of the King’s Chapel at Stirling, 1527. Before 1530 he was made Abbot of Culross, Fifeshire, but was murdered there on March 1, 1531, by the Baron of Tulliallane and his followers, who were all executed at Edinburgh in the following month. He is not to be confused with another Sir James Inglis, to whom Mackenzie, Lives of the Scottish Writers (1708), III., attributed The Complaynt of Scotland (c. 1548), nor with a third Sir James Inglis, who from 1508-1550 was Chaplain of the Abbey of Cambuskenneth, his name occurring in the Treasurer’s Accounts as receiving payments for singing masses “ for the saullis of vmquhile our souerane Lord (quham God assol^e) King James the Third and Queue Margarete his spous." 76 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

I quote the record of his productions of plays from the Treasurer's Accounts: C.T. IV. 321 [February 1511-12]. Item, deliverit to Schir lames Inglis, to be hym and his collegis play cotis, xij elne taffatis ; price elne xiiij s.; summa . . . viij li. viij s. C.T. V. 316 [Dec. 19, 1526]. Item, to Schir lames Inglis to by play coitis agane jule, be the Kingis precept . . . xl li. Other records of his service at court are found, C.T. IV. 250 [1511]; IV. 267-68, 375, 427, 441 ; V. 9-10, 65, 66, 126, 310. A Sir James Inglis, master of work for the repairs to the King’s Palaces other than Holyroodhouse and Falkland, is mentioned, C.T. V. 325-28. His title " Sir ” was that commonly bestowed upon a priest, and does not betoken civil rank. In line 42 Lindsay says that his appointment to the Abbey of Culross had meant that he had ceased to write. 41. Ballatts, farses, and in plesand playis : Poems (lit. ballades), drol- leries, and pleasing plays. 43. Kyde : Alexander Kyd. Of this poet nothing is known but his name, which is given to one poem, “ The richt fontane of hailfull sapience,” in the Bannatyne MS., II. 242. 44. Stewarte : 46. Stewart of Lome. Two different poets are here indicated. The first is probably William Stewart (? 1481-? 1550), descended from Robert II. He was educated at St Andrews, a deter- minant in 1499, first of the licentiates in 1501, and destined for the Church, but entered court service, presumably after being abroad. The earliest records of his service of court date from 1527. In 1531 he began to prepare a metrical translation of Hector Boece’s Latin History of Scotland, at the same time as Bellenden began his prose translation, but Stewart’s work was only carried down to the end of the reign of James I. It is dated 1535. It was not printed, and remained in MS. until 1858, when it was edited by W. B. Turnbull for the Rolls Series, 3 vols. The MS. is preserved in Cambridge University Library, and covers 61,283 lines. William Stewart is referred to by John Rolland, Seven Sages, written 1560, printed 1578, as a poet contemporary with Lindsay [S.T.S. edn., p. 2] : And for the thrid, Maister Williame Stewart, To mak in Scottis, richt weill he knew that Art. The records of his service at court are as follows : C.T. V. 321 [June 1, 1527]; C.T. VI. 39, 92, 95, 97, 203, 205, 207 [Jan. 3, 1533-34]: VII. 16 [Jan. 20, 1538] ; VII. 455 [June 1541]; VIII. 373, 375, 411 [Oct. 8, 1545]. Another William Stewart is then recorded down to 1563. Except two poems, other than the translation of Boece, the MS. collections do not identify poems by William Stewart. Two Stewarts can be identified from the MS., but one is Lord Damley : (1) Poems attributed to William Stewart: (a) “ This hyndir nycht, neir by the hour of nyne.” Anony- mous in the Bannatyne MS., II. 228, ascribed to “ wilhame Stewart ” in the Maitland Folio MS., I. 353. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 77

(b) " Precelland prince, havand prerogatyue.” Bannatyne MS., II. 231, ascribes to " W Stewart,” Maitland Folio MS., I. 248, to " Stewarte.” (2) Poems attributed to Henry Stewart, Lord Darnley (1545-67) : (а) “ Be gouernour baith guid and gratious.” Bannatyne MS., II. 227. (б) " Gife langour makis men licht ” [ffinis q king hary stewart], Bannatyne MS., III. 338. (3) Poems attributed to " Stewart.” The following are in the Banna- tyne MS.: (a) " O man remember and prent in to thy thocht." II. 90. (b) " First lerges the king my chiefe.” II. 254. Anonymous in Maitland Folio MS., I. 248. Hailes, Ancient Scottish Poems (1770), 289, attributes this to Stewart of Lome as it displays a singular talent for carking, and 1527, New Year’s Day, as date of composition. (c) “ Schirsenof menardiuersssortis.” II. 256. Anonymous in Maitland Folio MS., I. 246. [A) " For to declair the hie magnificens." III. 256. (&) " Maistameynroseir, gratious and resplendent.” HI. 265. (/) " Thir lenterne dayis ar luvely lang.” IV. 6. (g) " Furth ouer the mold at morrow as I went.” IV. 40. (h) " For to declair the he magnificens ” [repeated]. IV. 71. (i) " Rolling in my Remembrance.” Anonymous in Banna- tyne MS., II. 449. Signed “ Stewarte ” in Maitland Folio MS., I. 370, and Reidpath MS. (j) " Thow leis loun be this licht.” III. 24. Stewart of Lome must have belonged to the family of Sir John Stewart of Innermeath, who exchanged in 1407 the lands of Durrisdeer for the Lordship, of Lorn, possessed by his brother Robert. Sir John was succeeded by his son Robert, who was in turn succeeded by his son John. This John died in 1463 without heirs male, and the Lordship was divided among his brothers Walter, Alan, David, and Robert. Walter became first Lord Innermeath, and resigned the Lordship of Lorn to Colin Campbell, first Earl of Argyll, in exchange for the Barony of Innermeath, and Argyll added to his titles that of Lord of Lorn. The poet must have been a descendant of one of the four brothers, and he was probably Alan Stewart, captain of the King’s Guard, who owned lands in Lorn. Rotuli Scacarii, XV. 158 [1528. Alan Stewart, former Captain of the King’s Guard, receives a payment of £7.00 in part payment for expenses of certain persons with the king in the castle of Stirling]. R.S. XV. 456 [1528. Alan Stewart of Lome pays the fermes of certain lands in Lanark].

47 .^Galbreith : Galbreith, not otherwise known. Lindsay speaks of him as living. Four Galbreiths are recorded in the Treasurer’s Accounts: (1) Paul Galbreith, servitor of the Queen-Mother, and later servant in the King’s Chamber, recorded in 1535 as deceased ; (2) John, yeoman 78 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY in the King’s Chamber; (3) Peter, writer in the Exchequer; and (4) William, yeoman in the King’s Chamber.

47. Kynlouch. Kynloch, not otherwise known. Warton, III. 247, n. 4, “ These two poets [Galbreith and Kynloch] are converted into one, under the name of Gabrieli Kinlyck, in an edition of some of Lyndsay’s works, ‘ first turned and made perfect Englishe,’ printed [in 1566].”

51. Ballentyne : John Bellenden [c. 1490-1587], poet, historian, and translator, generally supposed to have been born at Haddington or Berwick. Matriculated at St Andrews in 1508, and proceeded to a D.D. at the Sorbonne. On his return to Scotland, 1527-1529, he apparently brought with him a copy of the Historia Scotorum of Hector Boece, printed at Paris in 1527. James V. asked him to translate the work, and he was engaged on this in 1531. C.T. V. 434 [1531]. Item, to Maister Johnne Bellentyne for translating of the cronykill . . . xxx li. C.T. VI. 37 [Oct. 4, 1531]. Item, to Maister Johne Ballentyne for his translatyng of the croniclis . . . xxx li. Item, thairefter to the said Maister Johnne . . . vj li. In 1533 he apparently compiled, or translated, a new chronicle of which nothing is known. C.T. VI. 97 [June 26, 1533]. Item, Maister Johne Ballantyne, for ane new cornikle gevin to the Kingis grace . . . xij li. Editors assume that the “ new cornikle ” was the conclusion to the translation of Boece, but there had been no payments for two years, implying that that work was complete. Either, as the record says, he was engaged on a new chronicle, or he was engaged on a revision of his translation of Boece. It is now known that this exists in two versions, one a revision of the other, the revised version, contained in the Auchin- leck MS., now in the Library of University College, London. Vide R. W. Chambers and W. W. Seton, " Bellenden’s Translation of the History of Hector Boece,” Scottish Historical Review, XVII. 5-15 (Oct. 1919). The King had also commanded a translation of Livy, and this was completed during the year 1533. C.T. VI. 97 [June 26, 1533]. Item, to him [Bellenden] in part of payment of the translatioune of Titus Livius . . . viij li. C.T. VI. 98 [May 24, 1533]. Item, to Maister Johne Ballantyne, in part of payment of the translatioune of the secund buke of Titus Livius . . . viij li. C.T. VI. 206 [Nov. 30, 1533]. Item, to Maister Johne Balentyne for his lauboris done in translating of Livie . . . xx li. The translation of Boece was printed by Davidson between 1533 and 1536, but the Livy remained unpublished until 1822, when it was published by Lord Dundrenan, uniform with an edition of Boece. The revised Boece remains unpublished, but the Livy was edited for the Scottish Text Society by [now Sir] W. A. Craigie, 2 vols., 1900-03. As poet Bellenden is only known for two sets of verses in the translation of Boece and “ The Benner of Pietie.” All three are preserved in the Bannatyne MS. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 79

Lindsay speaks of him as " ane cunnyng Clerk,” thereby acknowledging his priesthood, but when Lindsay was writing Bellenden was apparently only a new arrival at court. It is assumed that enemies drove him from court in 1533. Davidson’s edition of Bellenden’s Boece [c. 1536] next describes him as Archdean of Moray and Canon of Ross. It is sometimes stated that he signed the Household Accounts, but this is incorrect. It was a Thomas Bellenden who signed the accounts in 1537 [C.T. VI. 468] and 1538 [C.T. VI. 448], and was also auditor in 1538 [C.T. VI. 367]. Bellenden is mentioned in Bale, Index, 496, as " Balantinus."

56. Be sweit sand Ihone. The most frequently mentioned saint in Lindsay. See Index of Biblical and Theological References, and Dyeme, 996. 69. It dowe no thyng hot for to be deiedit: It deserves nothing else but to be thrown out.

73. Quho dymmis to hycht, perforce his feit monfaill. This is an example of a sententia-type of commencement, to be exemplified by the story which follows. Vide J. M. Manly, Chaucer and the Rhetoricians, British Academy Lectures. Laing, I. 262, “ An old proverbial saying, in various languages. Thus in Latin, Ut lapsu graviore ruat, tolluntur in altum ; in English, The highest tree, the greatest fall ; and The higher up, the lower fall (Kelly’s Scottish Proverbs, pp. 24, 319)." Lindsay rather has in mind the idea of men climbing ladders which break when the climber is near the top, or Fortune blows a bitter blast. Cf. Papyngo, 353-59: So, ^e, that now bene lansyng vpe the ledder, Tak tent in tyme, fassinnyng jour fingaris faste. Quho clymith moist heych moist dynt hes of the woder. And leist defence aganis the bitter blast Off fals fortune, quhilk takith neuet rest. . . . Cf. also Papyngo, 365, 468, 552, 583 ; Monarche, 4986.

88. To play platfute, and quhissil fute before. Chalmers, I. 289, “These were probably two popular tunes, which the papingo learned to whistle. Platfute is in Christ’s Kirk on the Green : ‘ Platfute he bobbit up with bends.’ It had its name, no doubt, from the cross motion of the feet, in dancing to this tune. In Cowkelbie’s Sow, ow'rfute is mentioned, as the name of a popular dance, when that piece was written.” Ouirfute is also mentioned in the poem “ Listis, lordis, I sail jow tell,” Banna- tyne MS., II. 303-5, line 85.

92-98. One of the favourite devices of the Scottish poets was to invent or discover alliterative description, sometimes onomatopoeic, of the sounds made by birds and animals. The habit grew out of the clever- ness of the minstrels in imitating bird and animal noises, as part of their repertoire. Lindsay draws attention to this feature of minstrel entertainments in line 98. See Additional Notes. 8o THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

100. Quhare euer I fure, I bure hir on my hande. Chalmers, I. 290, " Wherever I went, I bore her on my hand, according to the practice of that period, as to hawks.”

110-11. See note to The Deploratioun, 126.

118-121. There are twelve houses in the zodiac, each covering thirty degrees. The house of Mercury is Virgo, which covers from August 22 to September 22, and thus the day represented is, in our calendar, September 6. But the calendar in Lindsay’s day was about fifteen days behind real time, and thus the day represented in the poem was his August 23. I have no skill in astrology, and cannot offer a full explanation of the meaning of lines 113-135. It is clear that all the maleficent planets were absent, or thwarted. Saturn and Mars are the greater and lesser malefics; Venus and Jupiter are the lesser and greater benefics, and their attributes were strengthened by their conjunction [125]. Mars was also retrograde [129], though previously described as absent [113] ; while Saturn, also previously described as absent [113], was appeased by Juno, wife of Jupiter—that is, by Jupiter. Neptune, also malefic [126], was appeased. In the astrological scheme the Sun, the Moon, and Mercury are regarded as of neutral character, but even these were disposed at their best. Everything therefore was favourable to the escapade of the papingo, judging by the astrological signs, but Fortune can contrive ruin at any time. Cf. the description of the May Morning, Monarche, 125-201. 126. Sker. Chalmers, I. 291, " Sker is a rock, which is concealed only at some time of the tide." Scar, rock, crag ; sometimes rock [earliest quotation in O.E.D., 1712]. O.N. sker.

138. Tytane : Titan, the sun. Cf. Dreme, 69.

145. Bot warldlie piesour bene so variabyll. Cf. The Dreme, 145 ; Mon- arche, 4131, 6267 ; 1 John ii. 17.

152. I had said myne houris. Lindsay here portrays himself as a devout Catholic.

159. Thov art rychtfat, and nocht weill vsit to fle. Laing, I. 263, " Without such explanatory words the tumbling of the papingo or parrot from the top of the tree, and its fatal effects, might seem rather absurd."

161. Vailqe quod vail^e. Chalmers, I. 293, "happen what may: Fr. vaille que vaille. Diet. Comique. Lyndsay repeats this phrase, in his Hist, of Squy[e]r Meldrum." Cf. Hist. Squyer Meldrum, 951.

165 Full wantounlie. Carelessly, unheedingly, proud of her temporary independence.

166. Boreas : god of the north wind, inimical to man. Cf. line 222. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 81

170. Scho cryitfor apreist. Chalmers, I. 294, “ This is one of Lyndsay’s sly strokes at auricular confession." Hardly that: the papingo is represented as a good Catholic.

175. Off bitter deth now mon I thole the schouris. Cf. Dreme, 1123, and variant to that line.

178. To complene my fait Infortunate : to compose a Complaint against my downfall. She does this in lines 192-219.

179. Dispone my geir. Chalmers, I. 294, “ dispone my geir are properly law expressions of the Scotish jurisprudence ; to dispose of her goods and geir."

186. Salt teris. There is no sense of the burlesque here.

186-87. The poet does not offer assistance, for though she might have “ complained ” to him, and have written her two epistles in his presence, we could not have had the vivid scene between the papingo and the magpie, hawk, and raven [647-1171]. This latter scene is the motif of the whole poem.

192-219. A Complaint poem.

192. The charge against Fortune is that she had lured the papingo into temptation by the glory of that summer’s day.

194. Uaine hope in the my reassoun haith exilit: Vain hope in thee hath vanquished my reasoning powers.

195. Thy fenqeit face. Cf. Dunbar, Goldyn Targe, 79, "Fair feynit Fortune.” Fortuna was the Greek and Roman goddess of chance or good luck, worshipped under various attributions. In mediaeval times she was regarded as the personification of treachery and deceit in worldly affairs.

196. That euer I wes brocht in to the court. Bagsche makes the same complaint [Bagsche, 211]. The court was regarded as the centre of temporal advancement, and was thus opposed to the church, in which spiritual advancement might be procured. The latter was deemed secure and permanent, the former, by contrast, insecure. Too often it proved to be so. Complaints against the insecurity of court life continue down to the eighteenth century, but with reason, for every change of government meant a change of court officials and court favourites. Despite this well-known fact, critics are sorely distressed to see poets like Spenser and Gay complaining against lack of court advancement in the form of attacks on the instability of court life.

200. Agane reassoun vsyng myne appetyte : persisting in following my desires, contrary to the dictates of reason. 82 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

202. Eolus : iEolus, God of the winds, originally the ruler of the iEolian (Lipari) Isles, then regarded as the home of the winds, but later regarded as a god, and in mediaeval times frequently portrayed as an enemy of man and his affairs. Cf. 114. Deploratioun, 49; Dreme, 63, 141 ; Monarche, 185, 2148. iEolus is sometimes portrayed as blowing his blasts through a trumpet. Cf. Dunbar, Goldyn Targe.

203-4. Poetis of me haith mater to indyte. In my fall from the height of independence poets will find a subject. Lindsay is here thinking of the poems and treatises of the type of The Falls of Princes, and the De Casibus virorum illustrium of Boccaccio, in which are lamented the falls of the great from power.

207. Prude Pacocke : proud peacock. Besides contriving alliterative descriptions of the sounds made by birds and animals [cf. 11. 92-96], the mediaeval poets invented alliterative descriptions of the plumage, appearance, or character of animals and birds. These descriptions were confined to one epithet — e.g., proud peacock [207], ruclande reuin [668], gentle la [725], pleasand Pown [728], Myrthfull Maueis [731], gay goldspink [731], lustye Lark [732], swyft Swallow [735], rowpand Reuin [1083], gredie gled [1085], &c. Cf. similar descriptions of birds in The Monarche : plesand Powne {Monarche, 188], myrthfull Maues {Monarche, 189], lustye Lark {Monarche, 190], gay Goldspink {Monarche, 192], nobyll Nychtingallis {Monarche, 193]. The adjective is sometimes replaced by an adverb, " the Merle rycht myrralye ” {Monarche, 192], but the principle is the same.

216. This day . . . the morne : to-day . . . to-morrow. Cf. 11. 484-85 ; Isaiah xxii. 13 and 1 Corinthians xv. 32, “ Let us eat and drink ; for to-morrow we die.” The melancholy theology of the Middle Ages repeatedly enlarges on this theme. 225. This bird did breue. Chalmers, I. 297, " Breve, here, in the French sense, means, I believe, to write down, in her own manner, punctually, what had come into her mind. See the Diet. Comique, in vo. Breve, in law, is a writ; brevet, a brief, a pope’s bull.” M.E. breven, ? O.N. brefa, L. breviare, to set down in writing.

227. Prepotent. Chalmers, I. 297, "Prepotent is coined by Lyndsay for most potent ; as he has formed preplesand, and precordial." Laing, I. 264, " Instead of trying to coin words, it might have occurred to Mr Chalmers that Lyndsay, like others, only used the Latin prasp. Prae compounded with an adjective: in this instance, signifying praepotens, very powerful.” Praepotentia, superior power, has long been used in ecclesiastical Latin. Cf. Tertullian, Adversus Marcian, ii. 7, “ praepotentia Dei.” It had been in use in English since 1450. Precordial [line 346], L. praecordia, breast, heart, seat of the feelings, hence praecordia mentis [Lindsay’s “ with mynd precordial ”], the seat of the mind. Here, extremely cordial, warm. This is the earliest quotation in this use in O.E.D. Preplesand. O.E.D. gives this as the sole example. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 83

244. All for thy graces Informatioun. Apart from Bellenden’s translation of Boece, nothing is known of the works here indicated by Lindsay.

246. My harbour rusticall indyte. Another example of the conventional modesty of the mediaeval poet.

261-62. Cf. The Dreme, 528-532, for the orders of angels. James, as a prince, will find his place in heaven, says Lindsay, among the Princi- pates, princedoms. This is intended as a compliment to the King.

266-268. The basic idea behind these lines is that a monarch holds dominion over his people as deputy of God on earth. Cf. 1 Kings xiv. 14, “ the Lord shall raise him up a king over Israel ” ; Luke xix. 38, “ Blessed be the King that cometh in the name of the Lord.” As reward for his great responsibilities the Lord bestowed upon kings the best things of earth. Cf. The Dreme, 1037-39.

300. Cf. The Dreme, 1113 ; Satyre, 88, 564, 583, 1581.

308. Cf. James VI., Basilikon Doron, Book II., “ I would have you to be well versed in authenticke histories, and in the chronicles of all nations; but specially in our owne histories (Ne sis peregrinus domi), the example whereof most neerely concerns you. . . . By reading of authenticke histories and chronicles, yee shall learne experience by Theoricke, applying the by-past things to the present state, quia nihil novum sub Sole.”

310. Thy sceptour, swerd, &• croun. The three symbols of sovereignty. Cf. line 484.

322. Sen first kyng Fergus bure ane Dyadame, Thou art the last king, of fuye score and fyue. Laing, I. 264, “ From the time of Hector Boyce, 1527, the catalogue of the Kings of Scotland commenced with ‘ Fergus the first King of Scottis.’ In the words of Bellenden the translator of Boyce, he ‘ came from Ireland, and conquering the Pichtis, was chosen King, afore the Incarnation of God CCCXXX. (330) zeris.’ After enumerating the names of other fabulous Kings, James the Fifth is reckoned the 105th (in other words, the 106th) ; and Bellenden adds, ‘ James the Fifth is the C. v. King of Scottis, regnand now with gret felicite and honour abone us, the maist noble and vailzeand Prince that euir rang afore his tyme. Quhom God conserve and grant him grace to persevere in justice, with lang empire and successioun of his body ! Amen.’ Lyndsay at line 325 says, of these One Hundred and Five Kings, ‘ in (or through) thair awin mysgovernance.’ Chalmers in his note [I. 303] adds, ‘ the fact is, that few of the Scottish Kings died quietly in their beds. But it was the fault of the constitution, and not of their awin misgovernance.’ How this was so, he does not explain. Taylor the Water Poet, in his Penniless Pilgrimage, 1618, in visiting his Majesties Palace of Holyrood, says, ' In the inner Court, I saw the King’s [James VI.’s] Armes cunningly carved in stone, and fixed 84 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY over a doore aloft on the wall, the red Lyon being the Crest, over which was written this inscription in Latine : Nobis haec inuicta miserunt, 106. proavi. I inquired what the English of it was ? It was told me as followeth, which I thought worthy to be recorded :— 106 Fore-fathers have left this to us unconquered. This is a worthy and memorable Motto, and I think few Kingdomes, or none in the world, can truly write the like, &c.’ (Workes, p.130, Lond. 1630, folio).’’ Laing omits the criticism of Chalmers, I. 303, " Lyndsay only re- tailed the fictitious cant of Boece, whose Chronikillis were translated by Bellendene, for the use of James V. Lidgate, and the other old English poets, had shown Lyndsay the way to instruct living kings, by raking up the misdeeds of the dead." I have not checked Lindsay’s statement that fifty-five Scottish kings died from violence or war, but it is interesting to note that the four predecessors of James V. all died such deaths, and also James’s daughter, Mary, Queen of Scots ; while of the four Stuart kings of England two suffered, one, Charles I., execution, the other, James II., exile.

332. Trait ilk trew Barroun as he war thy brother. Lindsay’s outlook on society is essentially feudal, the barons owing service in time of war. The Scottish kings had been much in conflict with their nobility, and repeatedly endeavoured to enlist the support of the towns in attempts to curb the power of the barons. Lindsay, who must have been well aware of this practice, avoids mention of it, thus revealing his sympathy with the claims of the nobility. Nor does he recognise that much of the fighting which had taken place in the previous century was directed against the monarchs themselves ; he only considers rivalry between the barons. In his advice that the king should play the loyal lords off against the disloyal, for that is what it amounts to, he does not show much ingenuity, nor acknowledgment of the fact that few barons could be relied on implicitly. But he is not the less sincere in his demand for strong government and internal peace.

335. Lat lustice, myxit with mercy, thame amende. According to the prevalent ideas of kingship the King was the fount of Justice, but it was considered that a king could gain greater fame by his mercifulness. But mercy amounted to little more than refraining from stamping out a whole family for the political misdeeds of its head. For James VI.’s view of the treatment of the nobility, see Basilikon Doron, Book II. He blames James V. for “ lightlying and contemning ” the nobility. " Remember,” he says to Prince Henry, " howe that errour brake the King my grand-fathers hart.” The opposite of a just king was a tyrant. James VI. says, “ Vse lustice, but with such moderation, as it turn not in tyrannic : otherwaies summum ius is summum iniuria . . . Lawes are ordained as rules of vertuous and sociall liuing, and not to be snares to trap your good subjectes : and therefore the lawe must be interpreted NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 85 according to the meaning, and not to the literall sense thereof : Nam ratio est anima legis.”

337. Thov arte hot kyng of bone. Laing, I. 265, “ of Bone (or Bene), referring to the popular custom on Epiphany, or the twelfth day after Christmas, of choosing as Sovereign for that evening the person who found the Bean inserted in the cake prepared for the occasion of that festival.” Cf. Lauder, Tractate, 29, E.E.T.S. : Thir kyngs pai ar hot kyngs of bane. And schort wyl heir pare tyme be gane. Both Lindsay and Lauder show that bane = bone was a common form of the Scots bean, bene. O.E.D. does not record Lindsay’s use of bone, and thinks that the form in Lauder is due to personal error.

346. Precordial. See note to line 227.

352. Quho sittith moist hie. Cf. Papyngo, 73.

356. The bitter blast. The inimical blast of Eolus, or Fortune.

357. Pals fortune. Fortune was represented as continually turning a wheel. Those who were turned on her wheel to the top were carried down on the other side. Thus life was represented as a continual rise and fall of fortune.

363. The courtis variance. The instability of life, or fortune, at court, was one of the principal complaints of the poets. Cf. Papyngo, 196. Lindsay repeats the phrase. Cf. Papyngo, 421 ; Monarche, 354. 368. Cheangyng als oft as woddercock in wynd. Cf. Satirical Poems of the Time of the Reformation, S.T.S., 2 vols., I. 326, 1. 32, where Fortune is described as “ Turnand her volt lyke woddercok in wind.” In the notes, II. 201, Cranstoun quotes two examples from Montgomerie.

372-73. These lines betray the most bitter expression against life at court to be found in Lindsay. “ Trust well, some men, when you are lords, or men of power, will praise you to your faces, but in secret they wish to see you hanged.”

380. Syne endis in the hospytaill: then end in the home for the poor, alms-house, ruined by their extravagance at court. Cf. Sir Thomas Browne, Religio Medici, II. 2, " an Hospitall, and a place, not to live, but to die in.”

381. Quyet counsalouris. Those who take counsel together, plot, in secret, to obtain power at court, not caring for the needs of the country. Then when they have obtained power, a change in court government brings them to ruin. When they have fallen from their high estate, how many are right joyful of their fall. It is impossible to resist the view that Lindsay is here thinking VOL. III. G 86 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY particularly of the Douglases. The line is borrowed, and altered slightly, for The Monarche, 2541, “ Sum of 50W hes bene quyet counsallouris."

388-392. Lindsay here adopts the alliterative manner of the Flyting.

390. Chalmers, I. 307, “ custrons, are shallow pretenders ; and clatterers, are tatlers, telltales.” Custron, scullion, base-born fellow. O.F. coistron.

409. With sic outrage. With such violence.

410. Makyng : maken. A false form of the past participle.

411. The Prince . . . the paige. An alliterative couple. Cf. Papyngo, 391, Laddis , . . lairdis.

413. The Duke of Rothasay. David, Duke of Rothesay, eldest son of Robert III., murdered on March 26, 1402, at the instance of his uncle, Albany, and Archibald, fourth Earl of Douglas, at Falkland. Lindsay enlarges on the misfortunes of Robert III. in the next stanza. See fuller note to 1. 419. Emendation of Rothasay to Rothesay is desirable, since the word is not trisyllabic. 417. Robart the thride. Robert III. (? 1340-1406), king of Scotland, eldest son of Robert II. (1316-1390). An accident disabled him from physical activity, and he ruled through the regency of his brother, Robert Stewart, first Duke of Albany [424], until 1399, when the regency was taken over by the king’s son David, later Duke of Rothesay ; but trouble broke out between them largely owing to Rothesay’s dissolute- ness. Albany procured an order in Robert’s name for the arrest of Rothesay, who was taken to Falkland, where he died, perhaps murdered, on March 26, 1402. Albany resumed the regency. Robert’s other son, later James I., was captured by an English vessel on his way to France [see note to line 430]. Lindsay describes Robert as " that nobyll king,” and history has been generally favourable to him because of his accident. 419. Prince Dauid : David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay (? 1378-1402), only surviving son of Robert III. by his first wife, Annabella Drummond. After his father’s succession to the throne David received the title of Earl of Garrick, and about 1396 was given the custody of the northern parts of the kingdom. Owing to the physical incapacity of Robert III., the country was ruled by a regent, Robert, Earl of Fife, later Duke of Albany, from 1389 to 1399. In the latter year the regency was granted to David, who was made Duke of Rothesay, while his uncle, the Earl of Fife, was created Duke of Albany. Rothesay’s regency was to last three years. During that time he deeply offended the Earl of March, whose daughter he jilted for Elizabeth, daughter of the Earl of Douglas, in consideration of a large bribe. March induced Henry IV. to invade Scotland, but the expedition failed to achieve its object, owing to Rothesay’s courage. On the completion of his term of office NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 87

Rothesay was arrested by Albany and the Earl of Douglas, who was in turn offended by Rothesay’s treatment of his wife, Douglas’s sister, to whom he had been notoriously unfaithful, and Sir William Douglas, whose daughter Rothesay had seduced. Rothesay was taken to Falk- land and confined to a dungeon, where he died speedily and mysteriously, March 26, 1402.

419. lames. See line 430, Kyng lames the first.

424. Duke Murdoke . . . Protectour of Scotland. Murdoch, or Murdac, second Duke of Albany and Earl of Fife and Menteith (c. 1362—May 25, 1425), eldest son of Robert Stewart, first Duke of Albany, third son of Robert II. by his first wife, Elizabeth Mure and first Earl of Albany. On the death of Robert III. in 1406 the first earl continued the regency he had held since 1389, except 1399-1402, and held that office until his death on September 2, 1420. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Murdoch, who also took over the regency and keepership of Stirling Castle. Murdoch accomplished the ransom of James I. from the English (see note to line 430] in 1424, and placed him on the throne of state at his coronation at Scone, May 21, 1424. In the Parliament of March 25, 1425, however, the king ordered the arrest of Albany, his two sons (Sir Walter of Lennox, second son, the first having died before July 1421, and Sir James, third son), and his father-in-law, Duncan, Earl of Lennox. They were brought to trial at Stirling, May 24, 1425. Sir Walter was executed that day, and the others the day following. Their titles and estates were forfeited to the Crown. The charges against them are unknown. It is assumed that Albany had succeeded to the regency without the consent of Parliament, but even if this were true, the sons were hardly chargeable with this. James may have thought that Albany was insufficiently vigorous in obtaining his ransom, but it is more probable that he decided to get rid of the family because of their success as regents, the first step in James’s campaign to break the power of the Scottish nobility, and most probable that James considered that their annihilation would remove the most dangerous claimants to the throne, especially in view of the first earl’s management of Robert III.

430. King lames the first. King James I. of Scotland (1394-1437), second son of Robert III. and Annabella Drummond, born shortly before August 1, 1394. After his mother’s death in 1402 he was sent to St Andrews under Henry Wardlaw (cr. Bishop, 1403). In March 1402 his elder brother David, Duke of Rothesay [413], was murdered at the instance of his uncle, Albany, and Archibald, fourth Earl of Douglas. The aged king, fearing that Albany might murder James as well, sent him to France under the care of the Earl of Orkney and Alexander Seton, afterwards Lord Gordon, but their vessel was captured by the English off Flamborough Head. The Prince, Orkney, and Seton were sent to London ; but while the Prince and his squire, William Gifford, were detained by Henry IV., Orkney and Seton were released. The exact date of the capture is not known, but probably it occurred 1404-1406. 88 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

James remained a prisoner in England for nineteen years, but he was actually safer there than in Scotland, and Henry took pains to have him well educated. He was given considerable liberty, but on the accession of Henry V. he was recommitted to the Tower (1413), together with Albany’s son, Murdoch, Earl of Fife, a prisoner since Homildon Hill. In August he was transferred to Windsor. In 1420 he joined Henry V. in France, and after seeing the execution of his own countrymen who had taken part in the defence of Melun, he took part in the triumphal entry of Henry into Paris, December 1, 1420. After Henry’s death James returned to England. Murdoch had been ransomed in 1416, and in May 1421 it was agreed that James should return to Scotland, on hostages being given. In 1423 the commissioners for his exchange met at Pontefract, and agreed on a ransom of 60,000 marks, to be paid in six yearly instalments, while the Scottish troops were to leave France, and an English lady was to be betrothed to James. James had apparently set his heart on Jane Beaufort, daughter of the Earl of Somerset. Their marriage took place at St Mary Over}', Southwark, February 12, 1424, and they set out for Scotland. At Durham twenty-eight nobles or sons of nobles were delivered in exchange, and a truce for seven years was signed. James was crowned at Scone, May 21, 1424, and at once began to settle the affairs of his kingdom. Early in 1425 Albany, the late regent, his son, and the Douglases were executed [423-429]. In 1427 the Highlands were subjugated, and in July 1428 a Franco-Scottish marriage alliance was signed, whereby the infant princess, Margaret, aged two, was affianced to the infant dauphin Louis, aged five ; but though the marriage was to be post- poned, the princess was to be educated in France. She did not actually go, however, until 1437. English protests followed, but James, while renewing the treaty between England and Scotland, would not break with France. In following years trade treaties were signed with Flanders and Denmark, and James endeavoured to reform abuses within the Church. Throughout his reign he pursued the policy of restricting the power of his nobles, re-formed the Parliament on English lines, and so secured the support of the Church and the boroughs. He was particularly instrumental in protecting the holdings of farmers and small landowners. But in his ruthless campaign against the nobles he had aroused the opposition which led to his tragic death at the hands of Sir Robert Graham on the night of February 20, 1437. Lindsay describes him as the— Gem of Ingyne, and peirll of polycie. Well of lustice, and flude of Eloquence. These are not idle words. The last refers to his fame as poet, he being the author of The Kingis Quair and The Ballade of Good Counsel. The ascription to him of Christ's Kirk on the Grene and Peblis to the Play is not proved, and these poems are also ascribed to James V. As “ peirll of polycie ” James did more for Scotland than any of his successors, and as " well of lustice,” he tried, though harsh and stern with his personal enemies, to stamp out wrongdoing. 431-32. Gem of Ingyne, and < . . flude of Eloquence. Chalmers, I. 310, NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 89

" Gawin Douglas calls Virgil, ' Gem of ingyne and flude of eloquence ': Lyndsay had this before him.” Cf. Douglas, Eneados, Bk. I., Prologue, line 4 [Douglas, Works, ed. Small, II. 3], " Gemme of ingine and fluide of eloquence.”

435-36. The story of James’s murder is one of the most romantic stories of the Middle Ages. His treatment of the great nobles from the time of his coronation onwards, in an attempt to curb their power, resulted in the growth of formidable opposition to his policy, but by 1436 only Atholl (his uncle), Douglas (his nephew), Crawford and Moray remained. In October of that year James embarked with siege of Roxburgh, to avenge the English raid at Peperden in September, but after fifteen days was forced to return owing to a revolt of the northern barons. He proceeded to Perth to keep Christmas, and on the night of February 20, 1437, he was attacked by Sir Robert Graham, uncle of the Earl of Strathearn, whose estates James had forfeited, and his followers. James hid himself while Catherine Douglas barred the door with her arm through the staples, but her arm was snapped across by the attackers. James’s hiding place was discovered, and after the king had wounded two men Graham slew him with his sword. The conspirators fled, but within a month were captured, tortured, and executed. 437. lames the secunde. James II. of Scotland. Born October 16, 1430, succeeding his father as a minor, but in the custody of his mother. The regent was Archibald, fifth Earl of Douglas, who died in 1439. In that year the queen-mother married James Stewart, knight of Lome, and they were both seized by Sir Alexander Livingstone, who compelled them to give up the custody of the prince. In 1443 civil war broke out, and lasted for three years. On July 3, 1449, James married Mary of Gueldres at Holyrood. The result of his marriage was his escape from tutelage, and the downfall of the Livingstones, who were arrested and executed. James followed the example of his father in trying to keep down the turbulent nobles, even, on the discovery of a conspiracy, murdering the Earl of Douglas with his own hands (February 22, 1452). An outbreak followed, and on May 17 was fought the battle of Brechin Moor, in which the Earl of Huntly, fighting for the king, was victorious. The king was absolved by Parliament for his part in the murder of Douglas, and, collecting an army, marched south, wasting the lands of the Douglases in Peebles, Selkirk, and Dumfries. In 1453 he led his forces north of the Tay against the Earl of Crawford. In 1455 he was again compelled to crush the Douglases, a widespread rebellion having broken out, and he spent the years 1457-58 again pacifying the Highlands. At the same time he carried out a series of raids against the English, and after the flight of Henry VI.’s queen, Margaret, and her son to Scotland, following Henry’s defeat at Northampton in July 1460, he renewed the war with England. He besieged Roxburgh, but on Sunday, August 3, 1460, while watching the discharge of a bombard, the wedge of which accidentally flew out, he was killed on the spot, together with the Earl of Angus, who was standing near. go THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

437-43. This stanza, with the alteration of pronouns his to thy, him to thee, where necessary, is quoted by Pitscottie, Croniclis, I. 147, as the introductory stanza to " Ane Exclamatioun of King James the secund . . the remaining thirteen stanzas being Pitscottie’s own composition.

438. Superexcelland glare. James II. was the most powerful king Scotland had had, being practically absolute monarch. He was greatly loved by the commoners, among whom he moved freely.

444-485. lames the thrid. James III. of Scotland. Born July 10, 1451. Son of James II., and a minor at his father’s death. The queen-mother at once assumed power, her counsellors being Kennedy, Archbishop of St Andrews, and James Lindsay, Provost of Lincluden. The English war was continued, but while the queen was supported by the younger nobles, she was opposed by the older. She died on November 16, 1463, when James was twelve years of age. The nobility at once began the usual struggle for power, the principal being Lord Kennedy, uncle of the king, and brother of the Archbishop ; Robert, son of Malcolm Fleming ; and Sir Alexander Boyd, Governor of Edinburgh Castle. The king’s person was seized, and he was taken to Edinburgh Castle, but his captors were pardoned, and allowed to govern. In July 1469 James married Margaret, daughter of Christian of Denmark, at Holyrood, and undertook the government. Thereafter a series of misfortunes happened. James had favourites from the lower ranks in William Schevez, a physician and astrologer, whom he made Archbishop of St Andrews in 1478, and Robert Cochrane, an architect. The royal family was divided against itself, and J ames’s younger brothers, Albany and Mar, were more popular than he, for they took part in the martial pastimes of the age, while James studied music, architecture, and literature. In consequence he was regarded as unfit to govern, and in 1476 Albany and Mar, with a committee of the great barons, prelates, and representatives of the burghs, were given almost regal powers. Jealous of his brothers, in 1479 James arrested Mar on a charge of witchcraft. Mar died, and foul play was suspected. James then committed his greatest mistake in granting to Cochrane the vacant earldom of Mar. Then Albany was arrested, but he escaped from Edinburgh Castle, and sailed from Leith to France. There he married Anne de la Tour, and came to England. Edward IV. was working actively against Scotland, and in 1482 Albany, with an English army, invaded Scotland. But with dramatic suddenness James and Albany became reconciled, through the offices of the Archbishop of St Andrews ; but in less than a year, on February 1483, Edward IV. entered into a fresh conspiracy with Albany, by which Albany was to receive the crown of Scotland. The conspiracy was discovered, and Albany entered into an agreement with James. Instead, however, of carrying out the agreement, he fortified Dunbar Castle. The next English king, Richard III., would have supported him, but was unable to do so, and on the capture of the castle by James, Albany escaped to France, where he was killed in a tournament in 1485. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 91

In 1487 James’s reckless expenditure on building, his favourites, and his general incapacity caused a fresh outbreak of the nobles. Forced to flee from Edinburgh, James raised his standard in Fifeshire, but was defeated at Sauchieburn, June u, 1488, about a mile south of Edinburgh. The rebels had with them Prince James, who was in the custody of the Governor of Stirling. James III. fled from the battlefield, and imprudently revealed his identity to a woman at a well by saying to her, “ I was your king this morning.” He asked for a priest, and one of Lord Grey’s men assumed that character. The king asked to be shriven, and the soldier, replying that he would give him a short shrift, slew him.

449. Cochrame. Robert Cochrane, architect in the employ of James III. He became James’s chief favourite about the year 1476, and succeeded in alienating James from his brothers, the Duke of Albany and the Earl of Mar, by suggesting to the king that they wished to dethrone him, they being more popular than the king. Mar was accused of witchcraft, and died, not without a suspicion of foul play on James’s part [464], and Cochrane was rewarded with the earldom of Mar. His elevation to such high rank aroused the anger of the older nobility, for he had received one of the most dignified and one of the oldest of the Scottish titles, and discontent grew when Cochrane suggested, and carried through, the debasement of the coinage, owing to the economic difficulties attendant on James’s reckless building. In the fighting of 1482, when Albany invaded Scotland with an English army, Cochrane received command of the artillery, and the nobles decided to wreak their vengeance on him. At Lauder he was taken from his horse, and was hanged in the sight of the king like a thief, with a common rope, not with the silk cords of his tent, to which honour the nobility was entitled. At the same time others of the king’s favourites were hanged : Roger, an English musician ; Torphechen, a fencing master ; Leonard, a smith ; Proctor, a gentleman of the court; and two others. This was the " catyue companye ” to which Lindsay refers in lines 449, 465.

444A85. These stanzas are quoted by Pitscottie, Croniclis, I. 211-12, as " Ane Exclamatioun of King James the Thrid and of his wickit cunsall and quhat succes and for counsall it ?e samyne [title corrupt: ? ‘ and quha counsallit ^e samyne ’].” Pitscottie’s variants, other than changes of person not here noted, are : 445. that wicked variatioun. 447. quhan that he had gournance. 451. had neuer beine borne. 453. Thay grew as wyddis dois abone the corne. 462. men war. 468. ovir the. 473. myingyne. 475. or ruwyne. 481. sampsone [omitting supportit]. 482. of the gret. 92 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

484-85. At morne . . . Att ewin. Lindsay here appears to be referring to the story of James’s interview with the woman at the well on the evening of his defeat at Sauchieburn, and his melancholy confession on her asking who he was, “ I was your king this morning.” Cf. Papyngo, 216. Cf. Ane Ballat declaring the Nohill and Gude inclinatioun of our king, lines 6-7, Satirical Poems, I. 31 : Ane King at euin, with Sceptur, Sword, & Croun, At mome hot ane deformit lumpe of clay. The " inspiration ” is clearly from Lindsay. Cf. Seneca, Hercules Oetaeus, 641-42 : quos felices Cynthia vidit, vidit miseros enata dies. 486-520. lames the feird. James IV. of Scotland. Born March 17, 1473, son of James III. As a minor in the custody of the Governor of Stirling he was taken to the battlefield of Sauchieburn on the side of the rebels [479-80], and throughout his life deemed himself responsible for his father’s murder, wearing a hair shirt next his body by way of penance, and paying for masses for his father’s soul at Cambuskenneth. This, together with his frequent pilgrimages, may be referred to in line 491. In 1489 he crushed the rebellion of the Earl of Lennox and Lord Lyle in the Highlands, and in 1493 he visited the Western Isles, where there had been trouble, and received the homage of the chiefs. Trouble there broke out repeatedly during his reign, especially in 1494-95 and 1498. In 1504 he led an expedition into Eskdale to quell the Armstrongs and the Jardines. Lindsay commemorates the splendour of his courts. He held tournaments, at which he himself jousted [502]. On August 8, 1502, he married Margaret, daughter of Henry VII., the festivities costing £2000. Other occasions for festivities were his reception of Perkin Warbeck, the pretender to the English throne, and the reception of d’Aubigny. He was induced, through friendship for France, with whom he had the usual understanding, to lead his army into England in the summer of 1512 [505-6]. Lindsay gives no details of the campaign, although he was present in the church of Linlithgow when the apparition appeared to James warning him not to embark on this war. We do not, however, know if Lindsay accompanied the army. Flodden, after weeks of dallying along the Border, was fought on September 9, 1512, when James was killed, and most of the Scottish nobility perished with him. Twenty years later the nation had hardly recovered from the slaughter, as Lindsay appears to indicate in lines 508-9. James, it appears from the various accounts, had alienated the support of many of his strongest nobles, who protested against the campaign from the beginning, and allowed their opposition to take the form of advice contrary to the decisions of James on the eve of battle. Lindsay speaks of James IV. with deep feeling. He had known him, and had entered court service in his reign, and seems to have had a personal liking for him. His death left Scotland once again under a regency, James V. being a minor. These stanzas, 486-520, together with 521-527, were inserted by NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 93

Pitscottie into his Croniclis, I. 277-78, as " Ane Exclamatioun of James the Fourt and quhat he was in his lyf tyme. How he was exteimit [esteemed].” As with 11. 437-443, there is a change of person, not recorded here. Pitscottie’s variant readings are : 486. Alaice that thow art gone Richt Redowtit roy. 488. I traist to chryst thy saull restis in ioy. 489. rang nevir vpone. 502. Triumpheand turnamentis. The stanza 521-527 is freely altered by Pitscottie, who transfers it!from an address to the “ Brether at Court” as in Lindsay, to an address to " Kings.” He repeats this stanza, in a different form again, at the beginning of “ Ane Deploratioun of King James the Fyft," in which he boldly applies the remaining portion of Lindsay’s description of the reign of James IV. to James V. Mackay overlooks this point. I quote the remaining variants here : 545. had the gowernance. 546. within schort. 557. frome tyme. In Lindsay, stanza 563-569 deals with the Duke of Bourbon, and stanza 570-576 begins the description of the fall of Wolsey. These are omitted by Pitscottie. The next stanza in Lindsay, 577-583, continuing the story of Wolsey, is used by Pitscottie, but is altered to describe the fall of James Beaton : 577. His prelacie pomp. 582. Availled him nocht his prudence most perfound. Stanza 584-590 is considerably altered by Pitscottie, and also stanza 598-604. Pitscottie adds two stanzas of his own composition.

527. Our %ong prince. James V. of Scotland, son of James IV., and a minor at his accession in September 1512. Born at Linlithgow, April 10, 1512 ; crowned, after the death of his father at Flodden, in September 1513. The early years of his reign, to 1524, were nominally under the regency of John Stewart, Duke of Albany ; but there was much striving for power between James’s mother Margaret of England, her second husband, Archibald, Earl of Angus, the Earl of Arran, and Albany. Finally, Albany left Scotland for France, his spiritual home, on May 20, 1524, intending not to return. On July 26, 1524, the queen-mother and the nobles who were in the English interest carried off James from Stirling to Edinburgh, where he was acclaimed. In November Albany was deprived of his regency, and the king was declared to have full authority, with council composed of his mother and others. Then Angus, who had been in England, returned to Scotland, and after some opposition was admitted to the council; but after Margaret’s divorce from Angus she married her favourite, Henry Stewart, and lost all political influence. Although James was again given authority to rule in June 1526, the Government was really in the hands of Douglas and his supporters and family. Two attempts were made to rescue the king, one by Walter Scott of Buccleugh, near Melrose, July 25, 1526 ; 94 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY the other by Lennox in September, Lennox being slain. In November Parliament approved of Angus’s actions, and Angus assumed the office of chancellor, and in June 1527 took James south to pacify the Borders. In March 1528 Margaret and Stewart were forcibly expelled from Edinburgh Castle by Angus, and in July, after being prompted by James Beaton, James made his escape from Falkland during the temporary absence of the Douglases to Stirling Castle. When Angus went in pursuit he was met by a herald forbidding him to come within six miles of the court on pain of treason, and on September 2 the Douglases had their estates forfeited. In line 527 Lindsay refers to the strict guard which the Douglases held over the king during the four years of their ascendency, partly to prevent him falling into the hands of Margaret, but partly to pretend that what was done was done in the king’s name. They took him to the Borders and to the Highlands, and from what Lindsay says, paid little or no heed to his own wishes.

543. Margareit : Margaret Tudor (1489-1541), queen of James IV. of Scotland and eldest daughter of Henry VII. of England and Elizabeth of York. Marriage negotiations between James IV. and Margaret were begun in 1495, but they were delayed again and again until January 1502. The espousals were celebrated by proxy at Richmond on January 25, 1503, and she left for Scotland in June, the marriage proper taking place at Holyrood on August 8. In honour of this event Dunbar composed The Thistle and the Rose. Their first child was not born till February 21, 1507—a son, James, who died on February 28, 1508. On July 15, 1508, a daughter was born, who died almost immediately ; and on October 20, 1509, a son, Arthur, was born, he dying on July 15, 1510. On April 10, 1512, was born James V., and in November of that year was born a premature daughter, who did not survive. A posthumous son, Alexander, created Duke of Ross, was born on April 30, 1514. During the later years of the king’s life he again turned to France, but Margaret supported the English party, headed by Angus (Bell-the- Cat). In 1513 James decided to intervene in the war between England and France, and Margaret tried, but in vain, to trade on his superstitious nature by warnings in dreams and miraculous visitations, as that in the church of Linlithgow in Lindsay’s presence. Margaret, after her husband’s death at Flodden, found herself named in his will as regent and guardian of James V., contrary to the tradition of Scotland, by which the guardian was the next in succession. He also bequeathed her, besides her dower, one-third of his personal revenues. After Flodden she took James V. from Linlithgow to Perth for his coronation, and endeavoured to stop hostilities with England ; but the French party in Scotland was too strong for her, and she was forced to consent to the recall from France of the next heir after her two sons, John Stewart, Duke of Albany, whom the French party wished to see appointed regent. Within a short time she broke with her council, and went to her dower castle, Stirling, where she was supported by James Hamilton, second Earl of Arran, and Lord Home ; but, having effected a reconciliation between the parties, which, however, proved only temporary, NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO Q5 she was able to have Scotland included in the truce between England and France which was signed on July 29, 1514. Henry VIII., however, did not compel Louis XII. to keep Albany in France, and thus Margaret was forced to accept aid from the Douglases. The Scots wished her to marry either Louis XII. or the Emperor Maxi- milian, but she would have neither, and married Archibald Douglas, sixth Earl of Angus, privately at Kinnoull on August 6, 1514. The marriage was not long kept secret, and then Margaret discovered that its only result was to increase the hatred of the French party against her and to strengthen it. First, Margaret was compelled to give the Archbishopric of St Andrews to Forman instead of to her favourite Gavin Douglas ; and second, she was forced to sign an invitation to Albany to act as governor ; and third, the council decided that because of her marriage to Angus she must forfeit the right of bringing up her son. For a short time she held out at Stirling, but Albany arrived in May 1515, broke up the Douglas party, and laid siege to Stirling. Early in August she surrendered, and Albany obtained possession of James. Henry urged her to return to England, and she did escape to Northum- berland, where she gave birth to a daughter by Angus, Margaret Douglas, afterwards Countess of Lennox and mother of Lord Darnley. On December 18 her second son, Alexander, died. At the instance of Lord Dacre she wrote an accusation against Albany of endeavouring to secure the crown and of driving her from Scotland. She demanded her son and the regency. These attempts failing, she travelled to London, where she remained until 1517, deserted by her husband, who found Albany less difficult. She was allowed to see her son in Edinburgh Castle, and was promised the restoration of her dower revenues, and, travelling north, was met by Angus and entered Edinburgh on June 17. Albany had left Scotland for one of his periodic visits to France on June 8, but before going had ensured that the agreement with Margaret would not be carried out, for fear lest she should carry James to England. She found Angus and Arran striving for power, and at first sided with her husband ; but when he broke his promise regarding her dower lands she broke with him, joined Arran, and wrote to Henry in October 1518 begging him to procure a divorce, but he refused in a strongly worded letter. In anger she joined the party hostile to England, and besought Albany to return. The letter fell into Henry’s hands, and when tackled by Wolsey in July 1519, Margaret blamed the lords and her distresses. In 1520 Angus defeated Arran in the " Cleanse the Causey ” fight in Edinburgh, April 20, and she once more changed sides. Henry urged a reconciliation with Angus, and at the same time Arran opposed her resumption of the regency at Albany's own request. On October 15, 1520, she therefore joined Angus again, but within four months they had quarrelled, and Margaret rejoined Arran. In November 1521 Albany, who at Henry’s request had been detained by Francis in France, returned to Scotland, as Henry now sided with Charles V. Soon came the accusation of tenderness between Albany and Margaret; but Albany had had “ enough of one wife,” and though it was rumoured in England that they intended to marry if she could secure her divorce, no such step was contemplated. But 96 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

their combination was so strong that they were able to deport the unwanted Angus to France. On October 27, 1522, Albany returned to France, and Margaret, as regent, began to form an English party round herself and the king. She endeavoured to have James emancipated from tutelage ; but though Albany had delayed his return, he arrived back in time to stop any further drift towards England, and once more deprived her of her son (November 18), but fearing that Angus was about to return she came to terms with Albany, recognised the parliamentary arrangements for James’s tutelage, and agreed to his marriage to a French princess. She would not, however, promise not to attempt an alliance with England during his absence from Scotland, May to September 1524. At the end of June Angus arrived in England from France, and Margaret and Arran took James from Stirling to Edinburgh, where they were acclaimed, and Parliament agreed at her request to end Albany’s regency. Her triumph soon came to an end, for she disgusted all by her conduct with Henry Stewart, the newly appointed master- carver to the king, who was made by her lieutenant of the king’s English guard, and treasurer, and, astute politician that he was, hearing that Margaret and Arran were in favour of a French alliance, Henry VIII. seized his opportunity at a critical moment, and sent Angus across the border towards the end of October 1524. Parliament imposed restrictions on Angus, but she was compelled to admit him into the council of regency in February 21, 1525. His influence grew rapidly, and hers as rapidly declined. She agitated repeatedly for divorce, which he refused to grant. In July she was deprived of authority, and she was compelled to admit that Angus was master of Scotland, and Angus even consented to a divorce on condition that she renounced Henry Stewart. By November her influence over James was supreme, but when she demanded from him the return of Stewart he refused, and she returned to Stirling. On March n, 1527, she obtained her divorce from Angus, though she did not hear the news until December, and before March 1528 she had married Henry Stewart. James was furious, and Stewart was put into ward, but when James escaped from the Douglases in June, Margaret and Stewart became his chief advisers. James created Stewart Lord Methven and appointed him master of the artillery, while Margaret travelled about in triumph with James. Her later life until her death in 1541 does not concern us. Lindsay only mentions one of the occasions on which she durst not be seen in the court, but he says that he believed it was “ appropriate ” to have her tutor of the king and governor of the realm, which is proof enough of his support of her party, and possibly of her foreign policy of alliance with England against France.

549. lames Betoun : James Beaton (d. 1539), archbishop of Glasgow and St Andrews, sixth son of James Bethune of Balfour, Fifeshire. Educated St Andrews ; M.A., 1493 ; chanter of Caithness, 1497 ; provost of Bothwell, 1503 ; prior of Whithorn, 1504 ; abbot of Dunferm- line, 1504 ; bishop of Galloway and archbishop of Glasgow, 1509 ; archbishop of St Andrews and primate, 1522. He had been Lord Trea- NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 97 surer, 1505 ; chancellor, 1513 ; deprived of chancellorship by Angus, 1526. During the years of the regency he was leader of the French party, and rather created strife unnecessarily, openly assisting Arran in the " Cleanse the Causey” dispute in 1520, when his life was saved at the altar of the church of Greyfriars by Bishop Gavin Douglas of Dunkeld, whose bitter enemy he was. His life is also notorious for the unseemly quarrel with the archbishop of Glasgow concerning the superiority of the sees of Glasgow and St Andrews, of which a vivid description is given by Knox ; and by his burning of the Protestant martyr, Patrick Hamilton, lay abbot of Fern, Ross-shire, at St Andrews, 1528—the first to suffer. He was also responsible for the burning of Henry Forest at St Andrews and Daniel Stratton and Norman Gourlay at Edinburgh. He founded the Divinity College at St Andrews, and died in 1539.

560. Dissagysit lyke I hone the raif. John the Reeve was the hero of a fourteenth century English poem, narrating an adventure of Edward I. with one of his reeves, rept. Hales and Furnwell, Percy Folio MS., II. 550, and Laing, Ancient Popular Poetry (1885), 46. He is also referred to by Douglas, Police of Honour, Pt. iii. [Douglas, Works, ed. Small, I. 65, lines 3-4] : I saw Raf Coil^ear with his thrawin brow, Craibit Johne the Reif, and auld Cowkewyis [Cockelbie’s] Sow. and by Dunbar, Schir, %it remembir, 1. 104 {Works, II. 105) : Kyne of Rauf Col^ard and Johnne the Reif. 56b. Kyng francose. Francis I. of France, 1494-1547. Succeeded Louis XII. on January 1, 1515. His reign was occupied with a struggle against the emperor, Charles V., and with his dream of a French conquest of Italy. He was one of the monarchs present at the Field of the Cloth of Gold, 1520. The campaign in Italy in 1525 ended in disaster to his armies at Pavia (February 25, 1525), where, though fighting with great personal bravery, he was captured by the emperor. He was taken as a prisoner to Madrid, where after some vacillation he signed the Treaty of Madrid (1526). He was the father of Madeleine of France, the first queen of James V.

565. The Duke of Burboun. Charles, Duke of Bourbon, 1490-1527, Constable of France, second son of Gilbert, Count of Montpensier, and Dauphin of Auvergne. In 1505 Charles married Suzanne, heiress of Peter II., Duke of Bourbon, by Anne of France, daughter of Louis XII., after his marriage assuming the title of Duke of Bourbon. Thus at the age of fifteen he became, by his marriage, the wealthiest nobleman in Europe. Shortly after 1513 he was made Constable of France, and for his services in Italy at the battle of Marignano (September 1515) he was made governor of Milan, which he defended against the Emperor Maxi- milian. Dissensions soon arose between him and Francis, and he was recalled. The death of Bourbon’s wife without surviving issue on April 28, 1521, gave the king’s mother, Louise of Savoy, the opportunity of avenging her slighted love for Bourbon, and also her personal greed. 98 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

and she commenced an action in the Parliament of Paris, in which she, as granddaughter of Charles, Duke of Bourbon, who died in 1456, claimed some of the fiefs of Burgundy. Before the Parliament could decide, Francis I. handed over part of the estates and ordered the rest to be forfeited. Bourbon thereupon renewed his negotiations with the emperor and Henry VIII., and agreed to raise a force to assist the emperor to invade France, and to recognise Henry VIII. as king. The invasion of Italy by Francis in 1525 checked these plans, and Bourbon fled to Italy after Francis had tried in vain to persuade him to accompany the French army. In 1524 he headed the imperial forces in Lombardy, and forced the French across the Sesia, in which battle the Chevalier Bayard was mortally wounded, and drove his countrymen out of Italy. In August 1524 he invested Marseilles, but was forced to retreat to the Milanese. He took part in the battle of Pavia (February 25, 1525), when Francis was defeated and taken prisoner, but he was cheated of his kingdom by the Treaty of Madrid (1526), and was offered the Duchy of Milan instead. In February 1527 his army was joined by German Protestant mer- cenaries, and advanced on Rome. Refusing to recognise the truce between Pope Clement VII. and the viceroy of Naples, he tried to win over the Pope by a display of force, but his unpaid and starving troops mutinied. On May 5, 1527, the imperial army appeared before the walls of Rome, and on the following morning Bourbon attacked, and while mounting a scaling ladder he was mortally wounded by a shot which Benvenuto Cellini claimed to have fired. His troops continued their attack, and Rome was sacked.

568. Pape Clement. Pope Clement VII. Pope, 1523-1534. On his accession there was a political change in the Papacy in favour of France, but Clement wavered between deciding for the emperor and Francis I. He made a treaty with Francis, but after the battle of Pavia (February 25, 1525) made one with the Emperor Charles, breaking this on the outbreak of the freedom of Italy movement. The betrayal of his new plans to the emperor caused his fresh submission, but Clement then made a league with Francis, May 22, 1526. This was immediately followed by the imperial invasion of Italy and Bourbon’s sack of Rome, during which Clement was besieged in the Castle of St Angelo, and compelled to ransom himself on June 6, 1527, by payment of 400,000 scudi, but he was kept in confinement until November 26, 1527, and finally escaped on December 6. The Treaty of Cambrai was signed on August 3, 1529. He met Charles at Bologna, and gave him the imperial crown and the iron crown of Lombardy. He was restored to the greater part of his temporal power, but remained subservient to the emperor. He brought about the marriage of Henry of Orleans and Catherine of Medici, October 27, 1535, but he had died the year before, on September 25. 1534- 570-71. In Ingland . . . thare tryumphand courtly Cardinall. Cardinal Wolsey (1475 N1530) : king’s chaplain, 1507; dean of Lincoln, 1509; canon of Windsor, 1511 ; cardinal, 1515; legate a latere, 1518; opposed the divorce of Henry VIII. and Catherine of Arragon; ordered NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 99 to give up the Great Seal, October 19, 1529 ; attainted, December 1 ; arrested for high treason, November 4, 1530 ; died on his way to London for trial, November 29, 1530. Lindsay does not refer to Wolsey’s death, but to his fall, and hence the poem must have been composed between October 1529 and November 1530.

578. It was said of Wolsey that his palace exceeded that of the king in magnificence.

584. The Erlis of Dowglas. Chalmers, I. 319, "The allusion is, particularly, to the two last earls of Douglas ; William, earl of Douglas, who fell by the king’s dagger, in 1452 ; and James, his brother, who, after rebellion, and forfeiture, died quietly in the abbey of Lindores, in 1488.” The Douglas family was descended from William of Douglas (fl. 1177- 1214). The first earl was Sir William Douglas (c. 1330-1384), whose natural son George, by his sister-in-law Margaret, Countess of Mar and Angus, succeeded to his mother’s estates, and was created Earl of Angus. There is much disagreement among authorities as to the causes of trouble between James I. and Archibald, fifth Earl of Douglas (c. 1390-1439) and James II. and William, sixth Earl of Douglas (c. 1425- 1440, when executed). William, eighth Earl of Douglas (second son of Archibald, third earl), was stabbed with a dagger by James II. at Stirling Castle, February 20, 1452, in, it is believed, a moment of anger during a dispute concerning the earl’s suspected league with Alexander, Earl of Crawford, then in conflict with the Government. His wounds might not have proved fatal, but courtiers rushed into the room, presumably to defend the king, and stabbed him to death. The ninth Earl of Douglas was James, brother of the eighth earl, and twin brother of Archibald, Earl of Moray. Trouble broke out with the Douglases after the murder of the eighth earl, the king being proclaimed as a Covenant breaker, as he had given the earl a safe conduct; but after a military demonstration by the king in Selkirk, Peebles, and Dumfries, the ninth earl submitted temporarily. Civil war broke out in 1455, but Douglas fled to England, where he received a pension of £500 yearly from Henry VI., and remained in England for twenty years. In 1484 he joined with Alexander, Duke of Albany, brother of James III., and Edward IV. in an invasion of Scotland, but they received no support, and at Lochmaben their force was defeated, Albany escaping, but Douglas being made prisoner. It is said that he was sentenced to retirement in the monastery of Lindores. The date of his death was formerly given as April 15, 1488, but his pension from James IV. of £200 yearly was paid until Whitsuntide 1491. He had no issue by either of his two wives, and after his death the title became extinct. Lindsay’s harsh view of the Earls of Douglas is derived directly from Boece, History of Scotland, but much in Boece regarding them is now discredited. 587. The Erie of Marche. Chalmers, I. 320, " Probably George, the 12th earl of March, who was forfeited by parliament, in 1434." The Earls of March lived 1290-1435, the first being Patrick Dunbar, 100 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Earl of Dunbar (c. 1242-1308). The third earl, George (c. 1336-c. 1418), was great-nephew of the second, and it was his daughter Elizabeth whom David, Duke of Rothesay, jilted in favour of Marjorie Douglas, daughter of the Earl of Douglas. The earl revolted, July 25, 1400, and joined the English, fighting at Homildon Hill and Shrewsbury. After the death of Robert III. in 1406 he was restored to Scotland, but only after forfeiting to the Earl of Douglas the lordship of Annandale and the castle of Lochmaben by charter, October 2, 1409. His son George became the fourth earl on his father’s death in c. 1418. He had consented to the alienations of 1409. He was employed in negotiating the ransom of James I., whom he met at Durham on his return to Scotland in 1424. He was arrested with Albany, but sat at his trial on May 24, 1425. Between 1425 and 1434 he went on several embassies to England ; but in 1434 the king, on the pretence of his holding an earldom and estates which had been forfeited by his father for treason, his pardon having been granted only by a regent, not a king, which was thus declared invalid, seized his lands, and referring the matter to Parliament, January 10, 1434-35, bad the title and estates forfeited. The earl fled to England. James granted him the title of Duke of Buchan, but he never assumed it, and ten years later it was granted elsewhere. Dunbar retained the barony of Kilconquhar, Fife, which he held from the bishop of St Andrews. James’s accusation was solely an excuse, to further his plan for curbing the power of the nobility.

590. Archebalde, Umquhyle the Erie of Angous. Cf. The Tragedie of the Late Cardinal, 133, 2x1. Archibald Douglas, sixth Earl of Angus (? 1489-1557), grandson of Archibald, fifth Earl of Angus (1449-1514), by his eldest son George Douglas, Master of Douglas, killed at Flodden, 1513. It is impossible in a short note to do justice to his career. After the death of James IV. the queen-dowager, Margaret, married Douglas within four months of the birth of her posthumous son, Alexander, Duke of Ross, at Kinnoull. The marriage alienated the nobles, for Douglas was a partisan of England, and the privy council attempted to deprive her of her regency, but instead Angus deprived Beaton of the Great Seal. Angus was strongly advised by the Earl of Arran not to recall Albany, but the latter landed at Dumbarton on May 18, 1515, and was installed regent. Albany at once began to restrain the power of the Douglases, and threatened to deprive Margaret of her children, and sent to Stirling to demand the custody of the young king. Margaret declined to hand J ames over, though Angus seems to have been willing, in order to save his estates. Later Margaret surrendered the castle to Albany’s forces, and on the way to Linlithgow escaped to Northumber- land, where she gave birth to Margaret Douglas, afterwards Countess of Lennox and mother of Darnley, and then went to London. During her absence Angus became friendly with Albany. In June 1517 she returned to Scotland, hoping in Albany’s absence in France to be made regent, but was disappointed in this, and was not even allowed to see her son. During her absence Angus had been unfaithful to her, and through this and other causes she and her husband quarrelled. She wrote to Henry VIII. desiring a divorce, but Henry NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO IOI would not help her, especially as her own conduct was not above suspicion, and a temporary reconciliation was effected with Angus. Mar- garet, however, was playing a waiting game, and in June 1520 Albany, her former enemy, went to Rome to try to secure her divorce. On his return to Scotland at the close of 1521 the queen openly sided with him against Angus, but during his absence Angus had seized the government, after the “ Cleanse the Causey ” skirmish in Edinburgh, 1520, but failed to capture Stirling. On Albany’s return Angus was called to account, but went to France, probably with the connivance of the queen and Albany, and as a prisoner on parole. In June 1524 he broke parole and reached London. In May Albany had returned to France, after his failure to capture Wark, and Margaret obtained recognition for the coronation of the king in July. In the meantime she acted as regent, but shocked the nobles by flirting with Lord Avondale, and profiting by general discontent with the queen, Angus, aided by Wolsey, returned to Scotland. Margaret greeted him with gunshot, but within a short time she found it advisable to make an agreement with him, by which he was admitted to the council of regency, and the Parliament of February 23, 1525, was opened by the king, Angus bearing the crown, Arran the sceptre, and Argyll the sword. Margaret continued to press for divorce from Angus, but he declined to consent. He did good work during 1525 in suppressing the Borders, and he gradually grew more and more master of the whole country. Several attempts were made to secure the person of the king by force of arms, but Angus was able to defeat these, and travelled, with the king, both to the Highlands and Borders during 1527-28 on pacification work. At last, on March 11, 1528, the queen obtained her divorce. Angus never consented to this, and did not marry again until after the queen’s death in 1541. Margaret secretly married Henry Stewart. In June the king escaped from the Douglases, and in September they were forfeited. From 1529 to 1542 Angus lived in exile in England. He then returned to Scotland, where he worked well until his death in I557- For his later life after 1542, see note to The Tragedie, 133. 597. This line is repeated in The Tragedie, 175, to describe the fall of Lennox.

605-611. Court of Troye . . . Alexander . . . lulius . . . Agamenone. As he discloses in The Dreme, 42, Lindsay had written the romances of Troy, Tyre, and Thebes, but neither Alexander nor Julius Caesar would appear in these. Lindsay also tells us {Dreme, 34-35] that he has written the stories of Hector, Arthur, gentle Julius, Alexander, and Pompey, and from the allusion to them in the Papyngo we must deduce that he had written a poem of the Falls of Princes type. 608. Agamenone. The form, though incorrect, is easy to read and correct in rhythm. Emendation is not desirable. The stress falls on the second syllable.

612-25. The theological attitude towards the courts of kings was one of self-consolation. The long-continued rivalry between the church and VOL. III. H 102 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY the various states for supremacy had developed the biblical attitude that the court of Heaven, God, or Christ, was permanent, while those of earthly kings was transitory. This was the natural outcome of the Jewish conception of a monarchical deity, which the church desired to imitate by an assumption of temporal power over the world.

628. Trew merchandis. Honest merchants.

631-32. War deuotioun . . . tynt, thay mycht be found in thee [Edin- burgh]. Chalmers, I. 322, " Were ; if devotion, &c., were lost, they might be found in Edinburgh : This is high praise from a professed satirist." The satire is here suspended, as it has been through the whole of this section of the poem, and probably devotion to the king, not religious observance, is here intended.

633. Fair Snawdoun. The old name of Stirling Castle, popularly so- called down to the nineteenth century. 634. Thy Chapell royall. Chalmers, I. 323, “ The chapel royal of Stirling Castle was founded by James IV., and richly endowed by him with the delapidations of several monasteries. Spottiswood 527 ; Keith 288.”

634. Tabyll rounde. Chalmers, I. 322, “ We here see, that Lyndsay transmits a tradition, which was known to William of Worcester [c. 1440] \Gulielmi Neubrigensis Historia . . . ed. T. Hearne. Oxford: 1719. 3 vols., pp. 7-13], in the preceding age, about Arthur and his round table.” In harmony with this tradition in Scotland, James IV. named his second son Arthur, while there is also Arthur’s Seat at Edinburgh ; and Arthur’s Oven [demolished, 1743], Larbert, Stirlingshire ; Arthur’s Seat in Dunnichen, Forfarshire ; and Ben Arthur in Argyllshire.

638. Lythquo. Linlithgow. Linlithgow was made a royal burgh by David I. Its palace became the favourite resort of the Scottish kings, and often formed part of the marriage settlements of their consorts, as in the case of Mary of Gueldres (1449), Margaret of Denmark (1468), and Margaret of England (1503). James V. was born there in 1512, and also his daughter, Mary, Queen of Scots (December 7, 1542). In later times the town and palace saw stirring scenes. Moray was assassinated in the High Street by James Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh (1570) ; the University of Edinburgh took refuge in the town from the plague of 1645-46 ; and in 1646 the national parliament which had often sat in James V.’s Lyon Chamber was held there for the last time ; in 1661 the Covenant was burnt there; in 1745 Prince Charles Edward passed through; and in 1746 General Hawley’s dragoons burnt the palace. The palace is in the form of a square, 168’ X 174', enclosing a court 91' X 88', in the centre of which stands the ruined fountain, of which an exquisite copy was placed by the Prince Consort in Holyrood Palace. The west side dates from the time of James HI., but the larger part of the south and east sides belongs to the reign of James V., about 1535, the north side being rebuilt by James VI. in 1619-30. The additions made NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 103 by James V. include the Lyon Chamber, or Parliament Hall, and the Chapel Royal. When Lindsay wrote these lines the palace was a much less pretentious affair than it was when the first version of the Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis was presented there in January 1540.

639. Patrone : pattern.

640. Falkland. Falkland Castle, Fifeshire, another palace of the Scottish kings.

641. Lowmound law : Lomond Hills, a ridge on the borders of Kinross- shire and Fifeshire, north-east of Loch Leven. Cf. Complaynt, 469, “ the lowmound besyde Falkland.”

642. Sum tyme in the I led ane lustye lyfe. Lindsay is thinking of days spent at Falkland in the service of the young king.

643. The fallow deir. Falkland was famous for its deer, and it was on the pretext of going to Falkland to hunt deer that James V. escaped from his custodians in 1528.

643. Raik on rawe : range or walk in a row. Chalmers, I. 324, refers to Henryson’s Robene and Makyne, where Robene, speaking of his sheep, says, " Lo quhair thay raik on raw.” Cf. G. Gregory Smith, Hemyson, III. 59-60, for other examples.

644-646. These lines really form yet another example of the flippant ending to a serious poem. Chalmers, I. 324, “ The village of Falkland was, no doubt, very bail, or wretched, in the days of Lyndsay : It was made a royal borough by James II., in 1458, by a charter, which recites the damage to the prelates, peers, barons, and other subjects who came to the king’s country-seat, for want of victuallers." Ibid., " Lyndsay gives the browsters a sly stroke, as they never gave gude aill: He also kicks the brewers of Couper, in his Play, for their bad ale." Cf. Ane Satyre, 4136-56.

647. In the section of the poem which follows, the characters are the Papyngo (parrot), Pye (magpie), Reuin (raven), Gled (kite). The pye represents a prior, the raven a monk, and the gled a friar. The birds chosen are such as gorge on the dead, much as described by Villon, L’Epitaphe en Forme de Ballade que feit Villon pour luy et ses compagnons s’attendant estre pendu avec eulx : La pluye nous a debuez et lavez Et le soleil dessechez et nourcies ; Pies, corbeaulx, nous ont les yeux cavez, Et arrachez la barbe et les sourcilz. Jamais, nul temps, nous ne sommes assis ; Puis 5a, puis Ik, comme le vent varie, A son plaisir, sans cesser, nous charie. Plus becquetez d’oyseaulx que dez h couldre. 104 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Birds of these voracious habits become the figures of this allegory, and represent persons of the Church who battened on the dead and dying. The satire, repeated in the Satyre, is directed against the attempts of the Church to secure property, while pretending to be solely interested in the spiritual welfare of the dying. The satire is heightened by the fact that the representatives of the Church have to introduce themselves to the papyngo, and to explain their office to her. They have clearly neglected her during her lifetime, but flock to her now she is dying, to secure her property. 654. The magpie represented a canon regular of the Order of St Augus- tine. These wore black robes [657]. The " quhyte rocket ” or rochet was the close-fitting white fine linen or lawn vestment worn by bishops and abbots. O.Fr. roquet, dim. of Low L. roccus. O.E., race : a coat. Cf. Satyre, 2751, " Our bishops with thair lustie rokats quhyte,” which leaves no doubt as to the satiric identification of these lines.

662. Pew. The cry of the kite.

672. The blak Bybill : the Mass for the dead.

678-79. I did perceive when you stole a chicken from a hen when no one was looking. The charge is twofold, that the friars thieve, and that the Church will destroy family life in order to obtain property for itself. Cf. Satyre, 1971-2022.

680. The friar is quite unabashed, and, claiming that all men are befriended by the Church, says that what the papingo calls his theft was really his legal tithe.

681. Teind. The Scottish designation for tithes, originally the tenths of certain produce uplifted from the fields, but from usage other articles came to be included. At the time of the Reformation there were 940 parochial benefices, of which 202 were designated Patronate, because the incumbent was appointed by the patron of the living ; and 678 as patrimonial, because they were parts of greater benefices belonging to bishops, or were appropriated to abbeys and other religious houses. In the patronate benefices the incumbent was styled the rector or parson, and had right to the whole teinds. In the patrimonial parishes the teinds belonged to the bishop, abbey, or religious house, and the benefice was served by a vicar or paid member of the religious corporation, who received his stipend out of the teinds. Where the bishop had the right to the teinds, the church was called a mensal church, as the revenue was destined to supply the bishop’s table. The other churches were called common churches, because the revenues were assigned to the members of the chapter, and to certain others, in common. [Note based on Green, Encyclopcedia of Scots Law, “ Teinds.”] Tithes are of great antiquity, and figure much in the Bible. They are invariably a source of discontent in times of economic distress, or where their application produces civil and social hardship, as on the very poor. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 105

In theory, tithe lands cannot secure as high a rental as free lands, as property with a ground rent is theoretically rented lower than freehold property, but this does not always work equitably. In any case, it is doubtful if one section of the community which is non-productive of wealth should be allowed to make direct charges on another. We hear much about the abuses of tithes in Lindsay : his repeated complaint is that the clergy exact the tithes but neglect their cures. Cf. Tragedie of the Late Cardinal, 299-300, and Ane Satyre, 2823-24, for tithes on wool, lambs, calves, pigs, and geese.

693. Festis funerall. Cf. Papyngo, 726 ; Test. Sq. Mel., 25, 45, 196. Literally, " funeral feast,” but better described as “ pompe funebre.” See the latter poem for a description of the arrangements for a funeral in Roman Catholic Scotland of the sixteenth century.

700. Secundum. Vsum Sarum. Chalmers, I. 328, "The old Scotish liturgy was according to the usage of Sarum, in England : The satire is obvious : It became proverbial to say of anything done in a formal manner, that it was executed ' secundum usum Sarum.’ "

701. Sand Blase to borgh : St Blaise as borrow, security, or guarantee, “ for the faithful performance of their promises,” Chalmers, I. 328. The usual “ borrow ” was St John. For St Blaise, see Index of Religious and Theological References. 702. Cry and for %ow the cairfull corrynogh : Chalmers, I. 328, " The corenoch was the old Irish, and Scotish, outcry, made, by the women, at funerals.” Coronach.

704. Saint %!ongois matynis. Laing, I. 270, " Sand Mungo. The popular name of Saint Kentigern, the patron saint of Glasgow, who is said to have been born near Culross about the year 516, and to have died on the 13th of January [603]. The Cathedral Church of Glasgow was founded and dedicated to him, probably in the twelfth century.” " Mungo ” was the Celtic greeting, " my dear one,” of a Christian pastor to whose presence his mother was brought at Culross after her miraculous journey by sea from Aberlady to Culross in a pregnant condition. Her child was born on her landing, and was baptised Kentigern. Glasgow Cathedral was founded by David I. of Scotland. See Index of Biblical and Theological References.

704. The mekle creed : The Apostles’ Creed.

706. The auld Placebo . . . and the beid. The Placebo was the name given to Vespers in the Office for the Dead, as the first antiphon began with it, Placebo Domino in regione vivorum, Vulg., Psal. cxiv. 9. The beid, bead, prayer, prayers, here for the dead.

708. Pluto. In the Middle Ages Pluto was regarded as the king of Hell, with Proserpine as his queen. io6 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

709. Derigie : dirge. The form is taken direct from the first word of the antiphon: Dirige, Domine, Dens mens, in conspectu tuo viam meam, Vulg., Psal. v. 9, sung in the Office for the Dead.

710-11. This idea is based on Matthew xxiii. 2, 3, "The scribes and Pharisees . . . say, and do not.”

712-14. The description is possibly taken from life, but it occurs in literature. Cf. Chaucer, The Nonne Prestes Tale ; Henryson, The Fox, the Wolf, and the Cadger, 2068 ; Sir Johnne Rowlis Cursing upoun the steilaris of his fowlis, Bann. MS., II. 277. The gled, or friar, is depicted as nothing more than a poultry thief. Even the king’s servants were not above theft, and had the wives making complaints: C.T., VI. 276 [July 17, 1526]. Item, gevin at the Kingis command till puyr wifis that come gretand apoun his grace for eggis taken fra thame be his servandis, . . . xx. s.

720. Exemptit frame the sen^e and the sessioun. The " senje " was the consistory court; the " sessioun ” the old court of session. Chalmers, I. 329, " Lyndsay’s object is to ridicule the freirs, for being exempted from every jurisdiction; the ecclesiastical consistory, and the civil session.” Lindsay again satirises the claim of the clergy to be exempt from civil jurisdiction in Ane Satyre, 3627 et seq. : Flatterie Freir. Now, quhat is this that thir monster meins ? I am exemptit fra Kings and Queens, And fra all humane law. . . . First Sergeant. Thir freirs to chaip punitioun, Haulds them at their exemptioun. And na man will obey : They ar exempt I jow assure, Baith fra Paip, kyng, and Empreour, And that maks all the play. Secund Sergeant. On Dumisday, quhen Christ sail say Venite benedicti : The Freirs will say without delay Nos sumus exempli. 724-737. The papyngo, rightly mistrusting the gled, would fain have her companions present, preferring her civil acquaintance to the ecclesiastical.

730. My deuyse : my device. A device is an emblem, figure, or design, borne by a particular person ; heraldic arms or cognizance. This is the first use in Lindsay of heraldic lore.

735. The swyft Swallow . . . With hir moste verteous stone restringityue. Chalmers, I. 330, “ The meaning is, that she, the swallow, would stem NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO 107 or stop her bleeding immediately. . . . The swallow is the emblem of equity, and justice ; but, I did not know, that she practised the healing art, with a vertuous stane of a restringent quality; restringityue for the rhyme.” Laing makes no comment. Many animals and birds were supposed to possess precious stones, which had healing or magical qualities. The swallow was supposed to contain a stone, in the womb or mouth, called the Chelidonius, but the lapidaries do not state that this stone, also called “ swallow-stone,” was good for the staunching of blood : it was deemed efficacious in cases of headache and fever. The name swallow, however, was applied to four different kinds of birds ; the swallow, the swift, and two kinds of martins. Cf. Joan Evans, Magical Jewels, Oxford, 1922 ; Joan Evans and Mary Serjeantson, English Mediceval Lapidaries, E.E.T.S., Vol. 190.

748. Prencis. May it not be assumed from this plural that the parrot was a real one, and that it had been a gift to James ?

750. Quhare thow transcurrit the hole Meridionall. Transcurrit: L. transcurrere, to run across. The Hole Meridional: besides meaning pertaining to the meridian, meridional means “ southern.” Either the Equator or the Tropic of Capricorn is intended.

751. The plage Septemtrionall: Plage : L. plaga, region, zone, or division of the earth. Plage Septentrional: the northern frigid zone. In the geographical system of Ptolemy the earth extended from the region of great heat to that of intense cold. Lindsay, using this idea, signifies that the parrot has travelled over the whole world.

771. Holy prematynis : fathers of the early, or primitive, Christian Church.

777. Be land and flude : by land and sea.

778. Predicatioun : predication, the act of declaring or proclaiming in public.

786. Doctryne and deid war boith equeuolent. Cf. quotation from Matthew xxiii. 1-3, in note to lines 710-n.

803. Constantyne. The Emperor Constantine the Great. Cf. The Dreme, 233 ; Satyre, 1450 ; Monarche, 4410 (where see note).

811. Procliamatioun. A certain misprint for proclamatioun.

815. Sand Syluester : Pope Sylvester, consecrated January 31, 314, died December 31, 335, fifteen months before the Emperor Constantine. See note to The Monarche, 4409.

824. Androw and I hone. The apostles Simon called Peter, and Andrew his brother, and James the son of Zebedee, and John his brother, were fishermen. Cf. Matthew iv. 18, 21. io8 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

826. Cf. Matthew iv. 20, " And they straightway left their nets, and followed him.” Also verse 22. 829. Ci. Matthew ni.

830. Lazarus, Martha, and marie Magdalane. Lazarus, his sisters Martha and Mary, did not, according to the Bible, follow Christ in the apostolic sense, although Christ knew them before the raising of Lazarus. Cf. John xi.

857-59. The punctuation here occasioned difficulty. There ought to have been a comma at the end of line 858. But I now suggest that the semi- colon at the end of line 857 should be replaced by a comma.

863. For Sewsualytie read Se[n]sualytie. I also suggest the following emendation : for quod read be, and delete comma after begylit.

864-68. Lindsay perverts, for purposes of satire, the reason for the non- marriage of priests.

871 et seq. This is the origin of the scene in Ane Satyre, 1192- 1263, where Chastity is turned away by all ranks and orders of the Church.

877. Markit: travelled, directed her steps. F. marcher.

919. Systeris of the schenis : Sisters of the Convent of Siennes. This convent was built in 1517, the last conventual building erected in Scotland before the Reformation. It was at the west end of the long ridge overlooking Bruntsfield and the Meadows, Edinburgh, and was an enlargement of the Chapel of St John the Baptist, founded in 1513 by Sir John Crawford. There were never more than thirty sisters, all ladies of rank, thirty being the limit authorised by the foundation. Two of the sisters were Lady Jane Hepburn, daughter of the first Earl of Bothwell, and widow of the third Earl of Seton, killed at Flodden, and Elizabeth Auchinlech, daughter of the first Earl of Bothwell, and widow of Sir William Douglas (also killed at Flodden), son of the fifth Earl of Angus (Bell-the-Cat). It was founded by the Countess of Caith- ness, and was dedicated to St Catherine of Sienna, from which was derived the name Sheens. The convent was burnt in 1544 by Hertford’s troops, but rebuilt, and finally destroyed in 1559. Gifts of money and land were made by the Town Treasurer, and after the destruction of the building Mary, Queen of Scots, did her utmost to save the sisters from extreme poverty. See Bryce, Burgh Muir of Edinburgh, 96-153 ; Liber S. Katherine Senensis, Bannatyne Club, 1841. As Lindsay makes such a startling exception of this convent in his denunciation of the immorality of convents throughout Scotland, it must, I think, be assumed that he had a relative there.

923. Verteous Cardinal!. See notes to The Dreme, 1064-67, and The Complaynt, 379-411. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF THE PAPYNGO ICQ

967-68. Ydelnes To Lychorie was mother and maistres. Cf. Dreme, 124 ; Monarche, 1263. Cf. Prologue to the Lives of the Saints, S.T.S. 1-3, " Catone [Cato] sais, pat suthfaste thing is, pat Idilnes giffis novrysingis to vicis.” Cf. Sirach, xxxiii. 27, " For idleness teacheth much evil.”

971. Abraham : Cf. Genesis xv. 18-21 ; xxi. 33 ; xxiv. 16, &c. Ysaac : Cf. GenesiS xxv. 5 ; xxvi. 12, &c. lacobe : Cf. Genesis xxxi. 18, 41, 43 ; xxxv. 12, &c. losephe : Cf. Genesis xxxix-1. Isaac and Jacob were the sons of Abraham, and Joseph was the son of Jacob and Rachel.

976. Said one replycatioun : both Chalmers (I. 342) and Laing (I. 97) read laid ane replicatioun. Laing, I. 273, “ This is a law phrase. ‘ Re- plicactioun, replicatio, is an exception of the second degree, made by the Plaintiff upon the first answer of the defendant.’—Dr Cowel’s Law Dictionary, 1708.” The reply of the plaintiff to the plea or answer of the defendant. There is, however, some confusion in this line and those following. In lines 969-972 the raven has supported the idea of the Church having property, but in lines 976-1038 she is also supposed to be denouncing Simony and the general degradation of the clergy ; while in lines 1148-49 she becomes the first to eat the parrot’s dead body. Neither Chalmers nor Laing draw attention to this. 988-89. See Index of Biblical and Theological References.

995. Cf. Complaynt, 420; Satyre, 3037.

1060. Pew, quod the gled. Pew is an onomatopoeic word, imitating the cry of various birds. Lindsay uses it indiscriminately. Here it is supposed that the gled utters a contemptuous sound, since he is talking to the parrot.

1061. The common argument of the ecclesiastics.

1063. Far more indignation was caused in Scotland by the immorality of the clergy than in any other country, and the evidence supporting the complaints is overwhelming. Nevertheless, this failing was not stamped out at the Reformation, and complaints of immorality among the reformed preachers down to the end of the seventeenth century are common. It was probably a race failing. In the Highlands illegitimacy was not a bar to inheritance, and in the Lowlands legitimisation was easily obtained. The later severity of the Kirk was a belated effort to purify by compulsion.

1080. Tak ane Instrument. Laing, I. 273, “ a common law phrase : to take instruments, to take a notarial or official deed to serve as legal evidence.” Cf. Satyre, 2816, 2832, 3102.

1100-1. The reference is to the pelican feeding her young by pecking her own breast, when they drank her blood. no THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1108. Referring to the tradition that the Phoenix never died, but was consumed by fire after five hundred years of life, and from the ashes arose a new bird.

1112. Gold, A sure, Gowles, Purpour, and Synopeir: Gold (yellow). Azure (blue). Gules (red), Purple, and Synople (vert, green). The tinctures or hues of a shield and charges are seven in number : two metals, gold (or yellow), and silver (or white) ; five colours, red, blue, black, green, and purple ; besides the two principal furs, ermine and vair.

1122. My trypes : her “ innards.”

1124. For amawg read ana[n]g.

1125. Pluto : ruler of the infernal regions.

1126. Seit: Chalmers, I. 349, and Laing, I. 102, read feit. E.E.T.S. reads seit. 1559 reads feit.

1133. Quene of farye : Queen of Faerie, in mediaeval times identical with the Queen of Hell. The parrot’s commendation of her soul to hell is typical of the cynicism which affects many poets of Lindsay’s period.

1143. Remaid. A certain misprint for remeid.

1144. In manus tuas. The words of Christ at the Crucifixion. Luke xxiii. 46, “ Et damans voce magna Jesus, ait, Pater, in manus tuas commendo spiritum meum, et haec dicens, expiravit.” Cf. also Vulgate, Psalm xxx. 6, " In manus tuas commendo spiritum meum ; redemisti me, Domine, Deus veritatis.” It had become a death-bed formula of devout Catholics. Cf. The Tragedie of the Late Cardinal, 251-52, and Testament of Squyer Meldrum, 246-49.

1148. The satire must be carefully followed. No sooner has the parrot died than the raven and kite propose to divide its remains between them, ignoring the magpie, to whom, after his protest, they give the smallest obtainable portion. The heart escapes the feast, and the magpie proposes to take it to the king, to whom the parrot had bequeathed it; but she hopes, of course, to receive a reward, or favour. But the raven cares nothing for the king, whom he will cheat of his due if he can with safety. The magpie threatens to complain to the Pope, but the quarrel between her and the raven gives the kite the opportunity of flying off with the disputed article, and the others chase after him. It is brilliant satire of the rapacity and quarrels of the Church in the division of property.

1177. Quair : quire, pamphlet, book.

1177. Commandiment, almost invariably quadrisyllable. NOTES TO THE COMPLAINT AND CONFESSIOUN OF BAGSCHE III

1182. Clam kynrent to sum cuke. Cf. John Holland, The Seuin Seages, " The Author sayis to his Buik ” [S.T.S. edn., p. 326].

1185. Heir I mansweir the. Chalmers, I. 353, “ It was quite the vogue, in Scotland, during that age, as it had been, in England, for ages before, to dismiss their quairs with dispraise, and disparagement; as Gawin Douglas, when he presented his Palice of Honour to James IV.: Thy barrane termis, and thy vile indyte Sail not be myne, I will not have the wyte ; For, as for me, I quyt clame, that I ken the.”

IV.

The Complaint and Publict Confessioun of the Kingis Auld Hound, callit Bagsche. Text : I. 92-99.

Provenance : Harmsworth 1568, checked with Bodley, Tanner 187 [11. 166 to end wanting].

Correction : 219 He wend.

Date : No definite date can be assigned to this poem, beyond the fact that it appears to have been written before the king’s marriage, of which there is no mention, or of the existence of a queen of Scotland. The poem must therefore be dated ante 1536, and post 1529, when Lindsay became Lyon-Depute. I have therefore adopted the conjectural date 1533-1536.

Commentary : The records of the king’s dogs are of interest. James IV. was fond of dogs, and James V. inherited his father’s passion for hunting. The first item in the A ccounts is a payment of 40/- on December 5, 1525, to one Lindsay, “ kepar of the Kingis doggis.” On October 8, I525. a gift of horns, leashes, and dog collars arrived from Henry VIII., the bearer being rewarded with 60 unicorns. Two dog collars were bought on June 17, 1527 ; price, 3/- the pair. From 1531 the “ Kingis Doggis ” have a special section in the accounts. [Comp. Thes., V. 439.] The Expensis of the Kingis Doggis. Item, the five day of March, be the Kingis precept, to Pate Striveling to feid the Kingis doggis . . . xliij li. ... Item, for dog collaris and leischis . . . vj li. iiij s. Item, the xviij day of August, in the Crammald, deliverit to Pate Striveling to feid the doggis . . . iiij li. Summa . . . j'xx li. iiij s. 112 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Already the expenses are enormous, but they mount almost annually : C.T. VI. 35 [1531], total of feeding expenses . ^240 16 8 C.T. VI. 90 [1532]. .. .. • 86 10 2 C.T. VI. 202 [1533]. .. .. • 270 12 9 C.T. VI. 259 [1534], „ ,, . 154 4 o C.r. VI. 280 [1536], ,, ,, . 48211 o In 1538 there is a drop to £26, 13s. 4d [C.T. VI. 430]. The dogs were kept for hunting, and some were taken to France for the king’s marriage celebrations. Among the presents of hounds recorded were ten couples from the Duke of Richmond, March 8, 1526-27 [C.T. V. 317], and the king seems to have gone hunting at once, for on the 12th he gave 20/- to a poor woman three of whose sheep his hounds had killed in Huntly Wood [C.T. V. 3x7-18]. On March 26, 1527, one of his keepers named James Nelson had eighteen raches and three greyhounds in his care, the cost being 8/- a day [C.T. V. 318, 319-20, &c.]. In March 1531-32 the king sent horses and hounds to Madame d’Aubigny, and four dogs to Lord d’Aubigny [C.T. VI. 44-45]. In 1533-34 the king had eight dog-keepers, clad in green “ causay,” at 16/- each man. Besides these he had a “ maister dogar ” named David Shaw, and a number of children seem to have been employed as well: [C.T. VII. 306, May 21, 1540.] Item, deliverit to Malcolm Gourlaw [tailor in the wardrobe] to be cotis to the iiij childerin that kepis the Kingis hare hundis and rachis, iij elnis iij quarteris dimmegrane and iij elnis iij quarteris fallow, price of the elne of dimmegrane xxiiij s., and price of the elne of fallow xviij s. ; summa vij li. xvij s. vjd. For hose the children had 4J ells of French grey, price 12/- an ell, and wore red bonnets, price 15/- each [C.r. VII. 306]. Dog collars cost 2/- each [C.T. VI. 91], double leashes 4/- each [C.T. VI. 91], and dog collars without irons if-each [C.T. VI. 35]. In August 1541 William Forrest was paid £4, 7s. for three pairs of great dog irons for " deir [deer] doggis, our gilt witht gold, witht their colleris of purpur velvet stuthit witht gilting stuthis ’’ [studs], but also included in this item was an unspecified number of arrowheads [C.T. VII. 472-73]. After the king’s death the kennels seem to have been closed down. Only a few straggling payments occur, and after 1542-43 these finish, and accounts for dogs do not reappear until 1551. 7. Lindsay names four of the king’s dogs: Scudlar, Luffra, Bawte, Bagsche, besides Lanceman [vide note to 1. 89]. Only one is mentioned in the Treasurer’s accounts : [C.T. VII. 96, October 1538.] Item, to Johnne Campbell, leiche, for the mending of the Kingis dog callit " Begsche ” be ane precept . . . iiij li. Bawtie was a name for a large dog, or watchdog. Proverb, Fergus- son, S.T.S., p. 22, No. 178, “ Bourd not with bawtie [lest he bite you].” 17. I rew the race. Chalmers, II. 166, states incorrectly that "day” is substituted for " race ” in 1592. The phrase to rue a race, to repent of the course one has taken, is common. Cf. Henryson, The Wolf and the Wether, xiv. 7, " To God I vow that ye sail rew this rais.” NOTES TO THE COMPLAINT AND CONFESSIOUN OF BAGSCHE 113

17. Geordie Steill. George Steel appears in the Treasurer’s accounts between 1527 and 1542. His exact status is not given, but he was probably a groom of the chamber. In 1527 he received a yearly pension of ^40. At various times he sold “ rislis’ [Russell’s] blak ” to the king for making hose, and this is at times simply called “ George Steel’s Black.” He was also a messenger, and was apparently in charge of the court tapestries. In February 1538 he was sent to Flanders to bring home tapestries [C.T. VII. 17], and thereafter are several records of payments to him for his expenses in taking down, transporting, and hanging tapestries, as the Court moved from place to place [C.T. VII. 117, 165, 304, 458, 461 ; VIII. 30, 45]. He also seems to have had some official connection with the children of the King’s Chapel in Stirling [VII. 151, 464]. Payment for his last livery is recorded in 1542 [VIII. 102], but he was then dead. Both his wife and his son were in court service [C.T. VI. 203 ; V. 432 ; VI. 29]. He is probably identical with the George Steel, servitor Regis, and burgess of Edinburgh, who received in 1528 the lands of Houston, Linlithgow, from James Hamilton of Finnart [Reg. Mag. Sig., 1513-46, No. 957], and he was dead before March 20, 1541-42, for these lands were then granted to his widow, Christine Wilson, and his son George [Ibid., No. 2628]. Knox, History of the Reformation, ed. Laing, I. 68, states that “ in his [the king’s] awin presence, Geordie Steill, his greattest flatterar, and greatest ennemy to God that was in Courte, dropped of his horse, and deid without worde, that same day that, in oppin audience of many, the said George had refuissed his portioun of Christis kingdome, yf the prayeris of the Virgin Marie should not bring him thairto." Laing conjectures that he was the son of John Steel, servitor to James IV. George Steel also held the office of Coquet Seal of Edinburgh [Reg. Mag. Sig., 1513-46, No. 631, Sept. 3, 1528]. 22. [Bawte] lyis on the Kingis nycht goun. Chalmers, I. 68, amusingly regards this as proof that James was not then married. " If the king had been married, it is impossible, that Bawtie could have been thus indulged to sleep upon the king’s night gown.” 24. Chalmers, II. 166, " While he, for his offence, is obliged to lie, in the yard, like a low fellow.” 32. Ihone Gordon of Pittarie. Chalmers, II. 167, and Laing, I. 278, identify this with the old parish of Pittarie, now Botary, in north-west Aberdeenshire, but formerly partly in Banffshire. The hamlet of Botary is now part of the parish of Cairnie, and lies four and a half miles north-west of Huntly. It is part of the lordship of Strathbogie, and originally belonged to the Comyns, from whom it was taken by Bruce and given to Sir Adam Gordon. It thus became the principal estate of the Gordons [Groome, Ordnance Gazeteer of Scotland]. 50. The Capitane of Bad^eno. Badenoch is a district in the south-east of Inverness-shire. The allusion to the captain seems to indicate a castle, belonging to the Earl of Huntly [vide note to line 220] whose family had ruled over Badenoch from 1452. II4 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

68. Fais. Evidently dissyllabic. 73. Blak Makesoun. James M'Kesoun was a lackey in the wardrobe from 1531 to 1542. He went to Paris on the occasion of the king’s marriage, taking the king’s coffers. Later he worked in the pantry. [C.T. V. 436 ; VI. 40, 454, 455, 456, 460; VII. 21, 118, 196, 269, 296, 478 ; VIII. 46, 63, no]. 82. Patrik Striuiling. A Patrick Stirling was groom of the chamber from 1525 to 1540. From 1531 to 1536 he was in charge of the king’s dogs [C.T. V. 439; VI. 35, 90, 91, 202, 203, 259, 289, 302], but after this date there is no mention of his connection with the hounds. This offers slight additional proof that the poem was written before 1536. The last payment made to him was on February 4, 1539-40 [C.T. 289].

89. Lanceman, Lyndesayis dog. Here, in all probability, the Earl of Lindsay is referred to.

101-04. The punctuation here occasioned difficulty. Line 102 may be either connected with line 101, or introduce lines 103-04.

103. Betuix Aswednisday and Paice. Ash Wednesday is the first day of Lent, when meat-eating is, or was, prohibited. Lent ends at Easter, Lindsay’s Paice, or Pasche. 149. The omission of “ it ” would improve this line.

151. Hiest in Court, nixt the weddie. Kelly, Scotch Proverbs, 125, “ High- est in court, nearest the widdy’’; Ferguson, S.T.S., p. 82, n. 651, " Neirest the King, neirest the widdie.”

166-67. Cf. Complaynt of Schir Dauid Lindesay, 495-96, and note.

179-180. These lines are of proverbial origin. Cf. Satyre, 1041-42 : se that na puir opprest Vp to the hevin on ^ow ane vengence cry. 184. Na Messane reif. Messan (Sc.), lap-dog. O.E.D. ? Gael, measan. This word is frequently given a capital. Laing’s explanation. III. 344, which is not considered by O.E.D., is that these dogs came originally from Messina. 203. Ane dog may cum furth of Balquhidder. Balquhidder is a Highland parish in west Perthshire, twenty-eight miles north-west of Stirling. Balquhidder was then owned by the Maclaurins, who are said to have originally acquired their territory from Kenneth Macalpin (844-60), and were once so powerful that none durst enter Balquhidder Church until the Maclaurins had taken their seats. This gave rise to many brawls, as in 1532, when the vicar, John Maclaurin, was killed. Lindsay here seems to refer to the ferocity of the people, and perhaps dogs, of Balquhidder, and in the Satyre, 2090-91, he may be referring to the relentless feuds of the district. NOTES TO THE ANSWER TO THE KINGIS FLYTING 115

In The Answer to the Kingis Flyting, however, Lindsay warns the king against wanton conduct because : Sum sayis thare cummis ane bukler furth of France, Quhilk will indure jour dintis, thocht thay be dour and, as we know, a queen came. So in this poem a dog from Balquhidder may actually have been promised to the king.

218. The Erie of Hountlie. George Gordon, fourth Earl of Huntly (1514-62), was the eldest son of John, Master of Huntly (second son of Alexander, third Earl of Huntly, who died in 1524), by his wife Jane, a natural daughter of James IV. and Margaret Drummond, daughter of Lord Drummond. The fourth earl was therefore the king’s awwoin by illegitimate blood. He was brought up by the Earl of Angus with James V., who was only a year his elder, and the two remained close friends. In 1536 Huntly was made a member of the Privy Council, and was one of the few to whom James confided his destination and object in the sudden journey to France in 1537. Huntly was one of the four regents named in the king’s will, and was made Chancellor after the assassination of Cardinal Beaton in 1546. He commanded at the battle of Pinkie, where he was made a prisoner, he opposing the marriage of Mary, Queen of Scots, to Prince Edward, not so much, he explained, through dislike of the match as of the kind of wooing. He was slain at Corrichie, 1562, fighting against the regent Murray. Lindsay states that Bagsche was a gift to James from Huntly, and that he had been bred by John Gordon at Pittarie, but Michel, Les Ecossais en France, I. 406, states, “ Pitscottie . . . ne dit rien d’un \ chien dont le heraut poete nous a conserve le souvenir et le nom, qui en fait un chien des Pyrenees, ou peut-etre un descendant de Basque, chien de Louis XI.” Lindsay would be more likely to know the dog’s history than Michel, who seems to have misread the name.

The Answer to the Kingis Flyting.

Text : I. 102-104.

Provenance : Harmsworth 1568, checked with Bodley, Tanner 187 (lines 1-18 only).

Correction : 44 Princis. Date : The date of composition can be fixed with fair certainty. The poem is addressed to the king himself, and the antepenultimate line talks of the possibility of a princess coming from France. This points n6 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY directly to a period one or two years before the king’s first marriage in 1537, perhaps during the marriage negotiations of 1536. I have, however, dated it approximately 1535-1536. Chalmers and Laing both date the poem 1536.

Commentary : The poem is a “ Flyting," a poetical altercation or scolding, a purely mediaeval poetical device, more in favour in Scotland than in England. The devices include the employment of alliteration to a greater extent than was common in aureate poetry : Aedoutit Roy, ?our ragment I haue red, Quhilk dois perturb my dull Intendement. From ^our/lyting, wald God, that I wer /red. Or ellis sum Tygerris ioung wer to me lenL The alliteration proceeds without rules, but the most common types are (1) for the line to have four alliterating consonants, two in each half-line ; and (2) for it to have three alliterating consonants, either one-two, or two-one. Occasionally alliteration is spread over two lines, as in lines 9-10. Secondary alliteration is also used. Lindsay’s poem is the gentler kind of flyting, and the alliteration and the altercation both break down. Lindsay is addressing his king, and has clearly been compelled to restrain himself. Elsewhere he says he will not flyte his king, “For crabying of thy Celsitude ” [The Complaynt of Sir David Lindsay, 32]. In doing so surrenders the alliteration when he becomes sincere : The day wyll cum, and that within few ijeiris, That 7,e wyll draw at laiser with ^our feiris. This couplet has lost all resemblance to the tone and technique of a flyting. So also the lines : I giue ?our counsale to the feynd of hell. That wald nocht of ane Princes 50W prouide.

But the alliterative skill enters again, and in most lines before the close it is at full power. The poem which occasioned Lindsay’s flyting has not come down. None, indeed, of James V.'s poems have survived bearing his name. Of the nature of this one we can guess much. The king had written humorously deriding Lindsay for his abstention from love affairs, and the poet frankly replies that he is not now the man he was, but that in any case he regrets his past dissipations. How sincere this is we do not know. As regards the first point, we have no reason to think that Lindsay was anything but a man of his time. His amusing mock protest against the very subject of the king’s poem, in that it has lost him the favour of the Court ladies, who, he says, dismiss him to the company of the cooks, is the ostensible reason for Lindsay’s reply. This dismissal is more than he can bear. He pretends that he is not a poet, and that he could only either submit meekly like a chastised dog, or run away ; but the king himself has commanded him to reply, although it is not usual to reply to a prince. NOTES TO THE ANSWER TO THE KINGIS FLYTING IIJ

The reply is straight from the shoulder. What can the king say more than that the poet has failed “ in Uenus werkis ” ? That is quite true. Once he had his love affairs, but he regrets them now. The king is reckless, and unless he marries and curbs his promiscuity, he too will live to regret it. The dissipations of the king, begun at an early age, had already been the subject of the Exhortation to the Kingis Grace, and are the subject of this poem too. I do not think that the attack on the Privy Council for not providing James with a queen is a serious one, unless Lindsay had been in favour of an early marriage of James with an English princess, Henry VIII.’s daughter Mary having been oSered to James in 1533. If this is so, it is Lindsay’s earliest expression of English sympathies. The “ adventure ” of James with the “ quene ” [quean] is, of course, not elsewhere recorded.

7. Uenus Court deiectit. Ejected from the Court of Venus, the supposed court of true and faithful lovers, of both kinds, the romantic and the promiscuous, presided over by Venus as the Goddess of Love, which figures in all mediaeval love poetry.

10. The Cukis. Cooks seem to have been much derided in mediaeval times, apparently for “ coit vnclene ” and “ smell of smuke ” [Testament of the Papyngo, 1182, 1184]. Chalmers, I. 66, sees in this line evidence that cooks “ were then all female.” I see none such.

15. XVer I ane Poeit. The conventional modesty of the mediaeval poet.

20. Cor mundum crea in me. Psalm 1. 12. Cor mundum crea in me, Deus, et spiritum rectum innova in visceribus meis. 22. Pertenit. I think the emendation pertenis desirable, in harmony with neidis in line 24.

26. Uenus werkis. Amorous dalliance, fornication.

33. Mouth thankles. The pudenda muliebria. Chalmers, II. 160, " The belle chose of Chaucer’s Wife of Bathe, for which Lyndsay, and the poets of his age, had a variety of names." Cf. A. Scott, Of May, 1. 65 ; Poems, ed. Cranstoun, S.T.S., p. 25 : Heirfoir, ^e wantoun men in ^owth, Ffor helth of body now haife No* oft mell w* thankless mowth. Also Bannatyne MS., ed. W. T. Ritchie, S.T.S., III. 69 ; and Walter Kennedy, The auld man's invective against mouth thankles : Be Christ, my care may never cule. That evir I servit mouth thankles. 35. Bot gyf 7,e wit weill quhair. This is Lindsay’s warning to the king against indiscriminate love affairs. The reason for Lindsay’s advice comes out later, when in lines 62-63 be says that he has been ever- lastingly thankful to God that the king had escaped disease. VOL. III. I n8 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

37. Schutand %our bolt at many sindrie schellis, and 45. Schutand frame schell to schell. This image is borrowed from the name for a target. Cf. Accounts Lord High Treasurer, I. 360 : Item, to the King to schut at the schell . . . xvj'-1. More frequently the word is used as here. Cf. L. concha, mussel-shell = cunnus. For a description of dissipations at court, and of the temptations into which the young king was lured, see The Complaynt of Sir David Lindsay, 237-251. Cf. Dunbar, II. 134, He that hes Gold and Grit Richess, lines n-15 : He that hes for his awin genjie Ane plesand prop, but mank or men^ie, And schuttis syne at ane vncow schell, . . . 50. wyll nocht lat. Ye will not hesitate, forbear.

60. Quhryne. Chalmers, II. 162, " quhyne, whine.” This emendation is incorrect; quhryne was in regular use. Cf. Dunbar, Testament of Mr Andro Kennedy, 87 : War I a dog and he a swyne. . . . Bot I suld ger that lurdane quhryne. O.E.D. derives it from O.Scand. hurima. Cf. also Henryson, Taill of the Sone and Air of the Fox, 911.

66. Lindsay repeats from line 21 his courtly tribute to the excellence of James’s verses, and it again forms the subject of the last line of the poem.

67-69. The basis of this passage, apart from the historical significance, is the biblical “ Better to marry than burn ” [1 Cor. vii. 9] theme which was so popular with mediaeval poets, and perhaps clergy, for the sin of fornication might be avoided by matrimony. These lines should be compared with Lindsay’s earlier advice to the king to avoid lechery by marriage : The Dreme, 11.1091-1096, and later, Ane Satyre, 1745-1749.

71-72. The Scottish poets were fond of closing with a subscription in doggerel verse, as here and at the conclusion to Ane Supplication in Contemptioun of Syde Tailis (I. 122). It is a pert elaboration of the more common Quod. . . .

VI.

The Deploratioun of the Deith of Quene Magdalene.

Text : I. 106-112.

Provenance : Harmsworth 1568, checked with Bodley, Tanner 187. NOTES TO THE DEPLORATIOUN OF QUENE MAGDALENE Iig

Correction : 149 Burgessis. Additional Emendation : 175. ¥01 In Requiem read In Requiem. Date : Madeleine, the first wife of James V. of Scotland, died on July 7, 1537. They had been married at Notre-Dame, Paris, on January 1, I537- By the beginning of October James had commenced negotiations for the hand of Marie de Lorraine, and it must therefore be presumed that the poem was composed immediately after Madeleine’s death. Pitscottie’s Variants : MS. I. of Pitscottie’s Croniclis of Scotland, I. 370-376, written about 1598, offers a version of the poem. The spellings, of course, differ widely from those in 1559, but they are not worth recording individually. The list which follows of principal variants is of those which affect prosody, or give new readings. In no case do I prefer a reading from Pitscottie. 1559 Pitscottie 2 earthlie leuyng eirthlie lowing [loving] 29 O Dame Nature Adame nature 32 Cummit qithin cum in with 34 bot quhair quhair 38 In to To 51 none vther na vther 54 of Sister, nor of Brother to sister nor to broder 57 O Dame Fortoun Adame fortoun 59 maid hir no support till her maid no support 61 bene bot beine so 72 glorie gloir 82 selit callit 92 traytour traterous 96 Castell, Toure and Town castell abay and toun 102 trump trumpat 109 Fontanis flowing fontanes following 112 turnit thow that glorie turned now thair glorie 115 Craftisman trenchman 122 Silk of Purpure silk and purpur 124 Barroun and baurent barroun most potent 136 Schalme Schalmes 150 The greit Maister Ane gret maister 150 all thare last at the last 152 to defyne to desyne 161 Alleluya melulya 180 valith availleth 184 be that to that 200 from the splene frome displein 203 ay evir 203 Amite vnitie Pitscottie adds the following stanza, evidently his own composition : Now haue we deplorit heir with circumstance The death and lyff of this lustie quein Beseikand zow to haue remembrance The tyme is schort that we haue heir I wein And now it is and ay befoir hes beine That princes dayes induires bot ane dreme Bot we will returne with god and lat thame alane. Amen. 120 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1558 Version : I reproduce the text of 1558, " Imprentit at the command, and expenses of Maister Samuel lascuy, in Paris,” at Rouen by Jean Petit or his predecessor. The E.E.T.S. editor has done the same. I reproduce this text because it is the shortest of those in 1558, and I think it desirable to let readers see what kind of work was done in this much-discussed edition, which, it must be remembered, must have been a paginary reprint from a lost Davidson quarto. There are no important variants, but it is interesting to see the changes of spelling made by Scot, for 1558 would reproduce the spellings of the original quarto, and also the kind of error made by Petit.

T/ie Deploratioun of the Deyth of The Deploratioun of The Deith of Queue Magdale?ie. Queue Magdalene. Text of Petit, iS58

O Venus wyth thy blud sene Cupido mr O Uenus, with thy blynd sone Cupido, Fy on 30W bayth that maid no resistance Fy on 30W baith, that maid no resistance, In to Jour court Je nener had sic two In to ^our Court, je neuer had sic two. So leill luffars wythout dissimulance So leill Luffaris, without dissimulance. As lames the fiit, and Magdalene of France 40 As lames the Fift, and Magdalene of France, Discendyng boyth of blude imperiall Discending boith[,] of blude Imperiall, To quhom in lufe I find no paregall. To quhome in lufe, I find no perigall. C For as Lyander swame outhrow the flude BV For as Leander swame outthrow the flude, To his fair lady Hero mony nychtis To his fair Lady Hero, mony nichtis, So did this prynce throw bulryng strennis wode So did this prince, throw bulryng stremis wode Wyth erlis, barronis, squyaris, and wyth With Erlis, baronis, squyaris, & with knychtis 46 knichtis, Contrar Neptune, and eoll and thair mychtis Contrair Neptune, and Eol and thare michtis, And lest his realme, in greit disaperance And left his Realmef,] in greit disesperance, To seik his lufe, the first dochter of France. To seik his Lufe, the first Dochter of France. C And sche lyke prudent Kuene penelope 50 And scho lyke prudent Queue Penelope, Ful constantly wald change hun for nonne Ful constantlie wald change hym for none wther vther, And for his plesour lest hir awin cuntre And for his plesour, left hir awin countre, Wythout regard to fader or to moder Without regard, to Father or to Mother, Takyng no sure of sister not of brother Takyng no cure of Sister, nor of Brother, Bot schortly tuke hir leif and lest thame all 55 Bot schortlie tuke hir leif, and left thame all. For lufe of him to quhom lufe maid hir thrall. For lufe of hym, to quhome lufe maid hir thrall. O dame fortune quhar was thy greit confort 0 Dame Fortune, quhare was thy greit confort. Till hir to quhome thow was so fauorabill Till hir to quhome thow was so fauorable, Thy slyding giftes maid hir no support Thy slyding gyftis, maid hir no support, Hir hie lynage nor Riches intellebill 60 Hir hie lynage, nor Riches intellible, I se thy puissance bene bot variabill 1 se thy puissance bene bot variable, Quhen hir father the moist hie cristinit kyng Quhen hir father the most hie cristinit King, Till hir deir chyld myt mak no supportyng. Till his deir Chyld, mycht mak no supportyng. C The potent Prince, hir lusty lufe and knycht The potent Prince, hir lustie lufe and knicht. With his moist hardy noblis of Scotland 65 With his most hardie Noblis of Scotland, Contrar that bailfull bribour had no mycht Contrair that bailfull bribour had no micht, Thocht all the men had bene at his command Thocht all the men had bene at his command. Of France, Flanders, Italie, and Ingland. Of France, Flanderis, Italie, and Ingland, With fifte thowsand millioun of thresour With fiftie thousand Millioun of tresour, Mycht nocht prolong that ladyis lyfe ane hour. Mycht nocht prolong that Ladyis lyfe ane hour. It O Pareis of all Citeis principall 71 0 Paris of all Citeis principall, Quhilk did ressaue our Prince with land and Quhilk did resaue our Prince with laud & glorie glorie Solempnitly throw arkis triumphall Solempnitlie throw Arkis triumphall Quhilk day bene ding to put in memorie Quhilk day bene digne to put in memorie. For as pompey estir his victorie 75 For as Pompey efter his Uictorie, Was in to Rome ressauit, with greit loy Was in to Rome, resauit with greit loy, So thow ressaint, our richt redoubtit Roy. So thou resauit, our richt rodoubtit Roy. C Bot at his mariage maid wpone the morne Bot at his Mariage maid vpon the morne, Sic solace and solempnijatioun Sic solace, and Solempni3atioun, Was neuer affoir sen Christ was borne 80 Was neuer sene afore, sen Christ was borne, Nor to Scotland sic consolatioun Nor to Scotland sic consolatioun, Thair selit was the confirmatioun Thare selit was, the confirmatioun, Of the weill keipit ancient alliance Of the weill keipit ancient alliance, Maid betuix Scotland,and therealme of France. Maid betwix Scotland, and the realme of France, C I neuer did se one day moir glorious 85 1 neuer did se, one day more glorious So mony in so riche abiljementis So mony in so riche abil^ementis, Of Silk and Gold with stonis precious Of Silk and gold, with stonis precious, Sic bankettyng sic sownd of instrumentis Sic Banketting, sic sound of Instrumentis, With sang and dance and marcial tornamentis With sang, and dance, & Martiall tornamentis, Bot lyk ane storme estir ane plesand morow, Bot lyke ane storme, efter ane plesand morrow, Sone was one solace changeit in to sorow. 91 Sone was our solace, changit in to sorrow. 122 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

If O tratour deid quhom none may contramand O traytour deith, quhom none may contramanc Thow micht lief sene the preparatioun Thow mycht haue sene, the preparatioun, Maid be the thre estaitis of Scotland Maid be the thre Estaitis of Scotland, With greit confort and consolatioun 95 With greit confort, and consolatioun In euerylk Cite, Castell, Toure, and Town In euerilk Ciete, Castell, Toure, and Town, And how ilk nobill set his hoil intent And how ilk Nobill, set his hole intent To be excellent in abiljement. To be excellent in Habil^ement. C Theif saw thow nocht the greit preparatiuis Theif, saw thow nocht, the greit preparatiuis. Of Edinburgh the nobill famous toun 100 Of Edinburgh, the Nobill famous toun, Thou saw the pepill laboryng for tha.iT liuis Thow saw the peple, labouring for thare lyuis, To mak triumphe with trium and clarioun To mak triumphe, with trump and Clarioun, Sic plesour was neuer in to this regioun Sic plesour was neuer in to this Regioun As suld hef bene the day of hir entrece As suld haue bene, the day of hir entrace, With greit propinis giffin till her grace. 105 With greit propynis, geuin till hir grace. <[ Thow saw mak and richt costly scaffalding Thow saw makand rycht costlie scaffalding, Depaintit weill with Gold and asure fyne Depayntit weill, with Gold and asure fyne, Reddye preparit for the wpsetting Reddie preparit, for the vpsetting, With fontanis flowing waiter cleir and wyne With Fontanis flowing, watter cleir and wyne, Disagysit folks lyk creaturs deuine 110 Disagysit folkis, lyke Creaturis deuyne, On ilk scaffald to play ane sindry storie On ilk scaffold, to play ane syndrie storie, Hot all in greting, turnit thow that glorie. Bot all in greiting, turnit thow that glorie. C Thow saw mony ane lustye fesche galland Thow saw mony ane lustie fresche galland, Weill ordourit for ressauing of that Quene Weill ordourit for resauing of thair Quene, Ilk craftisman with bent how in his hand 115 Ilk Craftisman with bent bow in his hand, Ful gal^eartlye in schort clething of grene Full galjeartlie in schort clething of grene, The honest binges cled thow suld hef sene The honest Burges, cled thow suld haue sene. Sum in scarlot, and sum in clayt of grane Sum in scarlot, and sum in claith of grane, For till hef met i/iair lady souerano For till haue met thare Lady Souerane. C Prouest Baillies, and Lordis of the Toun Prouest, Baillies, and lordis of the toun. The Senatouris in ordour consequent 121 The Senatouris in ordour consequent, Cled in to Silk of purpure blak or brown Cled in to Silk of Purpure blak and brown. Syne the grcit Lordis of the perliament Syne the greit Lordis of the Parliament, With mony knychtly barrown and baurent With mony knychtlie Barroun, and baurent, In Silk and Gold in colours confortabill 125 In Silk and Gold, in colouris eonfortable, Bot thow allace all turnit in to sabill. Bot thow allace, all turnit in to sable. <[ Syne all the Lordis of religioun Syne all the Lordis of Religioun, And Princes of the preistis venerabill And Princes of the preistis venerable. Ful plesandly in thaiv processioun Full plesandlie in thare Processioun, With all the cunnyng clerkis honorabill 130 With all the cunnyng Clerkis honorable, Bot thistuously thow tyrane tresonabil Bot thiftuouslie thow Tyrane tresonable. All thair greit solace and solempniteis All thare greit solace and Solempniteis, Thow tornit in till dulefull derigeis. Thow turnit in till dulefull Dirigeis <[ Syne nixt in ordour passing throw the Toun Syne nixt in Ordour passing throw the toun, Thow suld hef hard the dyne of instrumentis Thow suld haue hard the din of Instrumentis, Of tabrone, trumpet schalme, and clarioun 136 Of Tabrone, Trumpet, Schalme, & Clarioun, With reid redoundand throw the elimentis With reird redoundand throw the Elementis, The herauldis with thair awful vestumentis The Herauldis, with thare awfull Vestimentis, With masers wpone ather of thaii handis With Maseris, vpon ather of thare handis, To Rewll the preis with birneist Siluer wandis. To rewle the preis, with burneist siluer wandis. C Syne last of all in ordour triumphall 141 Syne last of all in Ordour triumphall. That moist Bluster Princes honorable That most Bluster Princes honorable. With hyr the lusty ladyis of Scotland With hir the lustie Ladyis of Scotland, Quhilk suld hef bene ane sycht moist delecta- Quhilk suld haue bene, ane sycht most delect- bill able Hir rayment to rehers I am nocht habill 145 Hir rayment to rehers, I am nocht able, Of Gold and perle and precious stonis brycht Of Gold and perle, and precious stonis brycht Twynklyng lyk sterris in ane frostye nycht. Twynkling lyke sterris in ane frostie nycht. NOTES TO THE DEPLORATIOUN OF QUENE MAGDALENE 123

C[ Onder ane pale of Gold sohe suld hef past Under ane Pale of gold, scho suld haue past. Be burgis borne elothit in silkis fyne Be Burgessis borne, elothit in silkis fyne, The greit maister of howshold all i/tair last 150 The greit Maister of houshold all thare last, With him in ordour all the Kyngis tryme With hym in ordour all the kingis tryne, Quhais ordinance war lang sum to define Quhais ordinance, war langsum to defyne. On this maner sche passing throw the Toun On this maner, scho passing throw the toun, Suld hef ressauit mony benesoun. Suld haue resauit mony benisoun, <1 Of virginis and of lusty burges wyiffis 155 Of Uirginis, and of lustie burges wyiffis, Quhilk suld hef bene ane sycht celestiall Quhilk suld haue bene, ane sycht celestiall, Veua la royna, eryand for i/iair lyiffis Vine la Eoyne, cryand for thare lyiffis, With ane armonions sound Angelicall With ane Harmonious sound Angelicall, In enerylk corner myrthis musicall In euerilk corner, myrthis Musicall, Bot thow tyrane in quhome is fund no grace Bot thow tyrane, in quhome is found no grace, Our Allelluya, hes turnit in allace. 161 Our Alleluya, hes turnit in allace. <[ Thow suld hef hard the ornat oratours Thow suld haue hard, the ornate Oratouris, Makand hir hynes salutatioun Makand hir hienes Salutatioun, Boith of the clergy town and counsalours Boith of the Clergy, toun and counsalouris. With mony notabill narratioun 165 With mony Notable Narratioun, Thow suld hef sene hir coronatioun Thow suld haue sene hir Coronatioun, In the fair abay of the holy rude In the fair Abbay of the Holy rude. In presence of ane myrthful multitude. In presence of ane myrthfull multitude. t[ Sic banckacyng sic aufull tornamentis Sic Banketing, sic aufull Tornamentis, On hois and fute that tyme quhilk fuld hef On hors & fute, that tyme quhilk suld haue bene bene. Sic chapell royal wyt sic instrumentis 171 Sic Chapell Royall, with sic Instrumentis, And crastye music singyng from the splene And craftie Musick, singing frome the splene. In this cuntre was neuer hard nor sene In this countre, was neuer hard nor sene, Bot al this greit solempnite and game Bot all this greit solempnite and gam, Turnit thow hes In requiem oeternam. 175 Turnit thow hes, In Requiem oeternam. C Inconstant warld ty frendschip I desye Inconstant warld, thy freindschip I defy. Sen strenth nor wisdome Riches nor honour Sen strenth, nor wisdome riches nor honour Wertew nor bewte, none may certefie Uertew nor bewtie, none may certefy, Wythin thy bywndis for to remane ane hour Within thy boundis, for to remane ane hour, Quhat valith to be kyng or Empryour 180 Quhat valith to the king or Empryour, Sen pryncely, puissance may nocht be exemit Sen pryncely puissance, may nocht be exemit. From Meyth, quhas dolour, car not be From Deith, quhose dolour can nocht be expremit. expremit. C Sen man in erth hes na place permanent Sen man in erth hes na place permanent, Bot all mon pas be that horribill port Bot all mon passe, be that horrible port, Let ws pray to the lord omnipotent 185 Lat vs pray to the Lord Omnipotent, That duleful day to be our greit comfort That dulefull day, to be our greit comfort. That in his realme, we may wyth him resort That in his Realme, we may with hym resort, Quhilks from the hell wyth his blude ransonit Quhilkis from the hell, wit/t his blude ransonit bene bene. Wyth Magdalene, winquhile of Scotland Quene. With Magdalene, vmquhyle of Scotland Quene. C O Deyth thocht thow the body may devoir O Deith, thocht thow the bodie may deuore Of euery man jjit hes thow no puissance 191 Of euery man, jit hes thow no puissance. Of thair vertu, for to constume the gloir Of thare vertew, for to consume the glore, As salbe sene of Mgdalene of France As salbe sene, of Magdalene of France, Winqly our quene guhour poetis sail avance Umquhyle our quene, quhom Poetis sal auance And put hir in perpetuall memorie 195 And put hir in perpetuall memorie, So sal hir fame of the hef victorie. So sail hir fame, of the haue Uictorie. (L Thocht rhow hes slane the hevinly flour of Thoeht thou hes slane the heuinly flour of France France Quhilk imput was vnto the thrissil kene Quhilk Impit was, in to the Thrissill kene, Quhairin all Scotland sel thair hail plesance Quharein all Scotland saw thair hail plesance, And maid the lyoun reiosit from the splene 200 And maid the Lyoun reioysit frome the splene, Thocht ru1 e be pullet from the lyvis grene Thocht rute be pullit frome the leuis grene. The smell of it sal in dispyte of the The smell of it, sail in dispyte of the, Keip ay twa realmes in pace and amite. Keip ay twa Realmes, in Peice and Amite. C FINIS. Quod Lindesay. 124 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

A study of the texts shows what Scot did with his version in 1568. I think there is no doubt that he used either a copy of the Davidson I537 quarto, or a copy of the 1558 quarto, for the similarities between the spellings are too close to admit the possibility that he used a manuscript. Apparently, however, he did not use the text in 1558q, where it is found attached to The Dreme (3p'3a-3G2a], and not having a copy of the text by him, omitted it from his 1559 volume. This alone seems to indicate that he scorned to print from 1558. He was thus saved the trouble of correcting Petit’s errors, of which there is not trace in 1568. We can, I think, confidently rely on Petit’s foreign compositors attempting to make a fairly accurate reprint of the Davidson quarto, and to a considerable extent they succeeded. A comparison of the texts brings out Scot’s linguistic principles. Where 1558 reads hef [93, 104, 117, 119, 135, 144, 148, etc.] Scot invariably reads haue, and does not admit the older form. Similarly, he alters gif [18] to giue, and giffin [105] to geuin. He also dislikes the ending -abill, which he frequently, though not always, changes to -able. He rejects what I should like to call the “ manuscript forms ” wpone [78, 139], for vpon, %owng [24] for zoung, barrown [124] for Barroun, howshold [150] for houshold, wpsetting [108] for vpsetting, bywndis [179] for boundis, spellings in w-, or -w-, or -w, being characteristic of Scots manuscript, as may be seen in Lindsay’s letter from Antwerp [Appendix /., No. 74], together with forms which show manuscript abbreviations, as rnyt [63] for mycht, clayt [118] for claith. He rejects pepill [ior] for peple, and frequently changes -oir to -ore, as devoir [24] to deuore, affair [80] to afore, scoir [23] to score, moir [85] to more, and moist to, frequently, most. He dislikes the forms prynce [19, 45], wylh [31, 46], mychtis [47], and uses prince, with, michtis, but neither is consistent. Similarly he prefers -ie to -y, -ye : erthly [2] becomes earthlie ; Gredye [26] becomes Gredie; lustye [27] becomes lustie ; schortly [55] becomes schortlie ; while beyng [9] becomes being, deyth [Title, 10, 13, 182] Deith, bayth [37] baith, and boyth [41] boith. He utterly rejects the form sche [20, 25, 148, 153] for scho, and has an amusing habit of knocking out one of the esses in ressaue [77, 114, 154]. His tendency to modernise is thus made clear, and the same tricks are to be observed in the other poems for which we have parallel printed texts. Morover, Scot pays great attention to punctuation, of which Petit has comparatively little, save for a regular period at the the close of every stanza, even where incorrect, as at line 154. Scot’s punctuation is not only correct in this respect, but most of his lines have a medial comma usually after the fourth or fifth syllable, following the rhythmical construction of the line most carefully, though sometimes, as in line 47 and 85, using a comma whose presence would be hard to defend even on the grounds of rhetoric. Scot is also careful to use the correct plural endings in -is, where Petit frequently uses -s, and uses capitals within the line more freely. Petit’s errors may be roughly classified into groups : some may have existed in Davidson’s quarto. The most peculiar is veua la royna [157], for viue la Royne, as if his compositors did not recognise their own language. NOTES TO THE DEPLORATIOUN OF QUENE MAGDALENE 125

i. Misreadings of / for /, an error to which foreign compositors would be liable. I give the readings of both Petit and Scot. The words in square brackets following Petit’s reading indicate what he ought to have printed. Scot’s readings are subject to the changes described above.

1558 1568 6. rest [reft] reft 20. hes [hef] haue 22. leist [? leif] leif 48. lest [left] left 52. lest [left] left 55. lest [left] left 75. estir [eftir] efter 90. estir [eftir] efter 131. thistuously [thiftuously] thiftuouslie 172. crastye [craftye] craftie. There is one example of / for /: 170. fuld for suld.

2. Confusion of -n- or -n in various combinations. 1558 1568 22. humdredth houndreth 32. cunid [? cumd] cummit 38. nener neuer 45. strennis stremis 51. hun [him] hym 72. land laud 77. ressaint resauit 91. one our 151. tryme tryne 158. arm onions Harmonious 159. enerylk euerilk 189. Winquhile vmquhyle 194. Winqly Umquhyle Of these, the spellings of Petit in lines 38, 72, 158, and 159 may be due to turned u in Davidson.

3. Other misreadings, some perhaps due to broken type in the original. These may be expected in any printed text. (i) f for t. 19. wysh/or wyth. (ii) s for c. 54. sure/or cure. (iii) x for s. 63. hix for his. (iv) r for t. 197. rhow for thow. (v) d for e. 21. and/or ane. (vi) e for a. 104. entrece/or entrace. (vii) e for o. 34. Thew for Thow. (viii) t forc. 33. sit/or sic. 169. banckacyng/or banckatyng. 126 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

4. Unclassifiable errors. 1558 1568 36. blud sene blynd sone 48. disaperance disesperance 50. Kuene Quene 102. trium triumphe 106. mak and makand 113. fesche fresche 114. that thair 115. how bow 122. or and 135. dyne din 137. reid reird 138. vestumentis vestimentis 170. hois hors 176. ty thy 179. bywndis boundis 182. Meyth Deith 182. quhas [? quhais] quhose 192. constume consume 193. Mgdalene Magdalene 194. guhour quhom 198. imput Imput 199. sel saw 201. lyvis leuis 203. pace Peice. 5. Omission of word (one only). 80. sene.

French Poems on the Death of Madeleine : The name “ Deplora- tion ” occurs as the title of an elegiac poem only once in English verse. It was, however, quite common in France in the later Middle Ages and the sixteenth century. (1) Deploration sur le trespas de Wes noble princesse Madame Magdalaine de France, par Gilles Corrozet, Paris, 1537 ; (2) Deploration du trespas de Francois Ier, par Robert Cesson, rept., E. Picot, Chants Historiques, n. 137 ; Bull. Soc. Hist. Paris, 1903, ed. H. Ormont; (3) Deploration sur la mart de . . . Rene de Chalon, du Daurenge . . . au pays de Champagne, Van 1544, Anvers, n.d. The verb depleurer was common in mediaeval French (cf. Godefroy, Dictionnaire de Vancienne langue franfaise), but it was not used in England before Caxton, Eneydos, II. 16 [O.E.D.'], and then to mean “ deplorable condition, or misery,” in which sense it was soon obsolete. Bellenden used it in his translation of Livy, 1533, I. (1822) 3 [O.E.D.], to mean the action of deploring, or lamentation as an act. Lindsay is the only English or Scottish poet to use it as the title of an elegiac poem. It cannot be decided whether Corrozet’s poem preceded Lindsay’s or not. Corrozet’s poem was licensed by the provost on Friday, October 5, 1537. Madeleine died on July 7, 1537, and the news must have been known in France within a week, for James wrote to Francis the same day [Bapst, 311], and ordered Beaton, then in England, to excuse his master from going to England to meet Henry VIII. to take the sad news to Francis. But if Lindsay saw Corrozet’s poem, he borrowed NOTES TO THE DEPLORATIOUN OF QUENE MAGDALENE 127 from it no more than the idea and the title. By the beginning of October James had decided to marry the Duchess de Longueville [Bapst, 316], and neither poem hints at the possibility of a second wife, so that both must have been written quite early, and probably simultaneously. Since Lindsay’s poem describes the preparations for Madeleine’s reception in Scotland, I quote from some French marriage songs before quoting from Corrozet. I strongly suspect that Lindsay owes some general ideas to the first quoted : 1. Elegie Nuptiale presentee a Tresnoble & tresillustre Princesse Madame Magdaleine premiere fille de France, le lendemain de ses nopces &• manage celebre auec le Roy d’Escoce. [B.M., C. 20. 6. 30, without title or colophon. ? Paris, ? 1537.] [Description of James V.] A16 Mais par quel bout pourray ie commence ? Par quel moyen oseray m’auancer ? De dire ung mot de ton Roy, ton epous, Ton blond Phebus, ton mignon coinct & doulx ? . . . II est bien uray qu’on lit loingtains uoyages, Tresdurs labours, perilleux nauigages Auois este par amans entrepriz. Pour paruenir a Tamour dont espriz Estoient leurs cueurs, tant fureur les menoit, Et folle amour tous leurs sens detenoit Mais ton mary sans suyuir telz exemples, S’en est uenu ayant creditz bien amples, Et bons accordz auec ton hault lignaige, Que luy serois baillee en mariaige. En quoy tu uoys son amour cordial, Qui faict iuger qu’il te sera loyal. Certainement ie diray qu’amitye Est en celluy, qui fera la moictye De tel chemyn, pour acquerir la grace De celle la dont il n’a ueu la face. . . . A26 Mais ce pendant de France Magdeleine, Royne D’escoce & dame soueraine, II te fauldra ta maison, ton lignaige Mectre en oubly, & ton hault parentaige. II te fauldra faire d’une Francoyse, Bien gentiment une Royne Escocoyse. II te fauldra passer la haulte mer. Las, qu’ay ie dit ? La propos trop amer ? Passer la mer, oublier ton lignaige, Las pourrois tu auoir si dur couraige ? Pourrois tu bien laisser France honnoree, Abandonnant ta seur toute eploree, Ta noble tante, & tes deux ieunes freres Qui ia confictz sont en larmes ameres. Mais dessus tous notre bon Roy ton pere. Avecques qui peu sen fault que ta mere le n’ay nomme. Comment nommer ? helas, Elle est la hault en eternel soulas, Auec tes seurs, & ton frere Francoys : Qui du regret laissa tant aux Francoys. 128 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

2. Nuptiaux virelays au manage du roy d’Ecosse et de madame Magdeleine, premiere fille de France, ensemble d’une ballade de 1'apparition des trois Deesses, avec le Blazon de la cosse en laquelle a tousjours germine la belle fleur de lys ; faict par Jean Leblond, Sieur de Branville. [Montaiglon, II. 25-33.] Not very wonderful, but closes on an unusual note. Gentilz espritz, nobles coeurs amoureux, Qui sur tous cas cherchez maniere et stille, Par bruyt et los et faictz chevalereux, De vous monstrer vaillans, hardis et preux, Pour 1’appetit d’une dame gentille, Fust-ce Floripe, Helaine ou Deiphile, Chascun de vous, sur sa cuisse la lance, Vienne courir au tournoy d’excellence Faict pour ce roy. Que chascun doncques s'arme ! Venez j ouster, monstrez vostre vaillance ; Rompez le boys, faictes tours de plaisance, Pour le plaisir de la belle qu’il ayme. [II. 31-32.] Besides the jousting in James’s honour, the poem mentions the music: Musicales testes, Tenant des pianettes, Sonnez espinettes, Lucz, rebecz, musettes, Sans cesse et requoy ; Chansons nouvelettes, Bransles de sonnettes, Joyeuses sornettes, Hauboys et trompettes, Chassez tout esmoy. [II. 31.] The official court poem of Clement Marot for the year 1537, Le Dieu gard de la court, refers to her approaching departure : Ha ! royne Madeleine, Vous nous laissez ; bien vous puis, ce me semble. Dire Dieu gard et adieu tout ensemble. In 1555 appeared a small collection of popular songs (Le Recueil de toutes les sortes de chansons nouvelles, rustiques et musicales, et aussi ceux qui sont dans la deploration de Venus. Lyon, 1555), from which M. le Roux de Lincy extracted one for his Chants historiques franqais (II. 116-118). The song, in seven stanzas, is in a sense a deploration de Venus. “ Chanson Nouvelle,” it is called, " faicte sur le departement de la royne d’F.cosse, disant adieu a son pere et a tous ses amys, Et se chante sur le chant de : Vienne qui pourra venir, il ne m’en chault quoy ne comment." Frail and pathetic, to be sung to a light, melancholy air, the song details the adieux to her father, her murdered brother, Qu’on a fait mourir meschamment, her brothers and friends, to Orleans, Blois, Rouen, Paris, to the " jeunes dames de choix,” and “ demoiselles de pris,” with whom she had sung NOTES TO THE DEPLORATIOUN OF QUENE MAGDALENE 129

" a aulte voix.” She reminds herself that she has to cross the seas and to risk capture by the English, and it continues with : Les regretz que j’ay au pais D’aller parmy les Escossois, Je n’y entents mot ne demy, Sinon de parler bon Franfois. . . . It concludes with the hope that all kingdoms should be united in peace and amity. It is not surprising that Madeleine should fear capture, even in her song, for it was already rumoured in France, on the eve of departure, that the King of England had his ships on the coast of England, and ten more in Flanders, to capture the King of Scots, “ de quoy ils sont estonnes ” (Delpit., I. 282). Nothing is said of Madeleine’s health, and yet the unknown English agent or spy who reports to Henry, without date or signature to his letter (Delpit., I., No. cdlxiii], " Le roy d’Ecosse est en danger de ne mener sa fame [femme] jusque a son pays, car on diet qu’elle est aticque pour le premier degre et est demourre malade a Rouen ” [Delpit., I. 283].

3. Epithalame, on vers nuptiaulx pour les nopces de serenissime roy d’Escosse et Madame Magdelaine de France, fille aisnee du Roy, son epouse. Faict et presente audict Seigneur, le lendemain de ces nopces, par le Dipsosophe, prothonotaire de monseigneur le Reveren- dissime Cardinal de Bourbon. [Montaiglon, IX. 184-188, followed by a short prose account of the marriage, pp. 189-190.] The poem is not of great value : it praises James’s courage in crossing the seas, his love of France, and celebrates the riches and fertility of Scotland. 4. Deploration sur le trespas de ires noble princesse Madame Magdalaine de France. Au Palais, par Gilles Corrozet et Jehan Andre, libraires. Avec privilege. [Licence] De par le prevost de Paris, il est permis a Gilles Corro- zet, libraire a Paris, de imprimer ou faire imprimer ung petit livre intitule : La deploration sur la mort et trespas de feue de bonne memoire madame Magdaleine de France, en son vivant royne d’Escosse, et deffence a tous aultres de ne imprimer ou faire imprimer ledict livre jusques d’huy en ung an, sur peine de confiscation desdietz livres et d’amende arbitraire. Faict le ven- dredi, cinquieme jour d’oetobre mil cinq cens trente-sept. Signe : J. Morin. [Montaiglon, V. 234-41.] Prefaced with a Latin epitaph by Etienne Dolet, this poem of 148 lines, in ten-syllabled lines, has distinct emotion. It is no formal tribute. It speaks of Madeleine’s beauty and youth and charm, of her delicacy, and of the misgivings attendant on her marriage : Quant el partit de ce pays francoys Chacun disoit: “ Quelque part que tu soys, Ou que tu voise, 6 dame tant notable, Tu n'auras point ung aer si delectable.” Disoit apres la turbe populaire : 130 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

“ Ceste dame est tant doulce et debonnaire, Tant delicate en complexion tendre Que le gros aer oil elle espere tendre. Passant la mer, la pourra suffoquer Et sans povoir de mort la revoquer.” O qu’elle fut regretee de gens, Tant des plus grans, des riches, qu'indigens, Quant elle fut a ce roy espousee. Non qu’on eust paeur qu’elle fust mal posee, Mais pour autant que, n’estant plus Francoyse, Elle seroit desormais Escossoise. [V. 238]. And the Epitaphe de la dicte dame, twenty-two lines in mixed measures, mainly couplets, concludes sonorously : L’ame est a Dieu, le corps sommeille en transe, Et le renom nous en demeure au monde. [V. 241.] Commentary : This poem consists of a number of apostrophes, to Death, Nature, Venus, Fortune, Paris, and again Death. But though a poem of intense mourning it discloses so much of the preparations for Madeleine’s entry into Edinburgh, that it may also be said to be in part a “ Reception Poem," and a " Coronation Carol,” and a “ Marriage Song.” A reception poem was presented to a king or queen on entry into a town. Cf. Dunbar, Blyith Aberdeen, II. 251-53, especially for the pageants in the streets. This poem was written for the reception of Margaret Tudor, queen of James IV., at Aberdeen in August 1511. Coronation carols, as Warton calls them, III. 170, were customary at the coronations of monarchs. Cf. Lydgate, A Ballad presented to Henry the Sixth the day of his coronation, MSS. Ashmole, 59, ii, and Hawes, A loyfull medytacyon to all Englonde of the coronacyon of our moost naturall souerayne lord kynge Henry the eight, printed by Wynken de Worde [1509]. See Additional Notes. Epithalamia proper did not come in until after the Renaissance, but marriage songs were written in the Middle Ages. Cf. Lydgate’s verses in honour of the entry of Queen Margaret of Anjou into London, on the occasion of her marriage with Henry VI. in 1445. This poem is recorded by Stowe, but is now lost. In all countries a state entry concerned with a coronation or marriage was accompanied by the presentation of poems, brief plays, or mys- teries, and later, masques. Nothing is known of the detailed preparations for Madeleine’s reception in Edinburgh, beyond the account fur- nished by Lindsay in this poem, lines 99-175, but as Lyon King of Arms Lindsay would have had much work to do in the arrangements. We know this, or can assume it, from the fact that he prepared a masque for the reception of Marie de Lorraine at St Andrews on her arrival from France in June 1538 [see Vol. II. x, and note], and that he played an important part in the preparations for her state entry into Edinburgh in July 1538 [see Appendix /., 116]. In Madeleine’s case we have a tragic example of the preparations for a triumphal entry changed into NOTES TO THE DEPLORATIOUN OF QUENE MAGDALENE I31 speedy mourning [C.T. VI. 313, May 25, 1537]. Item, deliverit to Wil- liame Mure [messenger and macer], lettres to the Schereffis of Kin- cardin, Dumfres, Stirling, Peblis, Selkirk, Perth, and Aberdene. Item, deliverit siclik lettres to the Schereffis of Edinburgh principall, and within the constabilrie of Hadingtoune and Berwik, for the conven- tioun of the baronis to the quenis grace entran in Edinburgh and corona- tioune, and to his wage . . . xx s. Item, deliverit to Archibald Hoge, messinger, siclik lettres to the Shereffis of Lynlythqw, Renfrew, Dunbertane, and Aire, and to his wage . . . xxvj s. Item, deliverit to Patersoune, pursevant, siclik lettres to the Sherefiis of Fyff, Forfar, and Elgyne, and to his wage . . . xl s. [C.T. VI. 330, July 7, 1537.] Item, to ane pursyvant to pas till Dunde to charge the inhabitants thairof to bring thare blakis to Edin- burgh, incontinent for the Quenis tyrement [interment]. Also C.T. VI. 313-14, 330-32, 349, 350, 351, 354, 411, 422, 423.

2. Adam : Adam, by his disobedience of God’s command, introduced death into the world. Cf. Genesis ii. 17 ; iii. 14, 22.

15. O dreidfull Dragoun : Death, frequently represented as slaying mankind with a spear or dart. A representation of a dragon’s head was used as hell’s mouth in miracle plays.

19. Paramour. Originally this word had a noble meaning, as here and elsewhere in Lindsay. 22. Mathusalem : cf. Genesis v. 27, " And all the days of Methuselah were nine hundred sixty and nine years : and he died.”

25. Or scho was compleit seuintene %eir of age : seventeen years of age. Madeleine was born at St Germain en Laye, August 10, 1520. As she died on July 5, 1537, she was thus three weeks short of seventeen years when she died.

28. The need for providing heirs to a throne, or estate, has, of course, always been vital. The French doctors had warned James that Made- leine could not have children.

31. Naturall targis : shields against death, to protect Madeleine from his dart.

35. Succession : heirs, here to the throne. 38. In to %our Court: the Court of Venus, that imaginary court given by the Middle Ages to Venus in which were to be found the true lovers of all ages. 40. Magdalene of France. Madeleine was, in 1537, the eldest surviving daughter of Francois Ier (1494-1546) by his first wife, Claude de France, eldest daughter of Louis XII. and Anne of Britanny, married May 14, 132 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1514. Claude de France died at Blois, July 20, 1524. Madeleine was the third daughter born to Francis, the two eldest, Louise de France (born at Amboise, August 19, 1515 ; affianced to Charles of Austria, King of Spain, at Noyon, August 13, 1516 ; died at Amboise, September 21, 1517), and Charlotte de France (born at Amboise, October 23, 1516, and died at Blois, September 8, 1524), having predeceased her. Her younger sister. Marguerite de France, was born at St Germain en Laye, June 5, 1523 ; was affianced to Louis de Savoye, prince of Piedmont, April 7, 1526, but did not marry him ; married Emmanuell-Phih'bert, Duke of Savoy, at Paris, July 9, 1559 ; and died at Turin, September 14, 1574- 43. Leander : Leander swam the Hellespont in order to see his beloved Hero (Lindsay’s “ Lady Hero ” of line 44), and one night met his death by drowning. Lindsay’s classical allusion finds a curious parallel in Le Sommaire des antiquitez & merueilles Descosse redige et mys par escript par lehan des monstiers escuyer diet le Fresse. Paris : Anthoine Bonnemere pour lehan Andre & Vincent Certenas Libraires [March 26, 1538]. This gives a brief account of the marriage and death of Madeleine, with her epitaph, a second epitaph " lo. Vvlteio Autore,” and a third " Autore lo. Fraxineo.” On f. xxxv, “ Le Roy Certes merita loz immortel quant il passa la mer pour conquerir Magdalene non pas comme Paris Helene ou lason Medee pour lauarice de la Thoison dor mais pour auoir la tresnoble princesse qui de doulceur grace vertu & noblesse oultrepassoit toutes les femmes du monde.”

45. Throw hulryng stremis wode : through angry roaring seas. See note to line 47.

46. With erlis, baronis, squyaris, and with knichtis. Pitscottie, Croniclis, I. 364, says that six earls, six lords, six bishops, and twenty great barons went to Paris on James’s summons, and that there went with him the Earl of Arran, the Earl of Atholl, the Earl of Argyll, the Earl of Huntly, Lord Maxwell, Lord Fleming, Lord Livingstone, Lord Ruthven, Lord Saltoun, the Earl of Cassillis, the Earl Marshal, the Earl of Moray, the Earl of Rothes, and the Master of Erskine, also many barons and gentlemen [I. 356-57] ; but MS. I. adds “ bot few of thir past in france for danger of the realme and invasioun of enimyes bot gat licence to byd still to the kingis hamecuming.”

47. Contrair Neptune and Eol. Neptune and iEolus were both considered unfriendly to man. Here, as the ships passed to France, they were combined in hostility. The reference is to James’s first attempt to sail for France on July 24, 1536, when he was driven back into harbour by storms, and set sail again on September 1. r

48. In greit disesperance: Chalmers, II. 181, " disesperance, as in Chaucer, without esperance ; a word for hope, which is very common in Shakspeare : Lyndsay does not state the fact, which must be looked for in Pitscottie.” Pitscottie says nothing about the despair of the NOTES TO THE DEPLORATIOUN OF QUENE MAGDALENE I33 realms. This is a poetical compliment to James ; the realm, it is stated, could not bear even his temporary absence.

49. To seik his Lufe. James did not actually go to France to seek Madeleine. His ambassadors had already arranged a marriage with Marie de Bourbon, but when James saw her he thought her “ bossu et contrafaicte,” and asked Francis to allow him to marry Madeleine. It is possible, of course, that having heard of Madeleine he determined to marry her, and went to France intending to break off the marriage- agreement with Marie de Bourbon.

49. The first Dochter of France. A double attribute, without any suggestion of punning. Madeleine was the eldest surviving daughter of Francis, and, therefore, of France, and as such was also its leading daughter. Cf. Tragedie of the Late Cardinal, 89.

50. Lyke prudent Quene Penelope. Like Penelope, who withstood the invitations of lovers for twenty years, in the absence of Ulysses during and after the siege of Troy.

51. Ful constantly wald change hym for none other. This was true enough. As Madeleine had shown signs of the tuberculosis which carried her off, attempts were made to persuade her to decline James’s hand, as it was feared that she might not live long or that she might not be able to bear children. Cf. Pitscottie, Croniclis, I. 362 : “ Bot jeit in this meane tyme the king of Scotland did his dew reverence into the quen of France and hir ladyis, and in spetiall to the kingis dochter Magdallan, quho was rydand in ane charrott because scho was seiklie and evell dispossit, scho mycht nocht ryd on horse, ^eit nochtwithtstanding all her seiknes and melodie [malady], fre tyme scho saw the king of Scotland and spak witht him scho became so inamorit witht him and luffit so that scho wald haue no man on lyffe bot him allanerlie, quhairof the consall of France and Scottland baitht lykit nothing thairof ffor they war certiffieit be the doctouris medicianaris that no successioun wald come of hir body be ressone of hir lang seiknes and melodie and that scho was nocht abill to travell out of that contrie to no wther, and gif scho did scho wald not haue lang dayis thair into. %eit nochtwithtstanding, the ardant luffe that this gentill woman buire to the king of Scottland caussit hir father the king of France to consent into hir marieage witht the king of Scotland and to the effect desyrit the king of Scottland to the samin quho consentit thairto hastelie ffor the lufie that he bure to the king of France.” Brantome tells the following story, on the authority of Ronsard, who came with her to Scotland as her page. When asked why she wanted to marry James, she replied, “ ‘ Pour le moings tant que je vivray je seray reyne, ce que j’ay tousjours desire.’ Mais quand elle fust en Escosse, elle en trouva le pays tout ainsi qu’on luy avoit diet, et bien different de la doulce France. Touteffois, sans autre semblent de le repantance, elle ne disoit autre chose, sinon : ‘ Helas ! j’ay voulu estre regne ’ ; couvrant sa tristesse et le feu de son ambition d’une cendre de patience, le mieux qu’elle pouvoit. M. de Ronssard m’a conte cecy, VOL. III. K 134 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY lequel alia aveq’ elle en Escosse, sortant hors de page d’aveq’ M. d’Orleans [Charles, Duke of Orleans, third son of Francis I.] qui luy donna pour aller aveq’ elle, et veoir son monde. Elle ne demeura pas longtemps regne qu’elle ne mourust, bien regrettee du roy et de tout le pays, car elle estoit fort bonne, et se faisoit beaucoup aymer, et avoit ung fort grand esprit, et estoit fort sage et vertueuse.” Brantome, VIII. 127-28. 53-54. This is the reverse of the injunctions in Genesis ii. 24, Matthew xix. 5, and Mark xxx. 7, that “ a man shall leave father and mother, and shall cleave unto his wife,” often used by Lindsay. Lindsay may have developed the idea himself, by inversion of circumstances, or he may have borrowed it from the Elegie Nuptiale [ante, A2b], where Madeleine is asked if she can leave France, her sister, aunt, her two young brothers, and her father. Lindsay falls into an error which the French poet escapes. Madeleine’s mother, Claude de France, had died on July 20, 1524 [see note to line 40], a fact which the French poet remembers, though Lindsay does not. Francis had, however, married again, on July 1530, Eleanor of Austria, widow of Emmanuel, King of Portugal, and eldest sister of Charles V. She died on February 18, 1558. 62. The most hie cristinit King : the Most High Christian King. This was the official title of the king of France, Rex Christianissimus.

69-70. Cf. Mon., 5162-63 : Ten thousand MyLjeone of treasoure May nocht prolong thy lyfe one houre and Tragedie of the Late Cardinal, 321-22 : . . . behauld, my gret threasoure, Maid me no helpe, at my vnhappye houre. 71. O Paris, of all Citeis principall. Poems in praise of towns are not uncommon. Cf. Dunbar’s poem in praise of London : London, thou art of townes A per se, II. 276, and Blyth Aberdein, II. 251. 72. With laud and glorie. Lindsay was present at this marriage, and his statement is borne out by the historians. France was then at war with the emperor, who had invaded France in 1536 to prevent Francis from attacking Italy, while at the same time Francis was engaged in the conquest of the Savoy. When the emperor laid siege to Peronne, Paris took alarm, and a Conseil de ville assembled on July 15, 1536, gave the Duke of Vendome 40,000 livres to stop the enemy’s advance, and raised 1600 men to work on the fortifications at Paris, under the orders of Cardinal du Bellay, who became Lieutenant-General of Paris and the Isle of France. On July 29, Francis demanded from the town £100,000, but at the same time the Duke of Vendome sent a letter saying that by God or by the devil Paris was to be taken, to prevent the invasion of Italy. The Parisians then knew what kind of enemy they had to deal with, and raised 10,000 men, and the city was placed in a state of siege. On September 10, the siege of Peronne was raised, and then the news came that the emperor was leaving Provence. NOTES TO THE DEPLORATIOUN OF QUENE MAGDALENE 135

In July James had arrived, wife-hunting, and when Francis returned from the south in November, he found James, who, it is stated, had raised of his own accord an army of 10,000 men to offer his assistance, though this is unlikely. It is probable that his retinue was mistaken for an arnry. Genuinely relieved, Francis ordered a state entry into Paris, but the Parlement de Paris, perhaps still irritated at the cost of the war, remonstrated against the expense, and at first refused to assume its red robes, saying that this was an honour which had never been paid to a foreign prince. They were compelled to do so by Francis, who also ordered a state entry by the porte Saint Antoine, which was to go straight over the pont Notre Dame to the Cathedral, and that the provosts, and all representatives of the people, should go to meet the king, and do him the honours that would be done to Francis. On November 29 the councillors met to decide what present should be given to James, and that the entry should be made in the usual way, but without the production of mystery plays. From that time the preparations went forward quickly. On December 18 Francis ordered the construction of a large scaffolding outside Notre Dame, and other things for the entry and marriage of the King of Scots, and also ordered the Provost to accept the gift of money James would make the town to recover the costs. On December 23 Francis wrote ordering that after the visit to Notre Dame James was to be taken to the Hotel d’Hercule, otherwise known as the Hotel du Roi, at the corners of the Quai and Rue des Augustins, and ordered a supper to be held at the town’s expense. The first part of the order was counter- manded on the 27th, and the Hotel de Cluny was taken, and by this letter the masters of the guilds were ordered to robe themselves and line the streets. It was a bitterly cold winter. Curiously enough the Register of the City of Paris says nothing about the solemn entry of the King of Scotland, nor about the fetes given in his honour. The details of the scaffold are interesting ; all royal marriages in France took place in public on some such scaffold, so that the people could see the actual ceremony. The Council held on December 9, at which the Chancellor, the Grand Master, the Cardinal du Bellay, Chateaubriand, the Bishop of Soissons, Villeroy, and Bochatel were present, repeated the general orders regarding the state entry, and the town was ordered to build “ une gallerie a garde-foly de largeur de huit a neuf piedz, k prendre depuis le logis episcopal dudict sr cardinal Du Bellay, continuant le long de la nef de Teglise Nostre-Dame de Paris jusques au parry et retournant court a main dextre jusques devant la grand porte de ladicte eglise ; onquel lieu seroit faict ung theatre de cinq ou six toises de tous sens, et dont y auroit de sept ii huit piedz entrans au dedans en ledicte eglise, avec ung escaher pour descendre dudict theatre en ladicte eglise, pour sur icelluy theatre solempniser le marriage dudict roy d’Escosse et to madicte dame Magdaleine de France, et apres le messe dicte et celebree au maistre hostel de ladicte eglise, sortir de ladicte eglise par la porte de la croisee du coste dudict logis episcopal, par ung escalier entrant en ladicte gallerie. Et sur ce que par nous leur fut diet que, sitost que serions en ceste Ville, ferions S9avoir le voulloir dudict Sr au Bureau de ladicte Ville et manderions les nTs des oeuvres dudict Sr pour donner ordre au 136 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY faict des dictes galleries, theatre et escallier, nous fut diet par mesdietz srs que le Roy voulloit et entendoit que les ediffices susdietz fussent faietz aux despens de ladicte Ville et en la plus grande diligence que faire se pouvroit, parce que ledict Sr voulloit et entendoit que ladicte entree feust le derrenier jour de ce present mois, et ledict mariage le landemain premier jour de 1’an, et que les deniers qu’il convendroit pour les fraiz d’icelle entree fussent prins sur les deniers octroiez par ledict Sr & ladicte Ville [tant] pour le bastiment de 1’Hostel de ladicte Ville que es fontaines et autres afiaires, a la charge cy apres de reprandre pareille somme sur les deniers des aides ordinaires d’icelle Ville, et dont seroit expedie acquiet en forme, adressant h messrs des Comptes, pour icelle somme estre allouee es comptes dudict Receveur. Laquelle presente creance et lettres missives dudict S1' avons presentees a ceste fin et declaire a messieurs les Eschevins de ladicte Ville, present les Greffier et Receveur d’icelle, pour estre enregistre et obey au voulloir dudict Sr.” The entry into Paris took place on December 31, Francis having preceded James the day before. James was accompanied by the Dauphin, the King of Navarre, the Duke of Vendome, the Cardinal de Bourbon, and others. The officials of Paris went to meet him at two in the afternoon : four notaries, the four presidents, councillors, advocates, “ les gens des comptes,” the chancellery, the Provost with his men, and commissaries of the Chatelet, the Chancellor, the Provost of the merchants, with the Eschevins, all robed in long robes of velours, bearing the crest of a silver ship, and the archers, “ habillez de leur hoequetons de livree qui marchaisent devant eulx,” the bishops, archbishops, and cardinals. He was conducted to St Antoine des Champs, where the King awaited him. There the President read the address, and afterwards the other estates read theirs, “ qui dura longuement,” and James apparently made no reply, the reason given being that he did not speak much French. Then the procession moved to Notre Dame through draped streets, where there was a theatre-stand erected between the house of the Bishop of Paris and the great door of Notre Dame, " orne d’un ciel de fin drap d’or, sur quatre piliers d’antique, richement acoustre, soulz lequel fut mise madame Madeleine en attendant le cardinal de Bourbon, qui devait donner la benediction nuptiale.” Behind the King and Madeleine came the Queen, the wife of the Dauphin [Catherine de Medicis], Marguerite [Madeleine’s sister] Madame de Vendome, the Queen of Navarre, Madame de Nevers, Madame de la Tremouille, Madame de Chastillon, &c. James arrived with them at the door, and a herald cried three times, " Largesse de par Madame Magdelaine, fille du Roy,” and this done threw to the people gold and silver coins, “ qui estoit une mout belle chose a veoir.” After the ceremony came mass, and then dinner was served. Then followed supper at the palace, which was decorated with rich tapestries. The King’s table was of marble, near which were two buffets with gold and silver vessels, and not far from these two scaffolds with minstrels who played over supper, and after for the dancing and masques. Next day James gave a dinner to Francis, and the day after commenced the jousting at the Louvre, which lasted for fifteen days. James and the Dauphin acquitted themselves well. [Croniques au Roy Francoys NOTES TO THE DEPLORATIOUN OF QUENE MAGDALENE 137 premier de ce non., ed. G. Guiffrey, Paris, i860, 200-5 I RSgistres des deliberations du Bureau de la Ville de Paris, 1449-1614, 15 vols, Paris, 1883-1921, II. (1527-1539) ; Teulet, Relations politiques de la France et de VEspagne avec I’Ecosse au xvie siecle, I. ; Bapst, Les Manages de Jacques V.; Ribier, Lettres et Mimoires; Dolet, Les gestes du Roy Franfois; Montaiglon, IX. 189-190.] The description of the marriage of James V. and Madeleine, and the feasting on the wedding day, corresponds in almost every detail with that of Mary Queen of Scots and the Dauphin, even to the French king’s marble table, and the buffets of gold and silver vessels, the dancing and masques, given in the printed fragments which I discovered as front end-papers in the Lambeth Palace library copy of 1559. See “ The Marriage of Mary Queen of Scots : A Lost Scottish-Printed Fragment,” in The Library, March 1932, for account and facsimiles. Pitscottie’s account, Croniclis, I. 365-66, is rather of the festivities than the ceremony. " The marieage was solemni^ett at Paries in Noter- dames kirk at the houre of ten befor [none] witht the king of France and quen and thair douchter and consall and all the haill nobilietie on the ane pairt, the king of Scotland and his consall and nobilietie on the wther pairt, quhilk was sic ane great multietud on baitht the sydis that it was cummer and allso tedieous to rehearse. For thair was never so great a solemnite and triumphe sen in france in ane day as was then sen the tyme of King Chairllis the Maine ; ffor thair was sic iusting and tornamentis baitht on horse and on fute and in burght and land and also wpoun the sie in schipis and so mekill artaillje sett in all pairtis of France baitht on the land and on the sie and also in castellis and touns and willagies that no man might heir for the reird of thame. And also the pairtieis [MS. I., royatus] bankcating, deliecat [MS. I., delicat cleithing] and costlie trieumph and playis and feistis [MS. I., pheirsis] witht pleasand sound of instrumentis of all kynd and also cuning carweris [? conjurers] haueand the art of igramansie to cause thingis to appeir quhilk was as flieand dragounss in the air schot fyre at ether heids [MS. I., schuttand fyre at bayth thair endis], great reveris of watteris rynand throw the toun and schipis [MS. I., and men] fyghtand thairwpon as it had bene the bullring stremes of the [sie] witht schutting of gouns lyk crakis of thunder ; and thir wonderis was sen be the nobielietie and common pepill that was thair thocht they war maid be men of ingyne ffor the outsetting of thair treumph to do the king of Scotland and the king of France thair maisteris plesour.”

75. Pompey, efter his Uictorie. In the year 81 b.c. Pompey crossed to Africa to fight Cnaius Domitius Ahenobarbus, the son-in-law of Cinna, who had collected a large army, which was wiped out by Pompey, who then subdued Numidia, and returned in triumph to Rome, where he was greeted by Sulla as Magnus. He was awarded a triumph for his victories in Spain, 74-72 b.c. ; but his greatest triumph was that which he received after his conquest of the eastern world, 66-61 b.c. It is probably this victory to which Lindsay refers. The triumph lasted for two days. Lindsay again refers to Pompey in The Monarche, 3676-3693, 4103- 4223. 138 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

78. Bot at his Mariage maid vpon the morne. The state entry of James took place on December 31, and his marriage at Notre Dame the following morning, January 1, 1537, at ten o’clock.

85. I neuer did se one day more glorious. Lindsay was present as herald. It is believed that he gave to Pitscottie the account of the visit in the Croniclis. 94. The thre Estaitis of Scotland : the three estates, Lords, Clergy, and Burgesses, in Parliament. They play an important part in Ane Satyre, 2352 onwards. 105. With greit propynis : A propine was a gift made to the monarch or his consort on first entry into a town. L. propin-are, to drink a health, pledge; Gk. irpovlv-uu, to drink to another. Probably this was first used of a present of wine, but later of any gift. The propine given to Madeleine by the town of Edinburgh was forty tuns of wine, at a cost of £1000. [Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, II. 74, under date March 17, 1535-36, ? 1536-37-] 109. Fontanis flowing waiter cleir and wyne. Cf. Extracts from the Re- cords of the Burgh of Edinburgh, III. 219, when the town paid James Nocoll, baillie, ten pounds for his “ punscheoun of wyne run at the croce the tyme of the Princes birth,” September 18, 1566. 110. Disagysil folkis. Lit. “ disguised people,” actors, for the production of miracle plays. 111. On ilk scaffold. This is a clear indication that the miracle plays were produced in Edinburgh on separate platforms erected through the streets at intervals, not on moving carts. 118. Claith of grane : Cloth of grain. 124. Baurent: banneret. The Knights Banneret were knights made on the field of battle under the king’s banner. They preceded the Baronets of Nova Scotia, established on May 28, 1625, for the purpose of encouraging colonisation. 126. Sable : black. Lindsay cleverly uses this heraldic colour as the symbol of mourning, after detailing the bright colours designed for the festivities : green [116] ; scarlet [118] ; the purple, black, and brown robes of the senators [122] ; and gold [125]. The poets were fond of the primary colours, Cf. Papyngo, in, and this led to the use of heraldic terms for colours, even when describing flowers. Cf. Dunbar, Goldyn Targe, II. 2, 40-42 : The rosy garth depaynt and redolent. With purpur, a^ure, gold, and goulis gent Arayed wes, be Dame Fflora the quene. 132. Solempniteis : here must be understood solemn hymns of praise in the churches. NOTES TO THE DEPLOKATIOUN OF QUENE MAGDALENE I39

133. Dirigeis. See note to Papyngo, yog. 139. Maseris : macers, mace-bearers. The macers were messengers employed by the heralds’ office, and also the officials who kept order in courts of law. 148. Pale of gold : pall of gold. The use of the pall at a state entry was common throughout the Middle Ages. Cf. Dunbar, Blyth Aberdein, II. 251, 9-14 : And first hir mett the burgess of the toun, Richelie arrayit as become thame to be. Of quhom they cheset four men of renoun, In gounes of veluot, ?oung, abill, and lustie, To beir the paill of veluet cramase Abone hir heid, as the custome hes bein. 150. All thare last: All thare is an erroneous form of alther, one of the genitive plural forms [alra, alre, aller, alder, alther] of all. Last of all. 157. Viue la Royne. It is certainly very curious, as Laing points out, I. 282, that the French compositors of 1558 should have misprinted the French here, as veua la royna. 167. Abbay of the Holy rude. Abbey of Holyrood, Edinburgh. 171. Chapel Roy all. A body of singers, or choir, attached to a prince's or king’s chapel. 175. In Requiem ceternam. The first words of the Introit in the Mass for the Dead, " Requiem aeternam dona eis, Domine ; et lux perpetua luceat eis,” &c. The word In (Italics) should be emended In (Roman), since this word does not begin the Introit. 197. The heuinly flour of France. The lily, styled heavenly because it was associated with the Virgin Mary. 198. Quhilk Impit was in to the Thrissill kene. Chalmers, II. 188, “ grafted was into the thistle keen,” the thistle being, of course, the emblem of Scotland. The association of the two emblems is drawn from heraldry. From imp, v. to graft. O.E., impian. 200. The Lyoun reioysit frame the splene : the Lion of Scotland, rejoicing from the heart. 201. Thocht rule be pullit from the leuis grene. Chalmers, II. 188, “ Though the root of the flower de lys be pulled, yet shall the smell of it [the flower] keep always two realms in amity : Lyndsay thus concludes his deploration, with a very elegant thought.” Laing, I. 283, adds, ” This may remind some readers of a conceit, by Moore, in his Irish melodies: Like the vase, in which roses have once been distill’d. You may break, you may ruin the vase if you will, But the scent of the roses will hang round it still.” 140 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

VII.

The lusting betuix lames Watsoun and Ihone Barbour.

Text : I. 114-116.

Provenance : Harmsworth 1568, checked with Bodley, Tanner 187.

Date : No direct evidence. The episode is supposed, though it may be poetical fiction, to have occurred at St Andrews on Whit-Monday of a year not specified. As the king and queen are stated to have been present [line 5], the date of composition lies between 1537 and 1542. Chalmers, I. 70 and II. 190, dates the episode in June 1538, immediately after the arrival of Marie de Lorraine, who reached Crail, Fife, on June 10, 1538, and proceeded to St Andrews. Laing, I. 285, concurs, but also refers to a possible jousting at St Andrews in April and May 1539. The Treasurer’s Accounts state that Marie de Lorraine landed on Whit-Sunday, 1538 [C.T. VII. 122]. 1538 would therefore appear to be ruled out of consideration, for the queen is described as present, and she could not have got to St Andrews in time for a joust on the next day. The Court was also at St Andrews in May 1539, over Whit [C.T. VII. 163-64]. There was certainly jousting this year. [C.T. VII. 165, May 5, 1539. ] Item, deliverit to William Smeburd [the King’s armourer] for cariage of the Kingis harnes, speris and uther justing geir fra Edinburgh to Striveling, and fra Striveling to Sanctandros in Aprile and Maii, as his particular compt bers, iiij li. xvj s. viij d. But the Court was also at St Andrews in May 1540. In April of that year the Court was at Stirling [C.T. VII. 299], but at the end of the month moved to St Andrews [VII. 300], where the king’s second son was born. Again there was jousting [C.T. VII. 317, June 14, 1540.] Item, gevin to Williame Smeberd for dichting and grathing of the Kingis harnis, armyng swerdis, Jedburgh stavis, splentis, and cariage of the Kingis harnes and sperris to Sanctandrois and utheris places for the justing, and for gair furnesit be him thairto, fra the x day of Februar last bipast to the xij day of Junii instant, as his compt gevin thair- upoun beris, lij li. ix s. vj d. The date of composition therefore appears to lie within 1538 to 1540. I have given the date 1538 rather because it is traditional, and the earliest possible, but regard 1539 as probable.

Commentary : The “ heroes ” of the poem were two servants of the Court, James Watson and John Barbour. James Watson was a barber in the king’s service. He succeeded John Murray, who had been barber for many years, on the latter's NOTES TO THE IUSTING OF WATSOUN AND BARBOUR 14I

death in 1538, and had not previously been in court service. Like his companion, John Barber, he disappears from the records after 1542, in the reduction of personnel which took place after James’s death. On March 21, 1539, the goldsmith, John Mosman, was paid £7 for “ ane cais of silver maid at the Kingis command to James Watsone, harbour to his grace” [C.T. VII. 196]. On March 3, 1539-40, he received lands in Balburning, Perth, pro bono servitio sibi in arte chirugia impenso [Reg. Mag. Sig., 1513-46, No. 2110]. This grant names his wife, Mariot Rollok, but no heir. Lindsay repeatedly describes him as " gentle.” John Barbour was evidently of more humble grade. He first appears in July 1537 as a servant to John Tennant; he became a groom in the wardrobe, and disappears in 1542 [C.T. VI. 340, 395, 420, 429 ; VII. 116, 126,158, 264, 276, 281, 314, 315, 324, 333, 424, 476 ; VIII. 108]. Lindsay describes him also as a leech, but he does not appear in the Treasurer’s Accounts as a barber. It must be remembered that barbers were also surgeons. The poem is one of those satires on the humbler classes of which the Middle Ages and later ages were fond. Mock tournaments were to the Middle Ages what burlesque classicism was to the Augustans. The heroes of mock tournaments were never gentlemen by birth, and thus satire of the humbler or non-chivalric classes enters into these poems. The most important of these satires are, besides Lindsay’s poem. The Turnament of Tottenham ; Dunbar’s The Turnament, or Jousting between the Tailor and the Sowtar ; Alexander Scott’s Justing betuix Adamsone and Sym ; Fenqeit Symmie ; and Christ’s Kirk on the Greene. There is a general similarity between the details of the fight in Dunbar’s poem and Lindsay’s, but as there are no verbal parallels it is probable that the similarity does not go beyond that of incident.

3. Past to the Barres. Barres : barrace, lists, area marked off by railings, fence, or ropes, as a place of combat. ? O.F. barras. Cf. Dunbar, II. 122, Turnament, 6, “ The barress was made boun." Lindsay makes it monosyllabic.

13-17. Lindsay is careful not to allow his satire to affect their professional reputation as barber-surgeons, but he seems to speak more highly of Watson, unless these lines, and the epithet “ gentle ” which he applies to him, are themselves satirical.

22. This line would read better, " That thay could never get thair speir in rest.”

33. %it thocht thy braunis be lyk twa barrow trammis. Yet though thy calves be like two barrow shafts (i.e., thin). Satire of this kind reverses everything, to heighten the ridicule of the victims, and to draw a strong contrast with what was considered ideal. 38. This line is unmetrical, having six feet. Perhaps the best emendation would be the omission of “ he,” with a slight change of sense : “ Were (it) not that among his horse’s feet his spear broke.” 142 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

40. I do not quite understand what is meant by " thre market straikis." But cf. Satyre, Proclamatioun, 120 [II. 20], where Findlaw challenges, Will na man, for thair ladyis saikis. With me stryk twenty markit straikis, With halbart swerd, or speir ? It probably means " three ” or “ twenty ” good blows. ft 41. I have had, quoth John, that which shall be revenged on thee. 48. He missed the man, and struck the ground with his sword, and thought that he had killed John, but his sword stuck fast in the ground, and he never got it again. Line 47 appears to mean not that James attacked John with his fists, but that he held his sword in both hands, the sign of one not used to handling a sword. 54. John’s sword, so rusty that only with difficulty did he withdraw it from his scabbard, flies out of his hand when he lifts it to strike a blow. He, too, proves that he is not a gentleman. 56. James tries to console John by blaming the swords, which they do not know how to use. Now they take to their gloves of mail, equivalent to their fists, the natural weapons of their class. See note to Hist. Sq. Mel., 537. 58. Creature is trisyllabic. 60. Red the men. The cry raised to part combatants. As John raises it here he again proves his low origin, the implication being that two knights would not have given in, but would have fought until one had been defeated. James agrees, and imagines that he has been fighting for a whole hour, but clearly the fight has lasted only a few minutes. Cf. Ane Satyre, 1565. 64-66. These lines were intended both to be humorous and to indicate what would not happen to a gentleman, who would not be so fear- ridden when facing his opponent, but the fact that fear may produce this result is psychologically and physiologically sound, and has been used by war novelists of a certain type to exemplify and stress the horrors of modern warfare, and its effect on the individual who is supposed to be sensitive. Cf. Dunbar, II. 122, Turnament, lines 67-72, 97-99. 66. Say and, adew, for dirt partis cumpany. The last three words were a proverb. Cf. Fergusson, Proverbs, S.T.S., p. 28, No. 239, p. 29, No. 346. Laing, I. 286, “ Kelly, under Dirt parts good company, has ‘ Spoken when unworthy fellows break in upon our company, which makes us uneasy and willing to break up ’ " (p. 88). 67-68. There was no bloodshed because their spears and swords were so rotten that blood could not have been drawn even had they been properly used. We may assume that their horses also refused to chaxge. Everything in the poem is, of course, high parody. NOTES TO ANE SUPPLICATIOUN 143

VIII.

Ane Supplicatioun in Contemptioun of Syde Taillis.

Text : I. 118-122.

Provenance : Harmsworth 1568, checked with Bodley, Tanner 187 (lines 117-176 only).

Date : lines 20-28, 65-66, and 158 refer directly to the queen. Hence the approximate date of the poem is 1537-1542, but it is hardly likely that it was written during Madeleine’s lifetime in Scotland, and hence a period 1538-1542 is probable. See note to lines 1-2.

Commentary : Pure satire and abuse of women apart, there existed throughout the Middle Ages a mass of literature in all languages addressed specially to women. Mile. Hentsch, De la Litterature didactique s’addressant specialement aux Femmes, 1903, collected a series of analyses of 114 such literary pieces, written by ninety-three authors from Ter- tullian of the second century to 1550, with an appended list of twenty- four similar tracts, not necessarily complete, down to the French translations of Steele’s essays, 1719. Even this large collection is more representative than complete, for of English works only The Ancren Riwle, How the Good Wiif taughte hir doughtir, The Myroure of our Ladye, and Henryson’s Garmound of Gude Ladeis, are quoted. Most of it is exhorta- tory, and there gleams through the later exponents quoted the ideal of the troubadour and the Virgin-cult. Side by side moves that literature which abuses women for the sin of Eve, which brought death into the world, and man to labour. Later Eve, unrepentant, is extravagant in dress, always luring man to destruction, or to wantonness. Diatribes against her are innumerable. The first sin of Pride, says Chaucer’s Parson [Skeat, IV. 593], is the sin of costly array of clothing, affecting both men and women in two ways, by superfluity or scantiness : “ As to the firste sinne, that is in superfluitee of clothinge, which that maketh it so dere, to harm of the people ; nat only the cost of embroudinge, the degyse endentinge or barringe, oundinge, palinge, windinge, or bendinge, and semblable wast of clooth in vanitee ; but ther is also costlewe furringe in hir gounes, so muche pounsoninge of chisels to maken holes, so muche dagginge of sheres ; forthwith the superfluitee in lengthe of the forseide gounes, trailinge in the dong and in the myre, on horse and eek on fote, as wel of man as of womman, that al thilke trailing is verraily as in effect wasted, consumed, thred- bare, and roten with donge, rather than it is yeven to the povre ; to greet damage of the forseyde povre folke. . . . [Discussion of scantiness of clothing], . . . Now as of the outrageous array of wommen, god woot, that though the visages of somme of hem seme ful chaast and debonaire, yet notifie they in hir array of atyr likerousnesse and pryde. I sey nat that honestetee in clothinge of man or womman is I44 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

unconvenable, but certes the superfluite or disordinat scantitee of clothinge is reprevable." The Parson’s Tale is a Chaucerian adaptation of the French treatise. La Somme des Vices et des Vertus, written in 1279 by Frere Lorens. Occleve’s protest against extravagance in dress in The Regement of Princes, E.E.T.S., 400-560, is applied only to men, but the details are similar. Costumes are twelve yards wide, with long sleeves reaching to the ground, and twenty pounds’ worth of fur is used as trimming. Oc- cleve is the first to use the phrase “ syde traille ” [1. 466], as applied to the long sleeves. Erasmus turns the charge of extravagance against women, and wittily remarks that “ each of the ladies believes her self so much nearer to the Gods, by how much longer train she trails after her ” [In Praise of Folly]. But in the Middle Ages almost every feature of women’s costume was material for the satirist. Costume, for both men and women, figured largely in the sumptuary laws of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. An example is the Act of James II., passed in 1457, against “ sumptewus clething bayth of men and women, and in speciall within burowis and commonys to landwart ” [Acts, II. 49]. Lindsay returns again to this subject in The Monarche, 5834-5841, in his picture, half-comic, of the ladies before the Judgement Seat: Je wantoun Ladyis, and burgis wyuis, That now for sydest tabs stryuis, Flappand the fylth amang ôur feit, Rasyng the duste in to the streit, That day, for all ?our pomp and pryde, 3our talis sail nocht ôur hyppis hyde. Thir vaniteis ê sail repent, Without that ê be penitent. 1-2. James V., like James IV., found it necessary to crush the chieftains of both the Highlands and the Borders. During the rule of Angus, the Armstrongs of Liddesdale sought to make themselves independent of both Scotland and England, and in 1526 endeavoured to seize the de- bateable land. They harboured English fugitives, and in 1529 boasted of having burnt fifty-two churches in Scotland. In the summer of 1529 James, assisted by Bothwell, quieted Liddesdale, but trouble broke out again the following winter. In June 1530 James led another expedition into the Border, and there followed the treacherous capture of John Armstrong, who, with forty-eight of his men, was hanged. Almost immediately after, James turned his attentions to the High- lands, which had been equally troublesome. In 1539 a fresh outbreak took place under Donald Gorme, who was killed in battle the same year. On May 29, 1540, James set out with twelve ships, sailed round the north of Scotland, and pacified the country. The success of the second expedition is referred to, as the reference to the queen puts the earlier trouble in the Highlands out of question.

5. A sly dig at James, whose executions for treason were numerous.

15-16. The significance of this is explained by the quotation from Chaucer above. The fact that this waste of material provided more NOTES TO ANE SUPPLICATIOUN 145 employment, and therefore assisted the commonweal, did not occur to the economists of the age.

17-23. Lindsay admits the increased dignity to the person given by trains, and while he wishes their general use to be abolished, he dare not suggest their universal abolition for fear of offending the higher clergy and the queen.

28. Lindsay assumes that the ladies are imitating the queen, but trailing dresses existed centuries before his time. Wright, History of Caricature and Grotesque, 104, blames the Anglo-Norman ladies. “ The robe, or gown, instead of being loose, as among the Anglo-Saxons, was laced close round the body, and the sleeves, which fitted the arm tightly till they reached the elbows, or sometimes nearly to the wrist, then suddenly became larger, and hung down to an extravagant length, often trailing on the ground, and sometimes shortened by means of a knot. The gown, also, was itself worn very long.” It is very probable, however, that the coming of the French queens to Scotland in 1537 and 1538 caused a tremendous interest in new French fashions.

29-30. Cf. Dunbar, Devorit with Dreme ; ed. Small, S.T.S., II. 83, 11. 71-75 : Sic fartingaillis on flaggis fatt as quhailis, Facit lyk fulis with hattis that littill availlis, And sic fowill tailis, to sweip the calsay clene. The dust vpskaillis ; so mony fillok with fuck sailis Within this land was nevir hard nor sene.

37-46. This passage is one of the problems of Lindsay’s biography. In The Monarche, 5422-27, and here, he speaks of having seen Italy, but there is no record of his having made such a journey. There is no reason to doubt his statement that he had seen Italy, for he is most truthful about his own life.

51. Sanct Bernard nor sand Blais. See Index of Biblical and Theological References.

62. Pure Claggokis cled in roiploch quhyte. Poor bedraggled wenches clad in natural wool cloth. This would be the roughest and coarsest kind of cloth.

63. Quhilk hes skant twa markis for thare feis. Who scarcely earn two marks a year. A mark was 13s. 4d. Scots.

65. Kittok. Kittock ; a wench, variant of Kitty. Young girls, who seem only to have been born yesterday, imitate the queen.

71-79. Lindsay repeats this complaint about the dust swept into the air by long trains in the passage in The Monarche, 5834-5841, already quoted at the end of the commentary. 146 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

99-100. This is a humorous parody of the more usual argument that the amount of cloth wasted in trains would clothe the poor. See the passage quoted from Chaucer, ante.

105. The Turcumis of hir taill. The collected filth on the tail of her dress. O.E.D. does not discuss Turcumis.

117. Sanct Bryde. See Index of Biblical and Theological References.

123. Syder nor may thare hanclethis hyde. Longer than may hide their ankles.

142-43. Instead of a period after displeis I suggest a comma, and a period instead of a comma after places. 147-48. Cf. Ane Satyre, 491-92, and The History of Squyer Meldrum, 996.

168. Veritas non querit Angulos. A much quoted proverb. Chaucer, II. 12,359, Verites ne quiert nus angles ; Romaunt of the Rose, B text, 6712, “ Sothfastnesse wol non hidinges.” Though there is no suggestion here of its being so used, this proverb is also an old pun of the Scots against the English : " And of this xviijc ^ere that we have regnyt in this land, we wer never iij° ^eris in verray pes, bot ay pressit and persewit with thir nacionis foresaid [Romans, Britons, Danes, Norse, Goths, Piets, and English], and git langest with thir Normandis now calland tham Inglis, and thair land callit Anglia fra a contree of Almane in Saxone callit Angulus, of the quhilk sum tyme thai was callit Anglici, or Angli ab Angulo. Now, Veritas non querit Angulos nec Anglos, thairfore may thai never be trew that come de Angulo ; and now the Normannnis has tane thair name and thair falshede togidder, and na wonder is[,] for thair Kyng is cummyn down rycht lyne fra the Devill lyke as thair awin Cronycle of Ingland, callit Policronicon, beris witness. . . . This is the nature of Inglismen quhar ever thai mak straytest oblissing of faith and pes, thai dissave thame erest, for sekerly thay kepe never faith langar than thai may se ane opyn tyme of advantage to chape, and coveris thame with thair dedis with sophistry, and excusit with fenjeit falsehede and false colouris. And this did thai ever till us all tymes bygane, but that suld thai nocht have done and thai had been trew[,] for we gave thame first faith Cristyndome and doctrine of the Kirk, for we war crisnyt before thame nere iiij0 jeris. Juxta illud, Christi transactis tribus annis atque ducentis, Scocia Catholicam cepit inire fidem. And for all this thai kepe till us the kyndenes that thai schaw.” The Cronycle of Scotland, MS. reg. James II., in possession of Lord Panmure. Bannatyne Miscellany, III. 41-42. An older, greater man, however, said, " Non Angli, sed Angeli.” 175-176. For another example in Lindsay of the doggerel " signature ’’ to a poem, see The Answer to the Kingis Flyting, I. 104. NOTES TO KITTEIS CONFESSIOUN 147

IX.

Kitteis Confessioun. Text : I. 124-127.

Provenance: Harmsworth 1568, checked with Bodley, Tanner 187 (11. 1-59).

Correction : 39 scort.

Date : Chalmers, I. 72, “ In this ridicule of auricular confession, there is scarcely any note of time.” He argues here for a period 1536-1543, for there would have been no occasion for the satire against the curate inquiring if Kitty’s master has any “ Inglis Bukis ” after the Regent Arran had passed the Act authorising the reading of the Bible in English on March 19, 1541-42. “ This confession was,” he says, I. 73, " therefore, written, we may suppose, in 1541.” But in the preface to his text of the poem he gives another date, “ Kitteis Confession was probably written, after the author’s return from the continent, during the year 1544,” II. 208. Laing reprinted both statements in full, without comment, I. 289-90. I have dated the poem 1543-1550 (I. 123), stating that “ the complete absence of reference to the Court seems to indicate a date of composition after the death of James V.” In so writing I had overlooked line 25, “ (Quod he) quhat said he of the King ? ” This clearly indicates a date of composition within James’s reign. There is no reference to Court, or to a queen, however, but the matter of the poem does not make one necessary. Nevertheless the poem must be re-dated, though besides the reference to the king " there is scarcely any note of time.” The reference to the king is of some importance in revealing that the Church obtained through the confessional items of political information, which would be of value, by causing accusations of high treason to be brought against heretics. This would tend to increase the popularity of the Church with the king, and so secure his assistance in putting down heresy. The date of the poem may be anywhere between 1530 and 1542, but I suggest a period towards the close of the king’s reign, when rivalry between Church and State seemed likely to come to a climax, 1536-1542.

Authorship : Charteris’s statement, “ Compylit (as is beleuit) be Schir Dauid Lindesay," is proof that the poem was originally circulated anonymously. The matter of the poem would have made this necessary. Charteris’s belief in Lindsay’s authorship must, I think, remain un- questioned, for the style, particularly of the last hundred lines, is unmistakable.

Commentary : This satirical dialogue between a curate and a country wench is unsatisfactory in form. Down to line 94 the satire is ex- 148 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY cellently maintained, and the dialogue form is not lost, despite the long speeches of Kitty, 11. 41-76, 79-94, this last being apparently continued. But from line 95 to the end Kitty and the curate are forgotten. She ceases to be a country wench who has never heard of heresy, and discusses the history of confession from the days of the early Christian Church onwards, denounces general confessions, and advocates volun- tary confession of the sins which trouble. The satirical introduction was deliberately employed to entrap the reader into considering these heretical suggestions regarding the confessional.

1. Kitte. Kitty, diminutive of Catherine, also applied to a young woman, a wench, and a woman of loose character. Cf. Dunbar, Ballad of Kynd Kittok, II. 52.

6. Degeist, deuote, daine, and demure. Grave, holy, modest, and demure —in outward appearance.

8. The efter game. The ostensible meaning is that the curate was better at discovering her sins by questions, but there seems to be the secondary meaning that he was very clever in luring a girl into sin with himself.

12. The curate has, of course, no intention of restoring the stolen barley to its rightful owners.

13. Tibbe. Pet name for Isabel.

16. Wyll Lena. There is no person in the Scottish printed records of this name, and it is doubtful if one existed. It may be a Active name from L. leno, pander, pimp, seducer, the latter suiting the circumstances.

18. Perhaps this is an instance of “ the efter game."

19-20. Kitty here denies that she knows what Heresy is, but had she listened to the reformers she must have known by what name the Church called their teachings. Perhaps her denial is an untruth to protect herself, for she quite clearly understands what is meant by “ Inglis Bukis ” (1. 21).

21. Inglis Bukis. The English translations of the Bible and New Testament, imported secretly into Scotland. An Act of ^25 forbade the importation of Bibles and Lutheran heretical books, “ all sic filthe and vice " [Acts, II. 342]. This was re-acted in 1535, adding punishments for possession. Knox states that Henry Forrest was martyred in 1533 for having an English New Testament in his possession. Writing from Edinburgh in May 1536, Lord William Howard and Bishop Barlow stated that the reading of the Bible in the vulgar tongue had been prohibited by proclamation, and the Duke of Norfolk wrote from Berwick in March 1538, " Dayly commeth unto me some gentlemen and some clerkes, wiche do flee owte of Scotland as they saie for redyng of Scripture in Inglishe ; saying that if they were taken, they sholde be put to execu- NOTES TO KITTEIS CONFESSIOUN 149 tion ” [S.P., Henry VIII., V. 154]. The reading of Bibles in English was allowed by the Scottish Parliament on March 14, 1541-42 [Acts, II. 415] despite the protests of the clergy, but in February 1542 Arran told the Warden of the English Marches that no Bibles were to be had in Scotland, and asked that an Englishman might be sent with copies [Hamilton Papers, I. 430]. In 1549 the reading of English Bibles was condemned by the Provincial Council of the Church at Edinburgh. On October 12, 1555, the Dean of Guild burnt with heather English books at the Market Cross, Edinburgh, the workman receiving i8d. [Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, II. 363 ; Ferguson, The Library, VIII. 149 (September 1927)].

21-24. I reproduce the articles of the charges preferred against John Borthwick. This details the particular books prescribed by the Church. “ Ordor and Process deducit in the Declarator gevyn upon the articles and sentence gewyn agains schyr Jhon Borthuick of Generic, Knycht, be umq" Dauid Cardinal, die vigesimo mensis augusti anno DM. M°VCLXI. [Bannatyne Miscellany, I. (1827) 253-263]. This reproduces the original charges and sentences of the court in 1544. Among the charges “plane constat per legitimas probationes eundem Joannem Borthuik habuisse et actualiter habere diversos libros suspectos, de haeresi damnatosque, tarn papali quam regia et ordinaria etiam authoritatibus lege prohibitos, vid' specialiter et in specie Voz/mw Testamentum in vulgari Anglice impressum, (Ecolampadium, Melanctonem et diversos Erasmi, et diversorum aliorum haereticorum condemnatorium necnon et librum Unio Dissidentium nuncupatum manifestissimos et maximos errores seu haereticos assertiones in se continentes, illosque tarn publice qm privatim legisse studuisse aliisque prsesentasse et communicasse, atque plures Cristianos in eisdem in- struxisse docuisse et dogmatizasse, ad effectum divertendi eos a vera fide Cristiana et Catholica.” Yet the official Catholic view is that the Church offered little resistance to the growth of Protestantism in Scotland, and its explanation is at once pathetic and ludicrous. “ Surprise has often been expressed at the feebleness of the resistance offered. But we may assume that the bishops knew their countrymen, and felt that resistance would no longer avail. The pride and overweening self-confidence of the Scottish character had become irrevocably engaged on the wrong side, and the great majority of the active spirits were favourable to change. For men so obstinate, so self-satisfied, so intensely and enthusiastically bent on having their own way, after they had once turned out of the path of Catholic obedience, it was impossible, humanly speaking, to return to it. Error must take its course ; the Scottish people must test to the very utmost the system which it had preferred to the Catholic faith ; and not till the proud edifice of Presbytery had been shivered to pieces, and its ambitious discipline had become a laughing-stock, would the possibility of a Catholic reaction arise ” [Catholic Dictionary, ed. Addis and Arnold, rev. Scanned. London: Kegan Paul. 10th ed., 1928. p. 764.] The horror of the clergy regarding the Bible in English is well illustrated in Ane Satyre, 1091-92, 1144-55. VOL. III. L i5o THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

23. Here, and in 1. 27, the curate has no hesitation in violating the secrecy of the confessional. 29. Quhen scho in mynd did mair yeuolue. Although scho is sound enough, I think he gives a better meaning. What is intended, I think, is that the curate is supposed to hesitate, or to ponder over, the revelations Kitty has made, as if they were a serious matter. He says finally that he cannot then absolve her, and invites her to his chamber that night. This, as we know, is his real intention in pretending to take her confessions gravely. 33. Her statement that she will go elsewhere is proof that, simple as she seems, she understands the curate’s intentions. 34. And I met with schir Andro my brother. This line is unmetrical. The omission of and would improve it. My brother ought, perhaps, to be thy brother. Her meaning is that she has already found a priest who would absolve her without any bother. 40. Quod he. Sir Andrew. 41-42. Sir Andrew would not bargain with her for the price of her absolution, in order to get money out of her, but was quite content with the plack she offered. Presumably he had thought that he could get more out of her by declining to make a definite charge, and so she scored by offering him the smallest coin available. 45-69. What Kitty would have liked Sir Andrew to tell her, instead of his “ hummill bummill ” Latin, was sound doctrine. She was a good Scot. The Latin of the Middle Ages degraded, with the increasing freedom of the people from the authority of the Church, and increasing vernacularisation, into a thing for ridicule. Church Latin and Law Latin suffered equally. Cf. Jack Juggler, Hazlitt-Dodsley, II. 109 ; Peele, Old Wives’ Tale, Malone Soc. Rpts., 11. 344-49; Interlude of Youth, Hazlitt-Dodsley, II. 9. Law Latin was much satirised by the Elizabethan dramatists. Cf. Webster, The White Devil, III. ii; Shake- speare, Henry VIII., III. i. 39-49. 73. Na fische to eit. Sibbald suggests Flesh, but she could not have eaten flesh on Friday. Apparently she had to forego even fish for five Fridays, but consoles herself (1. 74) that she prefers butter and eggs.

77. Quod he. It is not possible here to decide whether Sir Andrew or the curate is talking, but probably the curate. Sande does not appear elsewhere in the poem. Is it an error for Andie ? 78. Hande dande. A child’s game, in which a small object is shaken in the hands of one player and the other tries to guess in which hand it remains. As a term for a bribe or present it goes back to the fourteenth century. 79-80. Cf. The Monarche, 2653-2668, 2675, 2693-2700. NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON 15I

84. I sail it set on Cincq and Syce. " To set at Cinq and Syce,” to be reckless about. She means that as she knows the price of mowing and stealing, she will do these as much as she likes.

95-140. This is definitely the teaching of the reformers. Lindsay here advocates the abolition of general confessions, but would retain the confession of the sins which trouble, so that advice may be sought, and spiritual consolation be obtained, from priests of holy life. He is here more outspoken than anywhere in The Monarche.

140. Thocht Codrus kyte suld cleue and hirst. For the rivalry between Chalmers and Irving arising from this line, which it is not necessary to repeat, see Laing, I. 292-93 ; Chalmers, II. 214 ; and Irving, History of Scottish Poetry (Edinburgh, 1861, p. 339). Irving here explains this reference to Codrus by a quotation from Virgil, Eclogue, VII. 25-26 : Pastores, hedera nascentem ornate poetam, Arcades, invidia rumpantur ut ilia Codro. Codrus is supposed to be a wretched poet hostile to Virgil. He is used in Eclogue, V. 10-11 : Incipe, Mopse, prior, so quos aut Phyllidis ignis, Aut Alconis habes laudes aut iurgia Codri. Juvenal, Satires, I. 2, III. 203, III. 208, also makes use of Codrus, but as nothing is known of this poet it is not certain that the same man is intended, or whether he ever lived. Lindsay’s tangential glance at Codrus is surprising, but he has long since given up the pretence that Kitty is speaking. Can it be that Codrus had come to be a personification of the Church among the more learned of the early Scottish reformers, and that for them " Codrus kyte ” signified the greed of the Church ? Just as Codrus burst with envy of Virgil’s superior verses, so the Church would bring itself to ruin through rapacity, because it could not bear to allow free confession (implying loss of revenue) as in the Primitive Church.

Tragedie of the Late Cardinal Beaton.

Text : I. 130-143.

Provenance : B.M., C. 39. d. 60 : Bodley, Tanner 810 : Bodley, Tanner 188. Corrections : 7 deposit; 14 deplore ; 30 Remembrace ; 64 auctorie ; 75 Emperous ; 131 neiur ; 181 contratit; 236 qohilk ; 291 pronunc ; 337 syne [sene] ; 379 flattaris ; 433 notht. 152 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Date : There has been some discussion regarding the date of this poem. The earliest extant edition was published by John Day and William Seres at a date not specified, but the title-page bears on it the date Anno. M.D.xlvi. ultimo Maij. Chalmers, I. 73, assumed that this was the date of printing : “ This tragedie was printed, at London, in 1546.” Chalmers also assumes that Day’s edition was the first. Laing, I. 294, partly corrected Chalmers. “ It is quite clear that its composition was not immediately after ‘ that dismal event,’ as Lyndsay himself says at line 428 [error for 267], that the Cardinal’s body had lain un- buried ‘ for seven months or more ’ in a leaden coffin (according to Knox), at the bottom of the Sea Tower, nor in fact was it till after the Castle had surrendered about the end of January following.” Laing therefore dated Day’s edition 1547, still assuming that this was the first time of printing. But Day and Seres are only known to have collaborated between 1548 and 1550, and it is far more likely that Day was reprinting from a Scottish quarto printed presumably by John Scot, at St Andrews or Dundee, in 1547. In the early part of that year the arrest of Scot was ordered by the Privy Council for an ofience not detailed. He was not to be found, and the Provost of Dundee was summoned before the Council to explain his failure to trace the printer [Register of the Privy Council, I. 69-70]. I associate this attempt to arrest Scot with his printing of Lindsay’s poem, and also think that this is the poem of Lindsay’s which was burnt by the ecclesiastical authorities in 1549. [See my article in The Library, June 1929, X. 11-21]. Beaton was murdered at St Andrews on May 30, 1546, and it is said in the poem that he lay “ vnburyit sewin monethtis and more ” [267]. The earliest date of composition is therefore January 1547. I date Scot’s lost edition as about the beginning of March 1547, and the English edition of Day and Seres at some time in 1548.

Commentary : It must be noted that the title of the poem in 1559 is considerably shortened [I. 130]. That in 1558 [I. 129] is certainly the original, and is practically identical with that given by Day and Seres. I reproduce all three for comparison : [1548 title.] Here foloweth the Tragedy of the late moste reuerende father Dauid, by the mercie of God cardinall and archbishoppe of sainct Andrewes. And of the whole realme of Scotland Primate, Legate and Chaunceler. And administrator of the bishoprich of Merapois in Fraunce. And commendator perpetuall of the Abbay of Aberbroth- oke, compiled by sir Dauid Lyndsaye of the mounte knyghte. Alias Lione, kynge of armes. Anno. M.D.xlvi. Ultimo Maij. The wordes of Dauid Beaton the Cardinall aforesaied at his death. Alas, alas, slaye me not, I am a Priest. [I55S title.] Heir followis the Tragedie of the vnqhyle Maister Reuerende Fader Dauid, be the mercy of God, Cardinal and Archi- byschope of Sanctandrous. And of the haill Realme of Scotlande Primate, Legate, and Chancelare, and Administrator of the Byschoprik of Merapoys in France. And Commendator perpetuall of the Abay of Aberbrothok. Compylit be Schir Dauid Lyndesay of the Mont, Knycht, Alias, Lyone King of Armes. NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON 153

[1559 title.] Heir follouis the Tragedie, of the Umquhyle maist Reuerend Father Dauid, be the Mercy of God, Cardinall and Archiby- schope of Sanctandrous, &c. Compylit be Schir Dauid Lyndesay, of the Mont, King of Armes. With the longer titles should be compared description of Beaton in Lindsay’s Heraldic Manuscript, Plate 49 : Insignia reuerendissimi et Illustrissimi in Christo patris ac domini: dominis Dauidis Betoun miseratione diuina tituli sancta stephani In celio monte Sancte romane Ecclesie presbyter Cardinalis : Sancti Andraee archiepiscopi et totius Regni Scotie primatis et cancellarij : Apostolice sedis legate nati Necnon mirapotensis ecclesie gallia administrationis : ac commenditarij perpetui monasterii de abirbrothok, etc. This is practically identical with the commencement of charters granted by Beaton. Cf. Fraser, Memorials of the Wemyss Family, II. 158. Scot’s reduction of the title is an indication that he overlooked its literary significance, for the poem is in direct imitation of the Falls of Princes, and the introductory stream of titles and honours possessed by the cardinal is essential to the theme. Without it the full significance of the “ tragedy ” is lost. For this reason I have given the full title as in 1558 on I. 129. After the title Charteris inserted in 1568 the motto Mortales Cum Nati sitis, ne supra Deum Vos Erexeritis. 1. Efter the hour of pryme. Prime was the first canonical hour of the morning, from six to nine. 3-14. Boccaccio’s De Casibus Virorum Illustrium, written not later than 1357- It was translated into French by " Laurence,” whose edition was used by Lydgate in making an English translation in nine books at the command of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, under the title “ Here begynnethe the boke calledde John Bochas descruinge the fall of princis princessis & other nobles . . . beginnynge at adam & endinge with kinge iohn take[n] prisoner in fraunce by prince Edwarde.” Ptd. Pynson, 1494, 1527. 4. Tragedie : the old meaning of “ Tragedy ” as a story which, with a moral purpose in view, depicted the downfall of a great man from power, must be borne in mind. 5. lohne Bochas : Giovanni Boccaccio, as anglicised by Lydgate. 19. Ane man of two and fyftie s;eir. Beaton was born about 1495, for he entered St Andrews at about the age of fourteen in 1509. For his life see note to line 43. 20-21. This description is of the robes of a cardinal. 27. lohne Bochas : see note to line 5. 38. Dauid, that cairfull Cardinall. David Beaton, Cardinal, and Arch- bishop of St Andrews. See note to 1. 43. Cairfull, carefull, full of care, grief ; mournful, sorrowful. I54 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

43. David Beaton was the third son of John Beaton of Balfour in Fife, and Isobel Monypenny of the Pitmilly house, the Beatons claiming a long descent [44]. The actual date of his birth is not recorded. He entered St Andrews in 1509 [19], at about the age of fourteen, and in 1511 removed to Glasgow, but later went to Paris for ten years to study philosophy and letters. There is a record that he entered the University of Orleans, October 16, 1519, presumably to study Law, as Orleans was then the great law school of France [Herkless, Archbishops of St Andrews, IV. 1-4]. During these years he was befriended by the Duke of Albany, Regent of Scotland, and on Albany’s return to Scotland in 1521 after an absence in France of four years, Beaton accompanied him, now entering in political intrigue to the neglect of his ecclesiastical offices. He was sent on missions to England to arrange peace in 1522, and the return of Albany in 1523 enabled Archbishop James Beaton to obtain letters requesting Pope Hadrian VI. to transfer Arbroath to the young diplomat [Herkless, IV. 6]. Hadrian died in the same month, however, and the plan was delayed until August 17, 1524. Lindsay [53] describes the wealth of Arbroath, but Beaton was only entitled to “ half the fruits of Arbroath, when the ^1000 due to the Earl of Moray had been de- ducted ” [Herkless, IV. 9-10], and he found himself in financial difficulties which clung to Arbroath for years to come [Herkless, IV. 9-10, 12-13]. In 1524 he was sent to France to arrange a marriage for James V. with a daughter of Francis I., and during his absence the “ erection ” of the king was effected by Queen Margaret, and Beaton’s uncle, James, was imprisoned, but released. On his return at Christmas 1524, David Beaton committed the earliest of his famous independent actions. Magnus, the English resident in Scotland, wrote to Wolsey on December 22, describing the arrival of Beaton at Dunbar in two of Albany’s galleys, together with three of Albany’s principal servants—John Burbon, secretary ; Plantate, treasurer ; and Makerell, comptroller [L.P. IV. i. 935]—and again on December 27, to describe how Beaton went straight to see his uncle at St Andrews, although he was an ambassador, without first reporting to the king and queen [L.P. IV. i. 943]. As Abbot of Arbroath, Beaton attended the Parliament of 1525, and as a lord elect attended meetings of the Privy Council [Herkless, IV., 12]. But in the same year as Beaton’s return from France, Angus returned for the four years of political ascendancy, 1524-1528. Beaton therefore acquired no new power until the fall of Angus in 1528. On January 3, 1529, he became Keeper of the Privy Seal, and from this time onwards was James’s principal adviser and ambassador to France, and made, as Lindsay says [85 et seq.] " seir honest Uoyagis ” in connection with the king’s marriages. He went with Erskine to arrange the marriage with Marie de Bourbon in 1536, broken off by James himself for Madeleine ; and was sent to France in 1538 to bring Marie de Lorraine to Scotland ; and remained a staunch friend of Marie de Lorraine until his death. Honours now fell quickly on him. His labours to reunite France and Scotland procured for him the bishopric of Mirepoix, a suffragan see of Toulouse, with an annual revenue of 10,000 livres, on December 5, 1537, at the instance of Francis I. In the same year he was made coadjutor and successor to the Archbishop of St Andrews. On December 20, 1538, he became a cardinal after years of solicitation of the Pope by James V., NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON 155

Francis I., and the Bishop of Faenza, but at the same time the Pope refused to bestow upon Beaton the authority of legate a latere, which he did not receive until 1543. Though the authority would have enabled Beaton to deal with the “ enemies of the Church ” freely, without consideration for secular judges, the Pope evidently feared that Beaton would exercise his powers too liberally in feuing church lands [Herkless, IV. 19-28]. Beaton's elevation, welcomed by Pole as the saving grace of Scotland, brought an almost immediate attack on the Protestants. In February 1539 four priests—John Keillor, author of a play on Christ’s Passion ; the dominican, John Beveridge; Duncan Simpson, a priest of Stirling ; and Thomas Forret, vicar of Dollar ; and one layman, Robert Forrester, notary at Stirling—were condemned to death, and were hung on the Castle Hill of Edinburgh, the king being one of the spectators. Among those who were banished at the same time was George Buchanan, who fled to Bordeaux. During 1539 Beaton was in France on diplomatic missions, and in September of that year he received the cardinalate of St Stephen of the Coelian Mount [Herkless, IV. 42]. At the time of Sadler’s mission in 1540 Beaton seems to have been slightly under a cloud, as at that time James, in a fitful mood, had resolved that the clergy must improve their habits. Whether this resolution had anything to do with the performance of Ane Satyre at Linlithgow, January 6, 1540, or whether the performance was the result of the king’s resolution, cannot now, of course, be determined. But at all events, by 1541, the cardinal had accused John Borthwick of heresy, and Borthwick was a friend of Lindsay at Court, and Provost of Linlithgow. Among the charges is that Borthwick possessed a copy of the New Testament in English. The reversal of the sentence against Borthwick is dated August 20, 1561 [reptd. Bannatyne Miscellany, I. 251-263], and an account of his trial appears in Foxe [Acts, II., reptd. Keith, Hist. Scot., App.]. After 1540 details of the cardinal’s life become fuller. It is a long record of statesmanship and diplomacy. The most lasting tribute to his statesmanship was his defeat of the objects of the Sadler mission sent by Henry VIII. to try to persuade James V. to adopt the reformed faith, and to prevail on him not to endanger his liberty and the safety of Scotland by an interview with Henry at York. More and more, however, his policy tended to a complete rupture with England, and by 1541 preparations for war were begun in Scotland. Beaton’s plan was an offensive alliance between Scotland and France against England, and the whole of Beaton’s long mission to France of early 1542 was concerned with this scheme. France, however, would not join Scotland, and Beaton returned home, reaching Leith on August 3, 1542. James now seems to have faltered in his desire for war, but Henry, deeming Scotland isolated and weak, insulted a Scottish ambassador, and in September authorised Sir Robert Bowes, with the Earl of Angus and Sir George Douglas, to enter Teviotdale with 3000 men, where they were defeated by the Scots under Huntly at Haddenrig. Probably this was at most a Border foray on a large scale. Henry, irritated at the defeat, at a moment when a victory might have saved worse conflict, decided to secure the control of the seas, and commissioned a blockade of the Forth with thirty-four ships. Beaton hastened to fortify his castle of St Andrews, 156 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

paid his share of /5000 for the defence of the realm, and on September 23 offered a fresh contribution. To excuse his non-acceptance of an offer of an alliance by the emperor, Henry next allowed the Scottish trouble to increase. A manifesto was prepared by the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of Durham as a combined apologia and ultimatum for war. It detailed Henry’s claims to the control of Scotland with history in the manner of the old chronicles which, though Active, was the accepted history of the day. Immediately afterwards Norfolk was released with the dogs of war. Kelso and Rox- burghe were razed, and then Norfolk returned to England, after ex- periencing difficulties of commissariat. James collected an army at Fala Moor, and would have gone in pursuit of Norfolk, but the nobles would not pass the Border. Jealousy of the churchmen, especially of Beaton, was the cause of their discontent, and James dismissed them. Another army was collected, and it was decided that Arran and Beaton should make a demonstration on the eastern border while the main attack developed on the western. In the meantime Beaton and James clamoured for assistance from the Pope, but before Scotland realised what was happening the battle of Solway Moss settled the destiny of Scotland for ever.; James, enraged against the cardinal, died at Falkland of a broken heart and remorse in December 14, 1542, a few days after the birth of his only surviving legitimate child, Mary, Queen of Scots. The fury of the nobles against the churchmen deepened into smouldering revolt. Beaton seems naturally to have regarded himself as the rightful regent, but at the great assembly of all the nobles and estates of Scotland in Edinburgh, January 1, 1543, Arran was proclaimed protector and governor. This was the first severe check to Beaton, who, however, seems to have been appeased a few days later by the chancellorship, and it is possible that he agreed that Arran’s son should eventually marry the baby queen. The years which followed were years of terror and fear. Henry VIII. pursued an almost maniacal hatred of Scotland ; but whatever else may be urged against Beaton it can be at once admitted that he never once, unlike Arran and Angus and a host of others, endangered Scottish liberty by a political flirtation with England. On January 25 Angus and the prisoners of Scotland subverted by Henry were received at court by Arran. Within three days Arran was in the power of Angus and Douglas, and Beaton had been arrested while at council in the governor’s chamber at Holyrood, and was sent to the Earl of Morton’s house at Dalkeith. No charge was preferred against him. No charge could be. It is clear, however, that Douglas had contrived the arrest to send Beaton to Henry VIII., but then prudently saw that if he did so it would proclaim him head of the English party. The arrest of the cardinal was a huge mistake. The country was laid under an interdict, and some of the nobles threatened trouble. Outside his place of imprisonment raged one of the most interesting diplomatic storms in Scottish history. Henry clamoured, through Sadler, for the possession of a man whose only crime was that he had been a patriot; the governor dared not hand him over, and yet feared his release ; the queen-dowager proclaimed him the wisest man in the realm ; half Scotland held the views of the governor; but the whole NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON 157 of Scotland would have refused to hand him over to Henry. The cardinal was moved in two stages to St Andrews. On the fifth day after his arrest he gave Douglas 400 crowns, and was promptly handed over to the keeping of Douglas’s cousin. Lord Seton, and the cousins angled for his approval to marriage arrangements. Douglas’s double dealing is interesting reading, but it is clear that he must have now seen the impossibility of furthering Henry’s schemes. Why he accepted the 400 crowns is not clear. It may have been a bribe [148-151], but it did not secure Beaton’s immediate release. Beaton was sent to St Andrews about Easter, an action tantamount to release, since St Andrews was his own castle and he would be under the “ control ” of his own men. It is difficult to conceive what would have happened had Henry played a good game. Instead, deeming Scotland in his power, he lost his head completely and made a series of exorbitant demands, principally that the baby queen should be sent to England, ultimately to marry Prince Edward, and that if the queen died he himself should receive the crown. In a second the whole of Arran’s policy stiffened. Thenceforward Arran preferred war with England to domination by Henry, and Beaton emerged from " retirement ” with an offer to contribute ^10,000 on behalf of the Church in plate and money towards the expenses of a war. Arran dismissed the Protestant preachers from his household, and on May 14 wrote to Pope Paul III. professing Scot- land’s devotion to the Holy See. In June Beaton cut the gordian knot by leaving St Andrews for Arbroath without Arran’s permission, and with a guard of men of his own choice. The spectacle of a state prisoner calmly releasing himself is the most remarkable perhaps in all history ; but the astute cardinal knew that he was the master hand in Scotland at that moment. A French engineer was commissioned to fortify and strengthen St Andrews, and the printing of heretical books and pamphlets against Beaton was prohibited. But negotiations for peace continued, and on July 6, 1543, a treaty with England was concluded. Beaton determined to revenge himself on Arran. At Arbroath on July 6 the Governor was fiercely assaulted, and Beaton arranged to meet his own men at Stirling on July 20 to march on Linlithgow to seize the queen. The attack on Linlithgow failed, however, as it was too strongly garrisoned, but the young queen was removed to Stirling for greater safety. Further quarrels ensued between Arran and Beaton, but a reconciliation was effected, and after Arran’s public confession the young queen was crowned in Stirling Castle, and a new council was formed, on which sat the queen-dowager and the cardinal. The new council entered Edinburgh on September 17, and shortly afterwards Sadler was called to a meeting. Beaton took control of the business, and argued that the treaties after Solway Moss were not binding, since the greatest part of the nobility had not consented, even though the governor had signed in the name of Scotland [176-185], and the Scottish Parliament of December 1543 annulled the treaties [180-181]. The treaties with France were renewed ; a campaign against heresy was begun, with Beaton’s habitual cruelty. But the two countries drifted into war, for neither Henry VIII. nor Beaton was desirous of peace. After the arrest of Angus, Douglas, and Maxwell, Henry issued 158 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

orders to Hertford that Edinburgh was to be razed to the ground, the castle destroyed, Holyrood destroyed, Leith sacked, and St Andrews levelled. When Hertford was at Newcastle came the first proposals from Scotland that Beaton should be murdered, from the group of Fife- shire lairds headed by the laird of Grange and the master of Rothes. In May Hertford sailed from Tynemouth to Leith, fought a brief but sharp fight on landing, occupied Leith, Beaton being the first and the fastest to flee from the battle, with the governor, Huntly, Moray, and Bothwell hard at his heels. Holyrood was burnt and desolated. A dispute of factions in Scotland broke out in the summer and autumn of 1544, which, while not involving civil war, enabled the English to burn 192 towns and towers, to slay 403 men and make 816 prisoners. Beaton placed almost his entire faith in French aid, and troops were repeatedly promised [Herkless, 161-62, 165, 169, 171, 176], and after the convention of queen-mother, governor, cardinal, and nobles at Stirling the Scots made a luckless and stupid attack on the English Borders. Henry once more unleashed Hertford, and on September 9, 1545, Kelso was burned, and in quick succession the old abbeys of Coldingham, Dryburgh, Kelso, Melrose, and Jedburgh were ruthlessly destroyed. Treachery was rampant among the Douglases, faction rife in the Scottish army, and defeat, the result of the overweening pride and patriotism, and even fanaticism, of the cardinal, was the result. Equally fateful was Henry’s dabbling in political murder. Frequently enough in the years 1543-1546 Henry had dallied with the idea of murdering the cardinal, and it was perhaps due to the knowledge of this that Beaton made his last onslaught on Protestantism in the person of George Wishart. This was his last effort to maintain the authority of the Church in face of rising discontent, but it was the act of a despot and the greatest mistake of his life and times. Beginning with a decision to murder Wishart privately, he at last resorted to arrest and trial in the ancient manner of the Church. Wishart, of course, had neither sympathy nor hearing, and was burnt at St Andrews on March x, the cardinal, as on previous burnings of heretics, gracing the scene with his presence at the windows of the castle, which were decorated with tapestries and silk hangings and cushions for himself and his friends. Shortly afterwards the cardinal passed to Forfarshire to celebrate the marriage of his daughter Margaret with the Master of Crawford. After Wishart’s death the smouldering opposition to Beaton broke out into angry murmurs, chiefly on the part of the Fifeshire lairds. Beaton had, however, entered into bonds of man-rent with some of the most powerful nobles, and he put his trust in them and in the strength of his castle. But despite all threats he moved about the country freely, and even summoned to Falkland some of the most turbulent Fifeshire lairds : Norman and John Leslie, the lairds of Grange ; Leirmouth of Dairsie ; Melville of Raith among them. This was his last public act. The summons was for the Monday following. On the Saturday, the cardinal's body, stabbed through and through in the name of God, was exhibited from the very window where he had sat to watch the destruction of Wishart, before being preserved in salt, encased in lead, and dropped to the bottom of the sea-tower. NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON 159

Foxe’s stern epitaph rings grim and cruel: " Lyke a butcher he lyvid, and lyke a butcher he dyed, and lay 7 monethes and more unburyed, and at last, like a carion, buried in a dunghill.” It was an age of unrepentant murder. Beaton rejoiced in burning Wishart; Foxe rejoiced in the assassination of Beaton ; all three were priests of God. The assassins, or reformers, now enclosed themselves in the cardinal’s castle, and fought off the crown forces. They withstood a siege from May 29, 1546, to July 1547. Whether or not they were acting at the instigation of Henry VIII. is an unproved point of secret history, but it is extremely likely.

44. Of nobyll blude, be lyne, I did discend. Beaton was the third son of John Beaton, or Bethune, of Balfour. The family produced three famous ecclesiastics, the others being James Beaton (f 1539), archbishop of Glasgow and St Andrews, uncle of the cardinal; and James Beaton (1517-1603), last Roman Catholic archbishop of Glasgow, the cardinal’s nephew.

50-51. Doubtless referring to Beaton’s legal studies at Bordeaux, and his early inclination for politics.

52-56. Arbroith. In 1523 James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow and St Andrews, uncle of David Beaton, resigned the abbacy of Arbroath in his nephew’s favour, but the Pope dispensed him from taking orders until two years later. David Beaton had previously held the rectory of Campsie, presented to him by his uncle on his sixteenth year. Herkless shows, however, that although Arbroath was moderately wealthy, it had claims upon its revenue, and Beaton was compelled to look elsewhere. His own expenses were enormous, for, like Wolsey, he kept up regal estate.

57-60. While David Beaton did not actually succeed his uncle as Arch- bishop of St Andrews until September 1539, he was made coadjutor and successor to his uncle, the aged archbishop, in 1537. " A writ of Jan. I3. 1538, states that Beaton’s appointment to St Andrews preceded his provision to Mirepoix (Dowden’s Bishops of Scotland, 41),” [Herkless, IV. 26].

61-63. David Beaton was already a cardinal when he became Arch- bishop of St Andrews. He had been made Bishop of Mirepoix, France, a suffragan see of Toulouse, with an annual rental of /10,000, on Decem- ber 5, 1537, at the instance of Francis I., for his work in achieving the marriage of James V. and Madeleine, and on December 20, 1538, Pope Paul HI. made him Cardinal of San Stephano on Monte Celio, but declined to bestow on him the authority of papal legate [Herkless, IV. 27].

64-65. Beaton was made chancellor of Scotland in 1543. i6o THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

66-67. Beaton was made proto-notary apostolic and legate a latere in 1543- 68-70. Lindsay is incorrect in stating that Beaton purchased the bishopric of Mirepoix after being made legate in 1543. He was made Bishop of Mirepoix in 1537 at the request of Francis I., for his services to France and to James V. [Herkless, IV. 25]. Chalmers, II. 220, makes a similar comment: “ Lyndsay is mistaken, in saying that David Beaton purchased the bishopric of Merepoix : It was given him by Francis I., for services done, and to be done.” Lindsay, however, does not usually deal in idle chatter regarding his contemporaries. There would be no documentary evidence of the transaction. 71-72. This probably refers to his great influence over James V. 72. Chalmers, II. 221, ‘‘Without his advice nothing was concluded: It may be said, generally, that Lyndsay only means to draw a caricature.” But the facts behind a caricature may be unassailable. 76-77. The intention of these lines is satirical. 78-84. Chalmers, II. 221, gives two extracts from the MS. of the accounts of Beaton in the Advocates’ Library: “21 Mar., 1540-41, paid my most reverend lord, at Edinburgh, £20, 18s. for playing with the king’s majesty; 18 May, 1541, paid to my most reverend lord, at St Andrews, £22, for playing with the king’s majesty.” Reptd. Laing, I. 295. 85-86. Before he became primate Beaton was frequently employed on foreign diplomatic missions, and was from an early age resident for Scotland at the French court. 87-96. Beaton served in the two marriage commissions of Madeleine and Marie de Lorraine. See notes to The Deployatioun. 89. The first Dochter of franee. Cf. Deploratioun, 49. 97-105. In the summer of 1541 when Henry VIII. sent Sadler to Scot- land to arrange a meeting with James at York, Beaton was out of Scot- land. James consented, against the wish of the bishops, to meet Henry, but failed to attend the meeting in September. Had James and Henry met, it seems certain that the French policy of the bishops would have been brought to an end, and that the reformation in Scotland would have begun. There was talk of a second meeting between the two kings in January 1542. The conduct of James was entirely due to Beaton’s influence, which was for a close alliance with France against England.

105. His mother brother. Henry VIII. was the brother of Margaret Tudor, mother of James V.

106. Lindsay blames the ill-fated attack by Scotland on England on Beaton. Judging by Beaton’s fanatical hatred of England, and intense admiration for France, Lindsay is probably quite correct. NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON l6l

113-119. War between England and Scotland did not actually break out until August 1542. Solway Moss was fought in November. James died at Falkland of a broken heart on December 14, 1542, Lindsay says because of his defeat, and because of the tremendous losses sustained by the Scots in the battle. James VI., Basilikon Doron, says that his broken heart was due to his lifelong struggle with his nobles.

120-126. This story was popular with the contemporary historians. After the king’s death Beaton produced a will appointing himself, the earls of Huntly, Argyle, and Arran, as joint regents, but it was generally regarded as a forgery. Pitscottie’s story of the blank paper which the king signed, Croniclis, I. 407, agrees with Lindsay’s, Lindsay here probably being Pitscottie’s authority. But Arran, when reporting to Sadler that the will was a forgery, also tells the story [Sadler, State Papers, Letters to Henry VIII., I. 138], “ For he did counterfeit,” quoth he, “ the late king’s testament, and when the king was almost dead,” quoth he, “ he took his hand in his, and so caused him to subscribe a blank paper.” The nth Report of the Hist. MSS. Com., App. VI. 205, 219, 220, gives a contemporary instrument signed " Henricus Balfour, notarius,” recording the fact that James had appointed Beaton ; James, Earl of Moray ; George, Earl of Moray ; and Archibald, Earl of Argyle, tutors to the queen and governors of the realm. See also : Herries Memoirs, p. 2 ; Hamilton Papers, I. 348, 356 ; Knox ; and Buchanan. Leslie, of course, does not mention it. Hume Brown, II. 4, says, " There can be little doubt that Beaton did forge the will. See the Contemporary Review (September 1898) where Dr Hay Fleming replies to an article by Mr A. Lang in Blackwood's Magazine (March 1898). See also Mr Lang’s History of Scotland, I. 459-463. The forging of documents was a common practice of ecclesiastics all through the Middle Ages. It has been said that there was scarcely an abbey that had not at one time or other fabricated charters. Giry, Manuel de Diplo- matique (Paris 1894), p. 874." As the will was promptly declared a forgery, his plan came to nothing, and the next heir to the crown after the baby queen, Mary Stewart, was James, third Lord Hamilton, second Earl of Arran, who was proclaimed regent and tutor to the queen, January 3, 1543. Chalmers, II. 224, doubts the story. “ Lyndsay,” he says, “ is perhaps the only witness of this transaction, which, to believe, requires the strongest proof.” Chalmers was a greater admirer of Beaton than of Lindsay ; hence the tone of his comments throughout this poem.

127-131. Our rychteous Gouernour : Arran, as detailed above. Arran’s principal difficulty lay with Beaton and the bishops, who were ranged against him.

132-33. Arran did not bring Angus from England. Angus and his brother. Sir George Douglas, had been driven from Scotland in November 1528 after James’s seizure of authority. Henry VIII. saw in their return to Scotland an opportunity for increasing his influence, and before the end of January 1542, after fourteen years’ residence in England, Angus and his brother returned, followed by the prisoners of Solway Moss. 162 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Possibly Lindsay means that Angus and his brother returned with the previous consent of Arran. Pitscottie, II. 3-4. says that Arran and Hamilton were advised to send for Angus and Douglas, because Beaton had formed a party of the queen-mother, Argyle, Seaton, and others, intending to seize the government. Leslie, II. 265, is probably more correct in stating that Henry VIII. sent Angus and Douglas to Arran with letters praying him to receive them and to restore their estates. Note how Lindsay’s view of Angus has changed: he is now the noble Earl of Angus.

134-35. The return of the Scots prisoners, with Angus and Sir George Douglas, put the English party temporarily in power. Beaton was arrested on January 27, 1542, while sitting at council in the governor’s chamber, and placed in the Earl of Morton’s house at Dalkeith. Later, however, he was sent to the castle of St Andrews, with Seaton as jailor. Seaton, however, was one of his sworn partisans, and about April 10 restored Beaton to his own castle. Leslie, II. 265-266, states that while Beaton was a prisoner the whole diocese was laid under an interdict, and that Arran authorised a dominican priest named William to denounce the Pope’s authority, to encourage the reading of the English Bible, and to say original prayers.

140. Cf.Lw&exiv. 11, " Forwhosoeverexaltethhimself shall be abased.”

141-147. Beaton was actually freed from arrest in April 1542, but his power was not felt until July. During his captivity the estates had, on March 12, appointed three ambassadors to make a marriage treaty between Prince Edward, later Edward VI., and the Queen, Mary. On July x a treaty of peace and marriage was signed between the two countries at Greenwich. On the conclusion of her tenth year Mary was to marry Edward, who was five years her senior, and, in addition, what was most vital to both countries, there was to be inviolable peace between the two nations, till a year after the death of one or other of the parties to the marriage contract. 148-151. Lindsay is right in saying that Beaton won his jailors over by bribery. On the fifth day of his arrest he gave Douglas 400 crowns. It did not secure his release, but he was sent to his own castle of St Andrews. It would have been quite in keeping with the age for a state prisoner to gain adherents by bribery.

152. Beaton seems to have freed himself at the right moment. He at once commenced a campaign against Arran.

155-159. Beaton does not seem to have actually borne arms against Arran until July 1543 at Linlithgow [164-68], when he tried to obtain possession of the infant queen. There were further open quarrels between Arran and Beaton.

160-161. Lindsay means politically, into a French party and an English party, but with the usual violent results. NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON 163

162-165. By June Beaton had strengthened his hands considerably. The French subsidies had had their effect on the clergy, who assembled at St Andrews and resolved to devote their own and the Church plate to Mary’s cause. A French fleet appeared off the east coast. On 21st July Beaton forced the issue between Arran and himself by raising an army of about 7000 men, and with the Earls of Huntly, Lennox, Argyle, and Bothwell, marched on Linlithgow Palace, where the princess was living.

165. There was actually no fighting. Pitscottie explains the damage about the town as follows, Croniclis, II. 13 : " . . . thair oist in linlyth- gow quha lay thair so lang that thay distroyit the haill cornis about the towne bayth of pure and rich the space of ane myll round about.”

167-168. Beaton’s bold march on Linlithgow forced Arran to capitulate. The queen, by agreement, was taken from him and placed in charge of four persons, two nominated by himself, two by Beaton. Pitscottie, II. 14, states that the four guardians were to be " newtrall, vyse, honest, and onsuspectt of bayth the pairteis,” and gives the names of Lord Lyndesay of the Byres, Lord Erskine, Lord Grahame, and Lord Livingstone. This list agrees with that given in The Herries Memoirs, p. 5 ; but the Diurnal of Documents, p. 28, gives the name Lord St John for Lord Lyndesay of the Byres. These four men had, however, been chosen by the Parliament of March 15, with, in addition, the Earl Marshal (Keith), Lords Methven and Seaton, and the laird of Calder. Leslie, II. 269, says Lords Livingstone, Erskine, Fleming, and Ruthven. On July 26 the queen was removed from Linlithgow to Stirling, thus being secured from Beaton’s fear of a raid from England to secure her person. On September 4 Arran and Beaton met at Falkirk and proceeded to Stirling together, where they were met by Beaton’s partisans, Lennox, Argyle, Huntly, and Bothwell. Four days later Arran did penance in the Franciscan Church at Stirling for his apostasy (for he had permitted the reading of the New Testament in English), and the next day, September 9, 1543, the queen was crowned with the late king’s crown in the chapel of Stirling Castle.

169-175. The story of Beaton and the Earl of Lennox is the most astounding story in the cardinal’s life. Lennox was Beaton’s greatest dupe. Both Lennox and Arran were descended from the Princess Margaret, daughter of James III., Lennox on the distaff side, Arran, over whom hung the shadow of illegitimacy, through the male. Lennox therefore had ostensibly a stronger claim to the governorship, and would thus form a dangerous rival to Arran. For this reason Beaton summoned him from France, where he had been living in great favour at the court of Francis L, promising him the governorship of Scotland, the wardship of the young queen, and if she died without leaving an heir, the crown itself. Lennox landed in Scotland, but unfortunately Arran was then wavering before the onslaught of Beaton, and when Arran finally submitted to the cardinal, Lennox was recommended to make himself charming to the queen-mother, which he began to do. Un- fortunately again the Earl of Bothwell also intended to marry the queen- 164 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY mother; and Pitscottie gives an amusing account of the rivalry of these two at Stirling in gallantry, jousting, singing, dancing, racing, and so forth to satisfy the queen, Lennox proving the superior in skill, also being the more handsome man. The queen-mother warily bided her time, giving them nothing but “ fair wordis, to the intent that they sould serve hir quhill scho saw hir tyme expedient to gif thame ane ansuer ” [II. 17]. The Earl of Bothwell gave in first, almost ruined by extravagance, and retired to his estates. Lennox remained at Stirling, endeavouring to persuade the queen and the cardinal to fulfil their promises, and to recompense him for his enormous expenditure. Then Francis sent Captain James Stewart of Cardonald 30,000 crowns for Lennox, probably at Beaton’s request, since Beaton did not want to lose Lennox. Beaton tried to seize the money, but failed. Lennox gave part to the queen, part to his friends, and with the remainder raised an army.

175. This line is repeated from the description of the fall of Angus, Papyngo, 597.

176-182. After the coronation of Mary, Queen of Scots, at Stirling, a new council was formed, on which the queen-mother and Beaton sat. It met at Edinburgh on September 17, 1543, and Sadler, the English envoy, was called to the meeting. Beaton took charge of the proceedings, which meant that Arran had given way to him. He argued that the treaty with England signed since the death of James V. was not binding, since the greater part of the nobility had not consented, even though the governor had signed in the name of Scotland. On December 11, 1543, the Scottish Parliament annulled the treaties [Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, II. 431.] But the reason there given was that the English had broken the treaty, and with it the marriage contract, by seizing Scottish ships at sea since the treaty was signed.

183-189. In consequence the two countries drifted into war, and when Angus, Douglas, and Maxwell were arrested, Henry VIII. issued orders that Edinburgh was to be razed to the ground. The Earl of Hertford sailed from Tynemouth for Leith in May 1544, and a campaign of destruction followed, 192 towns and towers being destroyed. The Scots complained that they did not like Henry’s method of wooing Mary for his son.

189. " That my nurse had smothered me in my cude.’’ The cude was the cloth which covered the face of the infant at baptism.

190-196. Beaton was leader of the French party in Scotland in the latter part of the king’s reign, and during the regency until his own death in 1546. Partly it was due to personal hatred of Margaret Tudor, who, however, died in 1541, leader of the English Party in Scotland, but latterly it was largely due to his hatred of Henry VIII. for having dis- solved the monasteries and made himself head of the Church of England. Beaton was undoubtedly afraid, during James’s reign, that the same thing would happen in Scotland, and, after James’s death, that Arran NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON 165 would fall into the hands of the reformers. The safety of the Church was perhaps Beaton's strongest motive in insisting on the alliance with France, and on the complete break with England. In that he was acting to save his faith and his Church, credit must be given to him, but he was too ruthless in his hatred of England, and created more trouble than was necessary. He also under-estimated the strength of the Pro- testant opposition in Scotland, and thought that heresy could be stamped out by ruthless measures. They had the opposite effect. 202. Edinburgh, Leith, and Kinghorn, Fifeshire, were burnt by the English troops under Hertford in 1544. Leith was attacked by 200 English ships which Henry VIII. had collected for a campaign against France, but they were diverted north against Scotland. Leith was burnt on May Day, 1544, and Edinburgh was burnt in successive expeditions from Leith, until completely destroyed. Beaton fled to Stirling when the English fleet sailed into Leith Harbour. Writing to Henry VIIL on May 9, 1544, Hertford, Lisle, and Sadler reported that at the burning of Holyrood “ the women and poor miserable creatures of the town ” watched from the hill above, crying “ out on the cardinal in these words, ‘ Wa worth the. Cardinal.’ ” In the same letter they reported that “ Sir Nic. Poyntz and others have this day crossed the water and burnt Kyngcorn, a very good town, and villages there- abouts” [Letters and Papers of Henry VIII., XIX. i. 483].

204-10. Cf. Pitscottie, II. 15, " The gowernour and cardinall beand aggreit in this maner, the govemour commitit him all hail to the cardinall, and that he suld remane at his counsall. And to that effectt delywerit his eldest sone in pladge, and Pie] was put in Sanctandrous in his castell in keiping.” The governor’s son was James Hamilton, afterwards third Earl of Arran. He remained in the castle of St Andrews during the cardinal’s lifetime, and after the murder of the cardinal was held there as hostage by the murderers when defending the castle against the crown forces, June 1547-August 1548. Knox says that Beaton boasted that he had the queen in his power, and the governor’s son in his keeping. This was his reply to warnings received of threats uttered by the friends of Wishart. It is in keeping with the pride of power from which he suffered.

211-12. The Erie of Angus and his Germane brother. Archibald, sixth Earl of Angus, and his cousin. Sir Archibald Douglas. See notes to The Complaynt, 351-372 ; and notes on Angus, Papyngo, 590 ; and ante, line 133. 214. Sum with the fyre. Burnt, after condemnation as heretics. Beaton was a lifelong heretic-hunter.

215. Many gentyll men of fyfe. Possibly those summoned by Beaton to Falkland after the burning of Wishart. Knox, ed. Laing, I. 173-74, enumerates Norman Leslie, John Leslie, the laird of Grange and his son. Sir James Lermont of Darsie, the provost of St Andrews, and Sir John Melville of Raith. Beaton had summoned them on a Monday, VOL. III. M i66 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY but was murdered on the Saturday preceding. After his death papers were found in his chamber which revealed that all were to be arrested, tried, and burnt for heresy. 217. All fauoraris of the auld and new Testament. That is, those who read the Old and New Testaments in English, who were therefore heretics. Cf. note to Kitteis Confessioun, 21.

221. But assurans : without guarantees of safety.

225. The kyng of franee. Francis I. Ever since James’s death Beaton had been hoping for French aid, not only against England, but to maintain the power of the French party in Scotland. The French repeatedly promised him troops, but they were not actually sent until after his death [230-31].

226. The Popis holynes. Pope Paul III., 1534-1549.

232-35. The Castle of St Andrews, the normal residence of the archbishops of St Andrews, was founded about the year 1200 by Roger, bishop of the diocese. It was of tremendous strength, but was frequently destroyed and rebuilt. It was always of great military importance. James III. was born there. In 1514 it was seized by the Douglases on behalf of Bishop Gavin Douglas, and in 1526 it was seized again by them. In 1533 Archbishop James Beaton was imprisoned there for a short time, as Cardinal David Beaton, his successor, was in 1543. After Beaton’s murder within its walls, it was held by the assassins against the crown forces, but surrendered in 1547 to a body of French troops imported for the occasion. The defenders, who included John Knox, either escaped or were, like Knox, condemned to the French galleys. In the fighting the castle was much damaged, but was repaired by Archbishop Hamilton [1549-71], and in 1583 became the refuge of James VI. after his escape from the lords who had seized his person in the raid of Ruthven. For the best brief, illustrated, account of St Andrews, see the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland, Eleventh Report, with Inventory of Monuments and Constructions in the Counties of Fife, Kinross, and Clackmannan. Edinburgh: H.M.S.O., 1933, pp. 226-261. Among the interesting figures are (1) Fig. 4x5, showing the window from which, according to tradition, Beaton watched the burning of Wishart, and from which his dead body was exposed ; (2) Fig. 419 and Fig. 423, the mine and counter- mine excavated during the siege of 1547 ; and (3) Fig. 422, The Bottle Dungeon. Beaton spent three years, 1543-46, repairing and strengthening the castle. Chalmers, II. 229, " Lyndsay forgets to state what is still more curious, that the cardinal had taken bonds of manrent of various persons, to serve him, personally (as the bond implies) in case of need [the penalty being forfeiture of land] : Norman Leslie, the son and heir of the earl of Rothes, had given the cardinal a bond of mament: Yet, he was the principal assassin; and, consequently, his crime was aggra- vated into petty treason.” NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON 167

236-238. Cf. Psalm cxxvii. 1, “ Except the Lord build the house, they labour in vain that build it.” Laing, I. 298, finds Lindsay’s paraphrase " rather strange.” “ The Master of Work was the name given to the superintendent of the king’s palaces and other public buildings, but the person holding the office was not necessarily a professional builder or architect.” He was frequently the king’s representative during repairs or building, and was in charge of the accounts. As such he may be said to have been the “ Maister of wark.”

240. Doung down amang the asse : struck down among the ashes. The idea is borrowed from several parts of the Bible. Man is like ashes in his frailty and vileness, when compared with God. Cf. Genesis xviii. 27, " And Abraham answered and said. Behold now, I have taken upon me to speak unto the Lord, which am but dust and ashes.” Ashes represented the humiliation of man, and the depth of his misery and downfall. Cf. Esther iv. 1, " Mordecai rent his clothes, and put on sackcloth with ashes ” ; and Job ii. 7, “ And Satan . . . smote Job with sore boils from the sole of his foot unto his crown. 8. And he took him a potsherd to scrape himself withall; and he sat down among the ashes ” ; and Job xxx. 19, “ He hath cast me into the mire, and I am become like dust and ashes.”

242. Dauid . . . Gollyasse : David . . . Goliath. Cf. 1 Samuel xvii, and Hist. Sq. Mel., 311.

243. Holopharne . . . Judeth : Holofernes . . . Judith. Cf. Judith, one of the apocryphal books of the Bible. Holofernes was commander- in-chief of the armies of Nebuchadnezzar in the war against Media, and decided to force Bethulia to surrender by starvation and drought. Judith, widow of Manasses, promised the chief men to deliver the town in five days. Adorning herself, she went to the camp of Holofernes, who invited her to his feast, but she declined for three days. On the fourth she consented, but partook of her own provisions. After the guests had departed she was alone with Holofernes, who had drunk immoderately and lay helpless on his couch, whereupon she took his sword, and cut off his head with two blows. Putting it into a bag, she escaped from the camp. The Assyrians fled north, and their deserted camp was sacked. Judith received the praises of the High Priest. The story was popular in mediaeval times, being quoted, though not canonical, as edifying, by Clement of Rome, Origen, Tertullian, Ambrose, and Augustine. Cf. H. Pentin, The Apocrypha in English Literature, 1908. 247. Lucifer ... in the heuin Impyre. Milton is, of course, not the only one who tells the story of the fall of Lucifer from heaven. All the cosmographies begin with it. It is a legend of great antiquity, and is referred to in Isaiah xiv. 12, " How art thou fallen from heaven, O Lucifer, son of the morning ! how art thou cut down to the ground, which didst weaken the nations 1 ” The story is told in brief in Revela- tions xii. 7-9.

252. In Manus TuaS Domine. Cf. note to Papyngo, 1144. i68 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

255. My dreidfull Dungioun : the Castle of St Andrews. Dungeon has two principal meanings : the tower, or keep, of a castle ; an underground place of imprisonment. Here the whole castle is indicated.

257. My Syluer work. Silver plate. The Middle Ages was devoted to silver work. The clergy had great collections of it, and that of Wolsey was famous. The wealth of the higher clergy, and the principal use made of it, is satirised in Ane Satyre, 1730-32.

259. Beaton’s assassination was carried out very swiftly. Pitscottie, II. 83-84, " Nochtwithstanding, Normand depairtit his way to his ludging that night, quhill on the morne betuix foure or fyue houris of the knok [clock], come doune to the castell witht the rest of the com- pleces and thair enterit in and dang out the portar ffrome the ^ett and wschit all the rest of the place at his plesour. And syne thairefter lohnne Leslie his father brother, and Petter Carmichall, lames Melvill, past wpe to the eist bloke house challmer quhair the cardinall lay and thair ruschit at the doore. The cardinall inquyrit quhat thay war. They schew thair names into him if or he was then effeirit and said, ‘ ^e will slay me,’ and thai said, ‘ nay.’ Then he opinitt the doore and lat thame in bot so sune as thai enterit in, thay murdrest him to the deid. Then the cry raise into the toun and said the cardinall was slaine ; then they that favorit him gat ledderis to leder the wall, trowand that he had bene on lyfe to haue helpit him. Bot the men of war thairin persaiffit thame, and to that effect brocht him done in ane pair of scheitis and laid him on the wall held, that all might sie him deid that they might mak no defence for his lyfe. And in the mean tyme quhene he was lyand on the wall deid as I haue schawin to 50W, ane callit Guthrie loussit done his ballope poynt [codpiece] and pischit in his mouth that all the pepill might sie ; bot it was ane misnurtartnes [misnurtured, ill- bred] deid and he was bot ane knaif that did it, and thraif never the better efterwart bot dieit ane sudden deid ffor he could not gett lessur to say god help him, and so endit money of tham that put hand in him. [MS. I., And than quhen thay had done quhat thay pleisit to him thay tuik him and saltit him and pat him in ane keist and eirdit him schamefullie in ane midding quhair he lay the space of sevin monethis or evir he was eirdit in kirk or queir.] ” This portion in brackets is a virtual paraphrase of Lindsay’s description of the fate of the cardinal’s body, 11. 265-270. The murder took place on the morning of May 29, 1546, by John Leslie, brother to the Earl of Rothes, his nephew Norman Leslie, and Kirkcaldy of Grange, and others. The immediate reason for his assassination was his burning of Wishart on March 2, 1546, and the certainty that the cardinal intended to do likewise with all Wishart’s friends, particularly those in Fifeshire. Knox gives a long and detailed account [Works, I. 174-179), too long to quote. Regarding the disposal of the body, Knox states that as the weather was hot and the funeral could not be prepared, it was thought best " to keap him frome styncking,” to cover it with salt, put it in a leaden cover, and to put it at the bottom of the Sea-Tower, to await what exequies his brother bishops would prepare. It may have NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON 169 been held thus as a hostage against the Church, as the governor’s son was held against the state, but the early accounts do not suggest this. Sir James Balfour says that the corpse was taken from the Sea-Tower nine months after the murder and was buried obscurely in the convent of the Black Friars of St Andrews in 1547. It is very probable that during the siege of the castle the corpse was hidden in the hideous bottle- neck dungeon in the Sea-Tower. Knox in fact says so; in “ a nuke in the bottom of the Sea-Tower, a place where many of God’s children had been imprisoned before.” This dungeon had been the place of confinement of many reformers. A full list of the men involved in the murder is given in Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, II. 467, thirty-five being cited : (1) Norman Leslie ; (2) Peter Carmichael of Balmadie ; (3) James Kirkcaldy of the Grange ; (4) William Kirkcaldy, his eldest son ; (5) David Kirkcaldy, his brother ; (6) John Kirkcaldy ; (7) Patrick Kirkcaldy ; (8) George Kirkcaldy, brother to the said James Kirkcaldy of Grange ; (9) Thomas Kirkcaldy, his (George’s) son ; (10) John Leslie of Parkhill; (n) Alex- ander Inglis; (12) James Melville the elder; (13) John Melville, bastard son to the Earl of Raith ; (14) Alexander Melville ; (15) David Carmichael; (16) Gilbert Geddes the younger ; (17) Robert Moncrieff, brother to the laird of Tibbermello ; (18) William Simpson ; (19) Alex- ander Anderson ; (20) David Balfour, son to the laird of Mountquhanny ; (21) Thomas Cunningham ; (22) Nicol Hart; (23) William Guthrie ; (24) John Sibbald, son to the laird of Cookstown ; (25) Peter Carmichael; (26) Walter Melville the younger ; (27) Sir John Auchinleck, chaplain ; (28) Nicol Leirmouth ; (29) Sir John Young, chaplain ; (30) David Kirkcaldy, cook; (31) Niniane Cockburne ; (32) John Poll, gunner; (33) William Orok; (34) John Rollock; (35) Andrew Canyow. Between the names of William Orok and John Rollock, 33 and 34, occurs the name of Sir James Lyell, chaplain, but this was struck through. It is interesting to see in this list the name of David Balfour, son of the laird of Mountquhanny, a neighbour and relative of Sir David Lindsay’s [Appendix I., 40, 42].

277. The Proces of my Depriuatioun : deprivation is the term for the deposition of a bishop, parson, vicar, or prebend from his preferment, following condemnation for immoral behaviour, or teaching contrary to that advocated by the Church. Cf. Satyre, 2886, 2944.

280. Sedull : Schedule, epistle ; paper containing writing, sometimes in Scots ; paper containing verses.

284. Predycatioun : predication, the act of declaring or proclaiming in public.

286. It is still held by the Church that its priests are successors of the Apostles, though not possessing their divine prerogatives.

289-90. Herraldis ... to burgh and land. The image is drawn from Lindsay’s own experience as herald. The heralds, pursuivants, and macers were ordered by the Parliament to convey messages to sheriffs 170 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

and to proclaim traitors at the market - crosses of specified towns. The heralds obtained the signatures of witnesses to their proclamations, and a certificate that the proclamation had been made was duly presented to Parliament. In Ane Satyre, 1784-1814, 1902-1909, Diligence plays the part of a herald in summoning the Parliament. 291. Je beand dum. Naturally a dumb man would have been useless as a herald, for he could not have made proclamations. Lindsay says that a dumb priest is equally useless. 292. Dumb priests are like minstrels who cannot play and sing—that is, of no use in their profession. 293-94. See note to The Complaynt, 420. 295-98. Another form of Lindsay’s complaint that the clergy lived on their lands and tithes, but did nothing in return. 299. Teind cheif : chief, or principal, tithes. 300. Teinde wall, teind lamb, teind calf, teind gryce, and guse : tithe wool, tithe lambs, tithe calves, tithe pigs, and geese. See note on teinds, Papyngo, 681. For the list of tithes, cf. Satyre, 2822-24, where Spirituality says : Na, na, never till the day of ludgement. Wee will want nathing that wee haue in vse, Kirtill nor kow, teind lambe, teind gryse nor guse. 306. Hasarttrie : hazardry, dicing, gambling. Cowel, Law Dictionary, 1727, “ Hazard, a Game at Dice so called.” 309-315. Cf. Papyngo, 1037-38, 745-50, 2895-2904, 3378-79. 313-315. These lines were transferred, altered slightly, to Ane Satyre, 750-52: Bot ferlie nocht, howbeit thay fleich : For schaw thay all the veritie, Thaill want the Bischops charitie. 316-17. Cf. Satyre, 2930-31 : Quhairfoir war gifin 30W all the temporal lands. 321-22. Cf. Deploratioun, 69-79 ; Monarche, 5162-63. 323-34. For another allusion to this portion of the ceremonial of the consecration of a bishop, cf. Satyre, 2924-25. Good Counsel has asked Spirituality if he has never read the Old and New Testaments. Spiritu- ality replies that he has not, and never will do, because The friars say that reading them does no good. Good Counsel rejoins that it would do Spirituality good to read them : For anis I saw them baith bund on jour back. That samin day that je was consecrat. But Spirituality does not know the meaning of that symbohsm. NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON 171

336. Ane Myter on ane Mule. Lindsay repeatedly describes the bishops as riding on mules. Cf. Satyre, 2864, 3725 ; The Complaynt, 330-36, where see note.

340. ôur auld corruptit conswetude. The word consuetude, which occurs frequently in ecclesiastical documents in defence of the rights of the church, arouses Lindsay to intense fury. It is a frequent word in Ane Satyre. Cf. Satyre, 2795-96 : Fals huirsun carle, I say that law is gude, Becaus it hes bene lang our consuetude. 353. Ane trym Tailêour. Chalmers, II. 236, reminds his readers of the story told by Charteris, which I extract from his Preface to the 1568 edition [I. 397-98]. Charteris is writing of Lindsay’s incessant attacks on the clergy during the reign of James V. " It cummis to my memorie and prettie trik, quhilk sumtyme I haue hard reportit of him. The Kingis grace, lames the Fyft, beand on ane certane tyme accum- panyit with ane greit nowmer of his Nobillis, & ane greit menê of Bischoppis, Abbottis and Prelatis standing about, he quiklie & prettilie inuentit ane prettie trik to teine yame. He cummis to the King, and efter greit dewgard & salutationis, he makis him, as thocht he war to requyre sum wechtie thing of the Kingis grace. The King persauand, demandis quhat he wald haue ? he answeris : Schir, I haue servit jour grace lang, & lukis to be rewardit as vtheris ar. And now jour maister Tailjeour at the plesure of God is departit: quhairfoir I wald desyre of your grace, to bestow this lytil benefite vpon me, as ane part of reward of my lang seruice, to mak me jour maister tailjeour. The King beleuand in dede his tailjeour to be departit, sayis to him : Quhairto wald thow be my tailjeour ? thow can nouther schaip nor sew ? he answeris : Schir, that makis na mater : for je haue geuin Bischoprikis and benefices to mony standing heir about jow : and jit can thay nouther teiche, nor preiche. And quhy may I not then asweill be jour tailjeour, thocht I can nouther schaip nor sew : seing teiching and preiching is na les re- quisite to thair vocatioun, than schaiping & sewing is to ane tailjeouris. The King incontinent persauit his consait, and leuch merilie thairat: bot the Bischoppis at sic bourding leuch neuer ane quhit.” Chalmers comments : “ Lyndsay did not live, to perceive that the principal preachers, of the reformation, in Scotland, were tailors and shoemakers ; nor did he see, while living : What reverence he did throw away on slaves ; Wooing poor craftsmen with the craft of smiles.” Chalmers’s comments throughout this poem are not sympathetic to Lindsay. The tale may be true ; it may be apocryphal. Several poets acquired, after death, the reputation of wits, and “ Merry Tales ” were easily manufactured and foisted on them. Scogan and Skelton thus suffered. But the tale itself reappears in Ane Satyre, 3149-51 : Sowtars and tailjeours thay ar far mair expert In thair pure craft and in thair handie art. Nor ar our Prelatis in thair vocatioun. 172 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

357. Caill. Chalmers, II. 236, " cale, coleworts, broth. Lyndsay meant a hodge-podge of cale and flesh stewed down together : kale was formerly so much eaten, in Fyfeshire, that a person from that county is said jocularly to be one of the kale suppers of Fyfe.” Caill, kale, cole; cabbage, and cabbage soup.

361-64. Cf. Satyre, 3321-35.

372. Bot not to rebaldis new cum frame the roste. But not to revellers newly come from feasting—i.e., men who have spent lives of pleasure, and are thus without education. O.E.D. says that the precise sense of roste is not clear, and quotes also from Kennedy, Flyting, 27, “ Ramowd rebald, thou fall doun att the roist.” Chalmers, II. 237, “ rost, roist, formerly meant tumult, to rule the roist, or roast, signified to rule the populace : Lyndsay meant ribbalds, who were new come from low disorders of the populace.”

373. Stuff at. A groom, lackey. ? F. estafette.

ZTJ. Rome rakaris : Rome-rakers, Rome-runners; clerics who were in the habit of going to Rome to obtain benefices.

378. Calsay Paikaris : Causey-paikers, street-walkers.

380. Most meit to gather mussillis in to Maye. The Isle of May, five miles S.S.E. of Crail, Fifeshire.

381. Cowhubeis : cowhubies. O.E.D., a cowhuby is a calf, the word being also used for purposes of ridicule, or endearment. Cf. Dunbar, In secreit place, 58, “ Quod scho, Grammercye ! my sweit cowhubye ” ; Gavin Douglas, Aeneis, VIII., Prologue, 86, " Knychtis ar kouhubis, and commonis plukyt crawls.” Jamieson, “ a cow-herd.” 384. Like doytit Doctoris new cum out of Athenis. Doytit: doited, impaired in faculties, aged. Athenis : Athens. Chalmers, II. 238, " Athens, perhaps, for the rhyme.” While this may be so, I think that perhaps we have here a reference to the fifteenth-century Greek scholars who came westwards from Constantinople, though there may have been some popular belief that they came from Athens.

385. Mummyll: mumble. Cf. Kitteis Confessioun, 43, " mekle Latyne he did mummill.” 385. Maglit : mangled. Chalmers, II. 238, "mumble over mangled matins” ; as G. Douglas : " Tak gude tent in tyme Ye nouther magil, nor mismeter my ryme.” 387. Schir Symonis solystatioun : Sir Simony’s solicitation. Chalmers II. 238, “ It is very common with Lyndsay to prefix schir before his personifications of the vices ; meaning to burlesque the kirkmen [who NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON I73

had the courtesy title Sir].” Simony, the selling or buying of ecclesiastical preferments and benefices ; monetary traffic in ecclesiastical affairs. As a personification Simony, or Sir Simony, is of considerable antiquity. The latter is found in Langland, Piers Plowman, A text, II. 37. O.F. symonie, Med. Latin, simonia, derived from the name of Simon Magus, Acts viii. 9-24, who posed in Samaria as one of divine powers, but was a sorcerer. He was baptised, and was amazed at the miracles wrought by the apostles. Doubtless thinking he could combine sorcery with miraculous powers, he offered the disciples money, saying, “ Give me also this power, that on whomsoever I lay my hands, he may receive the Holy Ghost. But Peter said unto him. Thy silver perish with thee, because thou hast thought to obtain the gift of God with money. Thou has neither part nor lot in this matter : for thy heart is not right before God.” The offence of simony occurs as early as the third century, and in the Middle Ages was the common practice in the church. Cf. Dante, Inferno, XIX. 1.

388. I was promouit on the sammyn wyse. Chalmers, II. 238, " I was promoted by simoniacal practices : Shakespeare describes a would-be cardinal, as : One, that by suggestion Ty’d all the kingdom ; Simony was fair play ; His own opinion was the law.” [Henry VIII, IV. ii. 36, a non-Shakespearean passage. The word " simony ” does not occur elsewhere in Shakespeare.]

389. Throuch Prencis supplycatioun : through the supplications of James V. and Francis I.

390. Throuch fals narratioun. I have not found any evidence of this charge against Beaton.

396. Blynd Alane : Blind Allan. Cf. Dunbar, Testament of Mr Andro Kennedy, I. 54-58, i. 12, “ Na blind Allane wait of the mone." No other references are known, and the name seems lost in obscurity. Small suggests, Dunbar, HI. ccii., that the reference is to a proverb now lost, but it looks like a proverb with a definite “ hero.” It may have had some connection with a blind minstrel named Allan, or harper, or ballad singer. Cf. Sidney’s “ blind crowder,” Apologia for Poetrie ; and Ben Jonson, Volpone, I. i. Mermaid Edn., p. 28 : Corvino. . . . Does he not perceive us ? Mosca. No more than a blind harper. Yet these are of the company of Homer.

397. Chalmers punctuates this line wrongly by placing a colon at the end, thus making it appear that Beaton feared God for himself. Chalmers thereupon notes, " The prejudice, or the purpose of Lyndsay, did not allow him to see, that the cardinal was a man of talents and address.” While this is true enough, Chalmers arrives at it the wrong way. I74 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

407-413. This stanza is rather puzzling. Commenting on line 411, " Ane woman Persone of ane parisoun," Chalmers ejaculates, II. 240, " Here the satire of Lyndsay goes beyond himself : To make a woman parson of a parish ; as if such a thing had ever been done.” But I do not think that that is really Lindsay’s meaning, though I may be wrong. In the first three lines of the stanza he attacks the convents of the time. His " commoun hure ” is the abbess of his day, and he wonders why kings allow virgins who wish to take up religion to be handed over to women who are no better than whores. Better, it is perhaps one particular abbess, notorious for her evil life, and the ill- conduct of her convent. Such a person may have been the original of the Abbess in Ane Satyre. This abbess must be identical with the “ woman Persone [parson] ” of line 411. She must have been an important abbess, to have had so many under her charge, not perhaps all in one convent, but scattered over several. Lindsay’s charge against her in particular is that she persuades her novices to become as evil as she.

413. Harlots : harlots, formerly applied indiscriminately to both men and women of evil life. Here, of course, men are intended. In earlier times it was applied to men only, and was not applied to women until about the fifteenth century. Hir, the “ woman Persone.”

414-420. Kyng Dauid : David I. of Scotland (1124-1153). Born 1086, the youngest son of Malcolm Ceanmore and Margaret, sister of Edgar Atheling. After his father’s death in 1093 at Alnwick, and his mother’s death a few days later, with his brothers and sisters he was sent to England for safety. After the marriage of his sister Matilda to Henry I., David passed his time at the English court, and in 1113 married Matilda, widow of Simon, Earl of Northampton, receiving the honour of Hunting- don, and becoming an English baron. In 1107 his brother Edgar had died, and David received the Earldom of Cumbria, which was separately governed, and continued so under David until he became King of Scotland. It consisted of the south-western area of Scotland, was largely Celtic, despite Norman infiltration, but was Christian. David introduced feudal government, beginning with an inquisition into the lands held by the see of Glasgow. This document still exists, and telling of the decline of Christianity in those parts goes on to state that David desires to see the restoration of the Church lands. The date is about 1120. He appointed his tutor John to Glasgow in 1115, bestowed gifts on the see, and built the Cathedral of Glasgow in 1136. He founded in 1113 a Benedictine Abbey at Selkirk, and a monastery of Augustine canons at Jedburgh in 1118. Thus before he ascended the throne of Scotland on the death of his brother, Alexander I., in 1124, David had begun that course of ecclesiastical expansion which later Scottish kings and historians came to deplore. In 1127 the only son of Henry I. was drowned, and Henry procured the recognition by his barons of his daughter Matilda, widow of the Emperor Henry V., and wife of Geoffrey, Count of Anjou. David himself took the oath to Matilda as an English baron, and when on NOTES TO THE TRAGEDIE OF CARDINAL BEATON 175

Henry’s death in 1135 Stephen seized the throne, David invaded Northumberland in her cause, but was compelled to retire, on condition that his son Henry should be granted the barony of Huntingdon, for which Henry did homage to Stephen. The peace was not kept, and war waged in Northumberland for the next three years, ending with the defeat of David at Cowton Moor, near Northallerton (Battle of the Standard), 1138. This battle definitely secured Northumberland to England. In 1140 war broke out again, David actually going to London, which Matilda had entered, but she was unable to maintain her victory, and was forced to flee to Winchester, David with her. He escaped to Scotland in 1141. After this, except for one raid into England, he remained in Scotland until his death in 1x53, intent on ecclesiastical reforms, monastic foundations, and the introduction of new religious orders into Scotland. This work entailed the division of Scotland, except Argyll, the Hebrides, Orkneys, and Shetlands, into ecclesiastical districts ; the foundation of the religious houses of Holyrood, Isle of May, Newbottle, Kelso, Melrose, Berwick, St Andrews, Cambuskenneth, Stirling, Kinloss, Urquhart, Glasgow, Selkirk, and Jedburgh, the last three having been founded by him when Earl of Cumbria. His example inspired others, and the houses of Holme-Cultram, Lindores, Dryburgh, Eccles, and Whithorn came into being, all, or nearly all, Cistercian. In addition he extended the feudal system throughout southern Scotland, establishing the feudal court and its officers. He also introduced into Scot- land the inquest into the rights of land tenure. He took a personal part in the administration of the law. The meaning of the comment of James I., that his predecessor was " ane sair Sanct to the croun ” has been discussed, as to whether it was encomium or condemnation. But the words are clear enough, and mean that so much land and revenue was granted to the Church that later kings had difficulty in raising revenue for non-ecclesiastical affairs, and were thus constrained to descend to frequent land-forfeitures in order to raise money. The question of condemnation of the evil life of the later clergy does not enter. Much of the backwardness of Scotland was undoubtedly due to the enormous revenues of the Church, which David intended the Church to return in the form of education, culture, and improved farming. In this he was much deceived. This stanza is expanded to form eight lines, and altered to form couplets in Ane Satyre, 2952-59 :

Quhat gif King David war leiuand in thir dayis. [414] The quhilk did found sa mony gay Abayis ? [416) Or out of heavin quhat gif he luikit doun. [415] And saw the great abominatioun [417] Amang thir Abesses and thir Nunries, Thair publick huirdomes and thair harlotries ? He wald repent he narrowit sa his bounds [4i9j Of jeirlie rent thriescoir of thowsand pounds. [420I Lindsay again refers to David I.’s pious, if reckless, foundation of fifteen abbeys in The Monarche, 4427-32. 176 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

421-22. The statement in these lines is proof that Lindsay had now [1547] thrown in his lot with the reformers, and was not content with merely purifying the old Church.

427. Chalmers, II. 240, " Lyndsay was a thorough-paced preacher : He predestinated one half of mankind to perdition ; and the other half he adjudged to hell-fire, and damnation, if they did not reform, according to his tenets.” Yet such has always been the way of the reformer.

431. Quhare euer it plesith God, now man I wend. One is tempted to remark that Lindsay has no doubt whatever regarding the Cardinal’s destination.

The Historie of Squyer Meldrum.

Text : I. 146-188.

Provenance : B.M., C. 39. d. 23.

Corrections: Historie 182 Fat hr r is ; 187 he ( ; 444 accownterit; 851 tv [instead of at 849] ; 1030 Sho ; 1239 scho [scho)] ; 1393 he [he)] ; 1538 Tchyrefdepute ; Testament 32 immortall; 126 [joined to the stanza following] ; 155 [joined to previous stanza]. The following signs were used in place of capital 3 : •5> [sign for medical ounce], Historie 162, 200, 208, 294, 1040, 1242, 1455 ; Testament 7, 30, 222, 228, 232, 235 ; 5 [sign for medical drachm], Historie 311, 413, 781, 1130, 1243, 1349 ; Z Testament 47. In no case where capital 3 is required was it used ; the press evidently possessed none, but the attempt to imitate this letter seems to indicate that it had been used in the lost edition of circa 1580.

Date : The earliest extant edition is dated 1594, but an earlier edition was in print circa 1580 \yide Bibliography]. There is no trace of a still earlier edition, and I have not found any allusions to the poem in other works. Chalmers, I. 74-79, dated the poem 1550, basing his argument on the three lines in The Testament of Squyer William Meldrum [22, 23], and a botch formed from lines 24-27 : First, Dauid, Erll of Craufuird, wise & wicht; [22] And Ihone, Lord Lindesay, my maister special. [23] The third salbe ane nobill trauellit Knicht, [24] The wise Sir Walter Lindesay they him cal, [26] Lord of S. lohne, and Knicht of Torfichane. [27] NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELD RUM 177

" The first,” says Chalmers, I. 77, note $, " died in 1542 ; the second in 1562 ; and the third in 1538.” " From all those intimations, it is probable, that the Histone and Testament of Meldrum were some of the last of our poet’s labours ; and were perhaps written about the year 1550." Laing, I. 307, says : “ Mr Chalmers, I imagine, in supposing that this poem was composed about the year 1550, has placed it six or seven years too late. The allusion in line 1497 [This Knicht was slane with crueltie] proves indeed that it was subsequent to the death of Sir John Stirling of Keir, in 1539.” Laing offers no further assistance. Chalmers’s arguments for the date are questionable. David, eighth Earl of Crawford, died in 1542, but he was succeeded by David, ninth Earl of Crawford, who died in 1558. John, fifth Lord Lindsay of the Byres, died in 1563 ; and Sir Walter Lindsay of Torphichen lived to 1547, not 1538. Chalmers, I. 77, gave the date of Meldrum’s death as “ after May 1532,” as a charter dated May 15, 1532, to which Meldrum was a witness, was the last authentic record of Meldrum discovered by him. Laing had nothing to add. I trace Meldrum down to July 1550. His father was Archibald Mel- drum of the Bynnis, who died 1507-1509. Sir Robert Douglas, Baronage of Scotland, 1798, p. 157, says that the name " Meldrum ’’ is of great antiquity, and he traces it back to a Philip de Melgdrum, circa 1250. This Sir Philip had three sons : (1) Sir William de Meldrum, his heir ; (2) Thomas, who received an estate in Fifeshire ; (3) Alexander, mentioned in 1272. “ From these two younger sons are descended the two families of the Meldrums of Cleish and Segy.” I do not know Douglas’s authority. Lindsay says, in the title to this poem, that William Meldrum was " Laird of Cleische and Bynnis,” and [74-75] that he was— borne within the Schyre of Fyfe, To Cleische and Bynnis richt Heritour. But although Lindsay was a contemporary and friend, besides being a distinguished and accurate herald, his statement has been questioned, a point which will be dealt with more fully later. In the items of Mel- drum biography which follow, the name of the estate or estates must be noted. Those first noted by Laing are accredited to him, but I have made fresh abstracts.

William Meldrum. i. Robertson, Index of Records of Charters, Edinburgh, 1798, p. 137. Temp. Robert III. Charter to William Mel- drum of the 3d part lands of Cleis, 3d part of the milne of Cleis, third part of Wester Cleis, third part of Bordland, third part of Newistoun, third part of the town and miln of Newstoun, in the barony of Cleis, Fyfe. Laing, I. 328. 2. Reg. Mag. Sig., II. 279. October 30, 1444. Archibald de Meldrum de Cleesch, witness to a charter. 3. Registrum de Dunfermlyn, Bannatyne Club (1842), p. 346. " Archi- baldus Meldrum de Clesse ” appointed to an assize of perambulation of the marshes between Wester and Easter Kinghorn, Fife. October 6, 1457. Laing, I. 328. 178 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

4. Registrum de Dunfermlyn, p. 355. " Archibald Meldrum de Clesche " appointed to an assize of perambulation, Fife. June 27, 1466. Laing, I. 328. Abstract by Sibbald, History of Fife and Kinross (1710), p. 89, from Sir James Balfour’s Notes. 5. Acta Dominorum Auditorum, I. (1839), 81. March 19, 1478-79. The lordis auditoris assignis to Archibald of meldrum of the Bynnis the x day of maij nixt to cum with continuation of dais to pruif that lohne bertilmew gaif our the tak of the landis of the Bynnis. . . . Laing, I. 328. 6. Acta Dom. Con., I. (1836), 82. April 28, 1483. Befor the lordis comperit Archibald meldrum of the Bynnis. Laing, I. 328. 7. Acta Dom. Con., I. (1836), 369. July io, 1494- The lordis of consale decrettis and deliueris that for ocht that thai haf ^it sene Archibald meldrum of the bynnis the are of vmquhile Jonete meldrum of the Clesche dois wrang in the vexatioun and trubling of James meldrum his brothir in the peceable broiking and Joysing of the sext partis of the landis of medill clesche. Laing, I. 328. 8. Acta Dom. Con., II. (1918), 315. January 24, 1498-99. Action by Alexander Hepburne of Quhitsum against James Durame for wrongful occupation of the lands of Duntervycrag. . . . Parties compearing, " it was allegit be the sade James that he had ane warrand quhilk was the lard of Binnys in this accione.” 9. Acta Dom. Con., II. (1918), 202. May 10, 1498. Anent the terme assignit be the Lordis of Consale til J ames of Meldrum aganis Archbald Meldrum of the Binnis til preif sufficientlie that the sext part of the landis of Hostlar land ar ane part of the landis of Wester Nevingstons, hand in the barronry of Cleisch and schiiefdome of Fifie. . . . 10. Reg. Mag. Sig., II. 2896. Edinburgh, November 28, 1505. Rex confirmavit cartam Arch. Meldrum de Bynnys—[qua, pro certa summa pecunie persoluta, vendidit et alienavit familiari regis Roberto Colvile de Hiltoun, director! cancellarie, et heredibus ejus—turrim et manerium vulgariter dictum le Chemys de Clesch, subtus et supra, ac terram dictam le Chemysland, eisdem adjacentem, cum domibus et parca, necnon unam mercatam terre nuncupatam le Haltoun de Clesch, per Joh. Duncane, et Joh. Greif occupatam, cum tenentibus, &c., in barronia de Clesch, vie. Fiffe : Tenend. a dicto Arch, de rege. (Witnesses.) Edinburgh, November 27, 1505]. 11. Reg. Mag. Sig., II. 2996. October 12, 1506. . . . Elizabeth Shaw sold to Robert Colville of Hilton, lands in Fife, “ necnon cartam Archi- baldi Meldrum de Bynnis,—[qua, pro certa summa pecunie persoluta, vendidit et alienavit eidem Roberto Colvile, et heredibus ejus,—terras suas de le Doleland et Bordland, ac terras de Estir Nevingstoun in baronia de Clesch, vie. Fiffe . . . Test. Wil. Meldrum filio suo et herede apparente. . . . Apud Hiltoun, 9 Jun. 1506] : Necnon aliam cartam ejusdem,—[qua, pro certa summa pecunie persoluta, vendidit et alienavit eidem Roberto Colvile, et heredibus ejus,—terras suas sexte partis de Westir Nevingstoun, de Brewland, una cum sexta parte molendini de Clesch, in baronia et vie. antedictis. . . . Edinburgh, September 1506]. 12. General Sir J. A. L. Haldane, The Haldanes of Gleneagles (1929), 29. " Some question must now have arisen regarding the lawful pos- NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 179 session of the lands of Kippen (Strathearn) [by the Haldanes], for on 25th January 1508-09 William Meldrum—possibly the celebrated ‘ squire ’ of that name, though then somewhat youthful—and Lawrence Haldane are directed, under a precept of King James IV., to summon the successor of the ‘ deceased Adam Chane of Dunnring to compear at Edinburgh on 17th February next with continuation of days at the instance of John Haldane, Knight, heir and successor to the deceased Simon Haldane, to warrant and defend him as heir and successor aforesaid in his possession of the lands of the two Kippandis ’ [Gleneagles Charters, No. 75].” 13. Haldane, 33. Quotes the terms of an ordinance of the Lords of Council [Ada Dom. Con., XXX. 31) dated June 20, 1517, in which it is stated that “ the lady of Glennegas be put at fredom and have hir free will to pas quher scho plesis best, and that [neither] William Mel- drum allegit to be hir spous, Maister James nor Maister Patrik Lausone mak hir na trouble nor impediment thairintill as thai will answer to my Lordis Regentis and Consell tharapon.” 14. Comp. Thes., V. 107-8 [1517]. Et de xl li., in partem solutionis octuaginta librarum compositione facte cum Magistro Patricio Lausoune pro respectuato sibi facto pro mutilatione Georgii Haldan, Willelmi Meldrum, et suorum complicium et pro precogitata felonia in hujus modi mutilatione commissa, ac pro arte et parte ejusdem ; et sic restant xl li. onerande ut supra. 15. Sheriff Court Book of Fife, ed. W. C. Dickinson, Scottish History Society, 3rd Series, Vol. XII. (1928). Curia capitalis vice-comitatibus de fiffe. Nomina Absencium. P. 206. April 9, 1521. p s cleich meldrum. p s cleich allerdes. P. 226. October 1, 1521. s p cleich meldrum. s p cleich allerdes. P. 234. January 7, 1521-22. s p cleich meldrum. s p cleich allerdes. [This volume ends with the records of 1522. It is interesting to note that William Meldrum should have attended for one part of Cleish, and Allardyce for another.] 16. Sheriff Court Book of Fife. Records of William Meldrum as Deputy-Sherifi of Fife, with Thomas Grundeston, of Kingask, Fife. 1522 only. P. 250. April 30, 1522, per . . . et willelmum meldrum deputatos. P. 255. May 23, 1522. per Willelmum meldrum et . . . deputatos. P. 255. May 23, 1522. The quhilk day williame meldrum schiref depute. . . . Similar records : 258, June 3, 1522 ; 259, 260, June 4, 1522 ; 261, June 7, 1522 ; 265, 266, June 21, 1522 ; 269, July 5, 1522 ; 270, July 23, 1522. 17. Sir William Fraser, Memorials of the Earls of Haddington, II. 249. Struther, March 30, 1524. Charter by Patrick, Lord Lindsay, granting in liferent to his grandson, J ohn Lindsay, the dominical lands of Byres. Witness, William Meldrum. i8o THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Lindsay tells us that Meldrum lived with “ ane agit Lord,” during whose life he was " Tchyref depute.” This Lord was Patrick, fourth Lord Lindsay of the Byres, who died in 1526, celebrated as an advocate. The above record is support enough of Lindsay’s statement that Meldrum lived at the Struther, the home of the Lords Lindsay of the Byres, while the records which follow show that he continued to live there during the lifetime of the fifth Lord Lindsay down to his own death in 1550. 18. Reg. Mag. Sig., III. 265. May 30, 1524. Confirmation of a charter by Patrick, Lord Lindsay, to his son, John of Pitcruvie, who died in 1525, in the lifetime of his father; dated Struther, April 29, 1524 ; witnessed by " Wil. Meldrum.” 19. Sibbald, History 0/ Fife and Kinross, p. 100. List of the Sherifis of Fife. " About 1514, the Laird of Belgony gets the Sheriffship for five years. An. 1517. Patrick Lord Lindsay of the Byres, and John Master of Lindsay of Pitcravie. 30. May 1524. The same Patrick Lord Lindsay gets the Sheriffship heritably, and is Sheriff An. 1530. Esquire Meldrum is his Depute.” Laing, I. 327. Sibbald is not absolutely correct. Patrick Lord Lindsay was made Sheriff in 1518, and died in 1526. He was succeeded as Sheriff by his son John, fifth Lord Lindsay, in 1526. 20. Rot. Scac., XV. 654 [1527]. William Meldrum and George Ran- keillour, noted as special sheriffs in Fife. 21. Reg. Mag. Sig., III. 565 [March 21, 1527-28]. Wil. Meldrum et Tho. Grundestoun vicecomites deputatos de Fyfif. 22. Reg. Mag. Sig., III. 796 [May 26, 1529]. Confirmation of a charter of John Lord Lindsay, dated Edinburgh, March 31, 1529. Witness, " Wil. Meldrum.” 23. Reg. Mag. Sig., III. 1171 [May 15, 1532]. "William Meldrum de Bynnis ” witness to a charter by which John Lord Lindsay of the Byres sold to James Colville of Easter Wemyss the lands of Maw, Fife. 24. Protocol Books of Dominus Thomas Johnsoun (1528-1568), ed. J. Beveridge and T. Russell, Scottish Record Society (1920). No. 97. William Meldrum a witness to an Instrument of Sasine in favour of John Crummie, servitor to the king, at the Struther, May n, 1536. 25. Reg. Mag. Sig., III. 1541. " William Meldrum de Binds ” witness to a charter dated January 1, 1541, whereby Walter Lundy of Lundy sold to Sir David Lindsay of the Mount and Janet Douglas his wife the lands of Over-Prates, Lundy, Fife. For full text, see Appendix I., No. 132. 26. Reg. Mag. Sig., III. 2725 [July 8, 1542]. Confirmation of a charter of John Lord Lindsay, witnessed by several Lindsays and “ Wil. Meldrum ” ; dated Struther, June 4, 1542. 27. Reg. Mag. Sig., III. 2748 [August 8, 1542]. Confirmation of a charter of John Lord Lindsay, which confirmed Sir David Lindsay of the Mount and Janet Douglas in the lands of Garmylton-Alexander ; dated Struther, May 5, 1542, and witnessed among others by “ Wil. Meldrum.” For full text, see Appendix I., No. 134. 28. Sir William Fraser, Memorials of the Earls of Haddington, II. NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM l8l

261. Precept of Sasine by Sir Thomas Smyth, chaplain of Lord Lind- say’s aisle in the parish church of St Andrews, to Laurence Strange. Dated Ochterotherstruther, May 30, 1550. Witnessed by " William Meldrum of Bynnis,” whom Fraser identifies, quite correctly, but probably by guesswork, as “ the famous Squire Meldrum of Sir David Lindsay’s poem.” 29. Reg. Mag. Sig., IV. 490 [July 31, 1550]. Confirmation of a charter of James Spens of Lathalland, who had sold to Norman Lindsay, son of John Lord Lindsay of the Byres, the lands of Kittidie, Crag- sumquhar, Fife. Dated Struther, July 25, 1550. Witness, “ Wil. Meldrum.” TABLE. William Meldkum of Cleish, Fife [temp. Robert III.] 1 1 1 Archibald Meldrum of Cleish, Fife L/Z. 1444-1466]. I

Archibald Meldrum James Meldrum of the Bynnis, Fife [fl. 1494], [fl. 1478-1506], I I ? William Meldrum of Cleish and the Bynnis, Fife William (fl. 1524 -1554) James [fl. 1506-1550]; Vicar of Strabok; notary (fl. 1524), of legal age in 1506 ; died public ; entered court ser- notary public, unmarried at the Struther, vice 1537 ; notary to Mary, Fife, shortly after July 1550. Queen of Scots, c. 1550. In the above table Archibald Meldrum of Cleish and Archibald Meldrum of the Bynnis are differenced according to their estates. They may have been the same person, or father and son. The latter is most likely, because of the long period covered by name Archibald, I444'I5°fi< and is assisted by the fact that William Meldrum was in 1506 only of, or not much over, legal age, when he witnessed a legal document [ante, No. 11]. No place is given to Janet Meldrum of Cleish [ante, No. 7], since the relationship with Archibald Meldrum is^not established. Lindsay [1572] states that William Meldrum “ wald neuer be wedded to ane wyfe,” that he died aged [Historie, line 1573 ; Testament, line 29], and that at the time of his death his lady. Lady Gleneagles, was still alive. All this is substantiated from the records. Neither Meldrum’s date of marriage, fact of marriage, or heir is traceable in any published records, while Lady Gleneagles lived till July 1553. As Meldrum witnessed a legal document in 1506 he must then have been of legal age, and therefore about sixty-four at the time of his death. I presume that he died very shortly after the last record given above ; dated July 25, 155°. confirmed July 31, 1550. VOL. III. N i82 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Whether the poem which describes his early adventures was written before or after his death is a matter for individual opinion. I hold that it was written after his death, c. August 1550, and before the death of Lady Gleneagles in July 1553. Lindsay appears to speak of him as dead in line 30 : Quhais douchtines, during his Lyfe, I knaw my self. In line 1518, “ Bot schaw 30W how the Squyer endit,” the closing word appears to mean, “ passed the remainder of his life, down to the time of his death.” Lines 1582-90 refer directly to his death : And, as he leiuit, sa he endit, Plesandlie, till he micht indure. Till dolent deith come to his dure. And cruellie, with his mortall dart. He straik the Squyer throw the hart. His saull, with loy Angelicall, Past to the Heuin Imperiall. Thus at the Struther, into Fyfe, This nobill Squyer loist his lyfe. There is, I think, no reason to doubt Lindsay’s veracity, and thus we may assume that the poem was written between about August 1550 and July 1553, probably towards the close of 1550. Of the people mentioned in both the Histone and Testament as Meldrum’s friends and executors, all but one were alive in 1550. The exception is Sir Walter Lindsay of Torphichen [Testament, 24-28], whom I do not trace after 1547. The Authenticity of the Poem : The authenticity of the name of the hero has been twice challenged. The first to doubt William Meldrum being the hero of the adventures accorded to him was Sir James Balfour Paul, editor of Douglas’s Peerage of Scotland. When dealing with the family of the Colvilles of Cleish, at II. 569-75, Sir James states, II. 569-70, " It has been stated that Robert Colvill of Cleish [f May 7, 1560] was really the hero of the adventure ascribed to ‘ Squire Meldrum ’ of Cleish and Binns so graphically described by Sir David Lindsay.” Sir James cites as his authority " ‘ Coronis,’ or Supplement to The History of the Church of Scotland, by William Row of Ceres.” This story was repeated by General Sir J. A. Haldane in The Haldanes of Gleneagles (1929), 32. The Lady of Gleneagles, with whom Meldrum had his second great adventure, was the widow of Sir John Haldane of Gleneagles, who was killed at Flodden. General Haldane gives an account of the poem, 31-34, and on page 32 remarks, " The squire [a certain ' Squire Meldrum ’ of Cleish, which lies some fourteen miles from Gleneagles, on the southern side of the Ochils], who in 1515 is said to have been about twenty-two years old, and who was a friend of Lindsay’s and confided to him the ‘ secreitis ’ which were later transformed into verse, has been stated to be identical with Robert Colvill of Cleish . . General Haldane’s authorities are cited as " Chalmers’s Notes to Lindsay’s Works : Scots Peerage, ii. 572.” NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 183

It must be stated once and for all that Chalmers is not responsible for this fiction, and that General Haldane is quite in error in attributing it to him. In justice to General Haldane, attention must be drawn to the somewhat unsatisfactory note on page 333, “ Mr W. Douglas, of the well-known firm of Edinburgh publishers, has discovered that the fiction of a Colville-Meldrum connection arose through the misreading of a note on p. 449 of The History of the Church of Scotland, by William Row.” Though this is true, it is not sufficient to prevent the repetition of the wrong identification. The history of the blunder follows. In 1842 the Wodrow Society published John Row’s History of the Church of Scotland, and with it the Additions to the ‘ Coronis ’ of the History of the Church of Scotland, by William Row, minister of Ceres. In this is told the story of the exposure of a deception practised by the Hermit of Loretto on the public, in performing the supposed miracle of a " blind ” man recovering his sight at the shrine through the inter- cession of the saints. The text of this story is printed somewhat peculiarly, and a careless reader might easily fall into the error committed by Sir James Paul. It begins as follows: " Thare wes in Fyfe, Esquire Meldrum, so he wes commonlie called, [Robert Colvill, Laird of Cleishe, who there after wes killed to the seige of Leithe] a gentleman of good understanding and knowledge, sound in the Reformed Religion, and most zealous and stoute for the Reformation; but his ladie (commonlie called the Ladie Cleishe) wes a papist, [Cachune, of the familie of Luss ;] therefore shee, being in hard labour in chyld birth, posted away her servant (who wes a papist) to St Allarites chapell, with ane offering of gold to the Ladie and Saintes of Allarite, with hersa[r]ke, (according to the custome,) that shee might get easie delyverie. Her husband, the Esquyre, [Laird of Cleish,] so soone as he learned the matter, posted after the servant to hinder such a superstitious offering, but did not overtake him till he came to St Allarites chappell.” There follows the story of the deception, and its detection by the husband, but it is too long to quote in full. No date is assigned to the story, but it must have happened about the year 1559, for it was one of the things done in desperation by the Church to prove to the public which was rapidly seceding from it, that it still possessed the power to work miracles, and was therefore the Church of God. The textual peculiarity of double identification is due to the fact that the story had come down to William Row attached to the “ Laird of Cleish," who, he thought, could have been none other than the " laird of Cleish and Bynnis.” Later, finding his error, he inserted into his manuscript the correct identification with Robert Colville, and the Wodrow Society editor printed both original and corrected identifications, only distinguishing them by the use of square brackets for the second, explaining the reason for this in a footnote. This footnote was ignored by Sir James Balfour Paul, who has thus conjured up a ghost which will probably never be fully laid. The identification of the hero of this " miracle ” with Meldrum is in fact an impossible one for several reasons, principally that it took place after Meldrum’s death, and that he never married. Also, the hero of the exploit was a much younger 184 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY man than the hero of Lindsay’s poem—a point which should have occurred to Sir James Paul in his genealogical capacity. Once, however, the confusion of identities had taken place in this one story, it was bound to take place in Lindsay’s Squyer Meldrum, the charge against Lindsay being that either he had foisted on Meldrum the adventures of Robert Colville, or had invented a fictitious squire of that name. But those adventures took place when Robert Colville was at most a very small boy, and, as we have seen from the records of William Meldrum, the Squire of Cleish and Bynnis was not a fictitious person. All that Lindsay says about him in the poem is perfectly true. The Robert Colville who thus acquires a fictitious, and I hope but temporary, place in literature, was a natural son of Sir James Colville of Easter Wemyss, Fifeshire, who died in 1540, a distinguished states- man of the reign of James V., who, however, was accused of high treason in 1537 on the charge of rendering assistance to the Douglases. His lands were forfeited on December 10, 1540, but Sir James died a few weeks before. The forfeiture was rescinded after the return of the Douglases on December 12, 1543. His son, James Colville, had been Master of the Household to Lord James Stewart, later the Regent Moray ; he was an active reformer, and was mortally wounded in the attack on the French troops at Leith, May 7, 1560. He married Fran- cesca, daughter of Patrick Colquhoun of Drumskeath and (2) Elizabeth, daughter of Sir James Colville of Ochiltree. She died in July 1591, having married as her second husband Gilbert Mercer of Sawling, His grandson, also named Robert Colville of Cleish, married Beatrix Haldane, a grand-daughter of Marjorie Lawson, Lady Gleneagles, and was the father of the first Lord Colville of Ochiltree.

The Lands of Cleish : The error in identification discussed above is an early example of the confusion which has prevailed regarding the ownership of the lands of Cleish. Writers have rather tended to regard Cleish as a small property, owned by one man. But Cleish was really a barony, divided into several estates, some of which bore the name Cleish. There were also Wester Cleish and Middle Cleish in the same barony. Item 1 in the documents relating to the Meldrums of Cleish, ante, details six portions of the barony ; items 9, 10, and 11 detail other portions. To the confusion of editors it appears not to have been customary to specify which portion of the barony was meant when a person, whether Meldrum, Colville, or Allardyce, is stated to have been “ of Cleish.” One mysterious person was known simply as " The Squyer of Cleish." He was a member of the household of James IV., and his name frequently occurs in the Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer between 1504 and 1513. It is possible that he was a Colville, as some portions of the barony of Cleish belonged to the Colvilles in the late fifteenth century. Robert Colville of Hilton had lands in Wester Cleish in 1507 [Reg. Mag. Sig., I. 3149]. Chalmers, I. 74, is therefore incorrect in stating that Meldrum sold Cleish to Sir James Colville about 1530, for the family already possessed one portion of the barony. This portion figures in later history. It was given to Sir James’s natural son, Robert, on the latter’s marriage in 1537 [R.M.S., II. 1695]. After the forfeiture NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 185 of the Colville lands, that portion of Cleish was granted to John Leslie of Parkhill [P.M.S., II. 2234, December n, 1540 ; II. 2727, July 10, 15423- William Meldrum II. Squyer Meldrum must not be confused with a Master William Meldrum who figures in the records between 1525 and about 1554. This William Meldrum and his brother James were notaries public. William Meldrum was witness to a charter on January 3, 1524-25, being named with James Meldrum, who is described as a notary public [Reg. Mag. Sig., II. 293, 317, 567]. In Reg. Mag. Sig., II. 687, September 17, 1528, William and James Meldrum are both styled notaries public, and thereafter frequently so, together or singly [R.M.S., II. 281, 1065 ; III. 322]. In R.M.S., II. 1021, May 16, 1531, William Meldrum is described as vicar of Strabok. This last description identifies him with the William Meldrum who entered court service in 1537. Reg. Sec. Sig., II. 2236, April 20, 1537 : “ Ane Lettre maid to M. William Meldrum, vicar of Strabok,—makand him ane of our clerkis of our soverane lordis closet for all the dais of his life, and gevand to him the soume of xl lib. of pensioun, money of the realme . . . livery . . . hors meit and mannis meit to himself and his servand ... ay and quhill our soverane lord promove the said M. William to ane benefice or uthir importance of ijc merkis be $ere.” He remained in court service until October 1553, becoming notary to Mary, Queen of Scots. Records are as follows : Comp. Thes., VII. 140 [February 9, 1538-39]. Item, deliverit to Maister William Meldrum for ane dispensatione to Agnes Edmonstoun, Thomas Hamiltounnis wiff. . . . xj li. C.T., VII. 200 [August 1539]. Item, to Maister Williame Meldrum, grantit to him be the Kingis grace, for his bretheris service done be him in the partis of France for this jeir, and the jeir bigane . . . xl li. C.T., VII. 336 [August 1540]. [Item], to Maister Williame Meldrum for his pensioun, xl li. [Other pension payments] : C.T., VII. 479 [1541], xl li. ; VIII. 106 [1542], xl li. ; VIII. 487 [1546], xl li. ; IX. 447 [September 1550], " to Maister Williame Meldrum, our soverane Ladyis notar . . . ilk ^eir xl li. ; summa j lx li. ; X. 132 [1552], xl li. ; X. 214, [1553]. xl ii-: x- 323 [October 1553, half-year], xx li. In March 1547-48 letters were sent to him in the north by the governor, C.T., VII. 170. Two other items are of interest. C.T., XI. 291 [1564]. Et de iiijc li., compositionis bonorum eschae- torum Magistri Jacobi Halyburtoun, prepositi de Dunde ad cornu regine existentis, concessorum Magistro Willelmo Meldrum, heredibus suis et assignatis. [This may be a third William Meldrum.] R.M.S., V. 1086 [December 1, 1586], terras capellaniarum Omnium Sanctorum per quondam M. Wil. Meldrum fundat . . . dated Brechin, November 10, 1554. This William Meldrum was probably the person of that name who matriculated at the University of St Andrews in 1520, and graduated in 1523 [Records of the University of St Andrews, Scottish History Society, 3rd Series, Vol. VIII., pp. 112, 226]. This explains his title “ Master.’’ That Master William Meldrum is not identifiable with the hero of Lindsay’s poem is certain from the description of him as Vicar of i86 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Strabok. Lindsay’s hero was not an ecclesiastic, so far as is known ; nor was he, again so far as is known, a notary public or a Master of Arts, although Lindsay says he had studied law [1536-38] : And in the Law ane Practiciane ; Quhairfoir, during this Lordis lyfe, Tchyref depute he wes in Fyfe. The fourth and fifth Lords Lindsay seem to have employed him as resident lawyer, auditor, and marshall of their house and estates. As Lindsay does not mention any ecclesiastical preferments, which he might easily have held as well, it is best to keep the two William Mel- drums quite distinct. But I think they may have been related, and that the two notaries, William and James Meldrum, may have been the sons of James Meldrum \_fl. 1494], the brother of Archibald Meldrum of the Bynnis, the father of Squyer Meldrum. See the Table already given.

Commentary : The Histone of Squyer Meldrum falls into two parts. (1) Meldrum’s adventures during the Scottish naval expedition to France, 1513 ; and (2) the story of his association with the Lady of Gleneagles. The measure is the four-foot couplet, employed with great vigour and rapidity. The poem has been frequently commended. Chalmers speaks of it, I. 37, as “ the most pleasing of all his poems. . . . He, on this occasion, tries to amuse as well as to reform.” But my great predecessor finds in the poem a fault which others have found : he shows his own coarseness, by addressing his " trifling jests and ful- som ribaldry ” to “ companies unlettered, rude, and shallow.” Later, II. 242-43, Chalmers speaks with unalloyed approval. “ This romantick storie, however, was probably written, for the amusement of lord Lyndsay’s family, after the death of such a domestic as Meldrum : Nor, is it any objection to this conjecture, that there are scenes, and situa- tions, described, which would not be seen, nor heard, with much grati- fication, at present. ... As the storie is romantick ; so is the style, in the genuine form of romance ; in heroic couplets of eight-syllabled verse, with all the facility, and the flow of such metres.” Ellis, editor of the 'Specimens of English Poetry, cited by Chalmers, I. 244, wrote, “ the most pleasing of all this author’s works is certainly The History of Squire Meldrum. The romantic and singular, but authentic, character of the hero, is painted with great strength and simplicity ; and the versification possesses a degree of facility and elegance at least equal to the most polished compositions of Drayton [Specimens, 4th ed., 1811, I. 28].”

Title : Cleische and Bynnis. Cleish was formerly a barony in Fifeshire, divided into several estates, two of which bore the name of West Cleish and Middle Cleish, but the other properties were also known individually as “ Cleish.” Probably it was intended to say “ belonging to the barony of Cleish,” when the single name was used. On June 13, 1685, an act was passed in the Parliament of Scotland transferring Cleish from Fifeshire to Kinross-shire [Acts, VIII. 488]. It is now two miles south- east of Kinross. NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 187

The estate of Bynnis, or Binns, is not to be confused with the house of the Binns and Binns Hill, near Linlithgow. Laing’s note is of value, I. 311, “ Cleish is a small parish in Kinross- shire, extending six and a half miles, by about one in breadth. It is surrounded by a range of low hills. The stream or river Gairney, which divides the parish from Kinross, falls into Lochleven. The old house, called the Place of Cleish, is a large massive building, surrounded with fine old trees. The orginal building is about 85 feet high, the walls still almost entire. It now [1879] belongs to Harry Young, Esq., of Cleish. Binnis is in the neighbourhood of Cleish, and lies near the foot of Benarty, not far from Lochleven. It now [1879] forms part of the estate of Blair-Adam. The Lord Chief Commissioner, William Adam of Blair-Adam, having, in 1810, acquired this property, he placed the following inscription on the old house: ' This house, in the reign of James V., belonged to Squire Meldrum of Cleish and Binns, celebrated in a Poem of Sir David Lyndsay of the Mount.’ ”

1. Antique Storeis : Old stories, also stories of older times.

4. Richt mirrouris. It was considered that the poet’s function was to combine instruction, principally moral instruction, though factual instruction was not excluded, with pleasure.

7-8. Cf. the claim of the Classical and Renaissance poets that poetry was the true immortality.

13-21. This list of people whose deeds have been recorded by the poets descends in social degree, from the great world conquerors of Persia and Media, through emperors, kings, great champions, and knights to squires. This device is employed to introduce the social level of the hero of the poem.

24. Chauceir wrait of Troilus . . . Cressida. Chaucer, Troilus and Cresseyde. Chaucer, Works, ed. Skeat, Vol. II.

26. Chaucer . . . lason and Medea. Chaucer, Legend of Good Women, Legend IV. Works, ed. Skeat, III. 131-40.

27. Cleo : Clio, goddess, or muse, of history, here invoked by Lindsay, to ensure accuracy of fact and statement.

28. Minerue : Minerva, goddess of inventive power, invoked by those who desired success in arts and crafts, poetry, painting, teaching, spinning, &c. 30-31. Quhais douchtines ... I knaw my self. The avowal was necessary, so that contemporary readers, and others, should know that the events to be related in the poem were not Active. It was considered i88 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY proper for the poet to declare the authority for his story, either that he knew it at first-hand, or, if he were retelling a story, to mention, at least once in his work, the name of his predecessor. The avowal of personal knowledge of the adventures of Meldrum extends also to personal knowledge of Meldrum. In lines 33-34 Lindsay specifically states that Meldrum himself was his authority for the story to be related.

45. That his hie honour suld not smuve : That his good name should not smother. Cf. Satyre, 3223, “ He had bene smoird into his cude,” Papyngo, 427, " his lang seruyce wes smurit,” and Tragedie, 188-89 : it had been gude That my Noryce had smorde me in my cude. 48-64. These lines are not digressive. Their purpose is to defend Meldrum against the anticipated charge of “ adultery ’’ (see note to line 966). But this is also an invitation to read on, by way of a promise of what is to come. The reference to Lancelot’s love for Guenevere is of great interest. The later mediaeval moralists had apparently condemned this story on the grounds that it celebrated an immoral event, and was therefore a direct incentive to further immorality. The earliest to allude to the dubious morality in the Arthurian legend is, so far as I am aware, Caxton, preface to Malory’s Morte d'Arthur : " For herein may be seen noble chivalry, courtesy, humanity, friendliness, hardiness, love, friendship, cowardice, murder, hate, virtue, and sin. Do after the good and leave the evil, and it shall bring you to good fame and renommee. And for to pass the time this book shall be pleasant to read in, but for to give faith and belief that all is true that is contained herein, ye shall be at liberty ; but all is written for our doctrine, and for to beware that we fall not to vice or sin, but to exercise and follow virtue, by the which we may come and attain to good fame and renown in this life, and after this short and transitory life to come into everlasting bliss in heaven.’’—Globe ed., p. 2. Caxton lays no specific charge against the romances, but it is easy to see the doubt in his mind. The first definitely to condemn Lancelot’s conduct is Lindsay, the second is Ascham in a passage which is well known. The Scholemaster, ed. Arber, English reprints, p. 80 : " In our forefathers tyme, whan Papistrie, as a standyng poole, couered and ouerflowed all England, fewe bookes were read in our tong, sauyng certaine bookes of Cheualrie, as they sayd, for pastime and pleasure, which, as some say, were made in Monasteries, by idle Monkes, or wanton Chanons : as one for example, Morte Arthure : the whole pleasure of which booke standeth in two speciall poyntes, in open mans slaughter, and bold bawdrye: In which booke those be counted the noblest Knightes, that do kill most men without any quarrell, and commit fowlest aduoulter[i]es by sutlest shiftes : as Sir Launcelote with the wife of king Arthure his master : Syr Tristram with the wife of king Marke his vncle : Sir Lamerocke with the wife of king Lote, that was his own aunte. This is good stuffe, for wise men to laughe at, or honest men to take pleasure at. Yet I know, when Gods Bible was banished the NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 189

Court, and Morte Arthure received into the Princes chamber. What toyes, the dayly readyng of such a booke, may worke in the will of a yong ientleman, or a yong mayde, that liueth welthelie and idelie, wise men can iudge, and honest men do pitie.” Lindsay’s use of this criticism is again by way of approach to the matter-in-hand, and at the same time an apologia and defence of Meldrum against possible criticism. But we must accept the general statement in lines 61-63 as representing Lindsay’s view of this social problem, although he becomes the intense moralist when he says that out of an evil thing can come no good. From this view it is a far cry to Chaucer’s: This storie is al-so trewe, I undertake. As is the book of Launcelot de Lake, That wommen holde in ful gret reverence. [Nonne Prestes Tale, B. Text, 4401-03 (391-93).] 67. Ane gentilman of Scotland borne. The word "gentleman” is, of course, used in the old sense of gentleman by rank, one with landed property, and able to bear arms.

69. Of Nobilnes lineallie descendit. The actual descent has not been worked out. Sir Robert Douglas, Baronage of Scotland (1798), 157, says that the Meldrum family, which later had many branches, goes back to Philip de Melgdrum, c. 1250. The main branch became the Meldrums of Aberdeen, and the second branch the Meldrums of Segie, Fife. The marriage of Meldrum daughters with nobility was not uncommon throughout their history. Cf. Testament, 43-45. 71. Lindsay’s gradual approach to his subject must be noted. It is not until now that he mentions his hero’s name and estates.

75. Cleische and Bynnis. See first note, under Title.

77-78. Chalmers, I. 74, is incorrect in stating that Meldrum was twenty years of age when he went with Arran’s fleet to France in 1513. Vas- salage certainly means here his military or adult social duties, but to his immediate feudal superior, whoever he may have been. Lindsay states particularly, 88, that Meldrum had been in England, on some kind of service not specified, before he went to France, and reference is again made to service in England in line 1530, and in the Testament, 215-17, where London is particularly mentioned. This journey must have been taken in Meldrum’s early days in the retinue of a Scottish noble. As Meldrum was of, or became of, legal age in June 1506 [ante, item 11 in list of Meldrum documents at the head of these notes], the journey to England must have taken place about 1505-1506.

89. Thair. In France, mentioned in the previous line. 90. The Kingis greit Admirall. The Great Admiral of Scotland for this naval expedition to France was James, second Earl of Hamilton, who succeeded his father in 1478, and on August 14, 1503, was created igo THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Earl of Arran by James IV., on the occasion of the king’s marriage to Margaret Tudor, ostensibly for his prowess in jousting. The history of the expedition is as follows. In December 15u Henry VIII. joined the League which had been planned in October by Pope Julius II., the King of Aragon, and Ferdinand against Louis XII. of France, and on January 25, 1512, the English Parliament declared war on France. Henry’s plan was to seize the Channel and to invade Guienne. In turn Louis concluded a league of mutual aid with James IV. of Scotland, signed at Blois on May 22, 1512, and confirmed at Edin- burgh on July 19 following, the French king’s ambassador being De la Motte, who left Edinburgh for France next day. The English fleet soon swept the French fleet into its harbours, and Louis urged James to fulfil his part of the contract, but James replied in September that he wanted money to equip his fleet, and not so many “ fair writings." In the autumn of 1512, however, the famous French naval commander, Pregent de Bidoux, arrived in Brittany with six galleys, and the French took heart again. Two French ambassadors were sent to Scotland in November 1512, but they returned, one by the east coast route, the other by the west coast, so that one might escape capture by English privateers, without achieving any result. James remained penniless and fleetless. Henry withdrew his fleet into English harbours for the winter, October 1512 to February 1513. After extensive repairs it was ready for sea in the middle of March 1513, and the French again fled back to harbour. After much idle cruising the English admiral, Sir Edward Howard, decided to force an engagement by attacking Pregent’s galleys in the harbour of Berteaume, which he did, risking the impossible and losing his own life at the head of a boarding party. Thoroughly dis- couraged by this, and by the want and poor quality of provisions, the English fleet returned to Plymouth on April 30. Lord Thomas Howard was placed in command, but he had no better success with supplies. Happily the French fleet dispersed, and no further naval action was necessary. Louis, however, continued to press James to send his fleet from Scotland. The Scottish privateers in the French service came north to persuade him to join the war actively. William Bruce left Dieppe on April 20, 1513, in John Barton’s ship ; Robert Barton left Honfleur on May 22 in his ship, the Lion ; and La Motte left Brest on board the Petite Louise for Scotland by the west coast. James IV., however, remained chary of assisting Louis, and actually seems to have been desirous of joining the truce signed in April between France and Spain. At the end of June 1513 Henry VIII. landed in person at Calais, intending to seize Northern France. In a three months’ campaign he captured Terouenne and Tournai, which he held for six years. While Henry was absent in France, James IV. decided to send his fleet to Louis, while he himself intended to lead his army into England. He probably thought that Henry had taken the flower of his army to France, and that he would enjoy an almost unimpeded raid into England, while the combined fleets of France and Scotland would prevent Henry’s return from France. His fleet consisted of either thirteen or sixteen large vessels (accounts vary) and ten small vessels. It left Leith on NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM IQI

July 25, 1513, with Arran as admiral, and reached Brest six weeks later. According to Lindsay and Pitscottie it had plundered Carrick- fergus on its way, indicating that it had preferred to go round the north of Scotland and down the Irish Sea, to avoid attack by Henry in either the North Sea or the English Channel. In attacking Carrickfergus, Arran may have wanted to give his fleet some practical experience of war, but he may also have thought that it was his duty to harass the English on his way to France. But according to Pitscottie, instead of sailing to France from Carrickfergus, Arran sailed back to Ayr, landed his men, and wasted forty days in idleness. If the story is true, the reason is hardly so. Arran would go to Ayr to refit and revictual his ships, and it may have taken some time to do this. In the meantime, according to Pitscottie, Bishop Forman, then James’s representative in France, wrote home asking James to expedite the fleet. Pitscottie calls the letter, “ ane schirpe bill,” I. 256, while the Queen of France wrote James “ ane lufe letter . . . callit him hir lufe, schawand him that sche had sufferit mekill rebuike for his saik in France for the defending of his honour,” I. 256. She even sent him, or Louis through her, her ring and fourteen thousand crowns to pay his expenses. Through these letters James learnt what had happened to his fleet, and shortly after he received news from Arran himself. Angry at the delay, James sent Sir Andrew Wood of Largo to supersede Arran, who defied the king, and set sail once more. At the beginning of September the Scottish fleet arrived in Brest, having encountered storms on the way. But nothing was then done with it. Louis de Rouville was given command of the combined fleet (September 17, 1513), and preparations to equip it for sea were begun ; but it was scattered by the first storm it encountered, was dispersed through the northern harbours of France, and after lingering there for several weeks was finally disbanded. In the meantime James had invaded England, and had led his army to destruction at the field of Flodden. It was perhaps on account of this, and the necessity for raising funds at once, that the largest vessels of the fleet, including the Great Michael, Arran’s own ship, were sold to France. Others became armed merchantmen, and so disappeared from naval service. Accounts of the expedition vary, as is only natural. Buchanan, History, Part II., says, " But Hamilton, tho a Man good enough, yet was more skilled in the Arts of Peace than War, and therefore out of fear or Danger, or else out of his habitual backwardness, left his voyage for France, and turned to Knockfergus, a Town in Ireland, situate over against Galway in Scotland, which place he pillaged and burnt.” Hume Brown, History of Scotland, I. 333, quotes only Lindsay’s authority. Mackay, Pitscottie, Croniclis, II. 378, thinks that Arran intended to draw the attention of the English from France and Scotland by this raid on Ireland. If this were so, it would explain Arran’s return to Ayr, for which I have advanced other reasons, but it may all have been part of a prearranged plan. The mysterious part of Pitscottie’s narrative is his statement that Arran remained in Ayr forty days. The fleet was ordered to sail from Leith on July 26, 1513, and sailed next day ; and if it remained forty days at Ayr, after sailing round Scotland and 192 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY attacking Carrickfergus, it can only have left Ayr for France a short time before the battle of Flodden, fought on September 9. Pitscottie’s period of forty days may be somewhat long, but I do not think there is any reason to doubt his general statement, for the French admiral was not appointed to command the combined fleet until September 17, eight days after Flodden, and thus the Scottish fleet could not have arrived much before September 10. Pitscottie’s story has been rejected more than once, but, I think, on insufficient data. See Laing, I. 312-13. According to Pinkerton, Scotish Poems, I. 150, enlarged by Laing, I. 312, Guthrie, History of Scotland, IV. 340-42, and other writers assert that the attack on Carrickfergus took place after the return of the Scottish fleet, being driven to the Irish coast by stress of weather. Of this there is no evidence, and, in fact, there was hardly any Scottish fleet to return. On the whole, I find that the most consistent story is told by Pitscottie and Lindsay. I see no difficulty in the stay at Ayr, nor in the orders of James to the fleet to proceed to France from Ayr at the same time as he was preparing to march to the Borders. The Scottish fleet also carried 3000 troops for service in France. Meldrum was presumably a soldier.

108. Laing, I. 313, not only condemns Pitscottie’s narrative of the expedition, but states that " the account given by Sir David Lyndsay of the Squyer’s adventures at Carrickfergus, and his amours with the Irish lady, is a poetical fiction.” I have not once proved Lindsay incorrect on a point of known historical fact, and I therefore assume that even here he is not interweaving fact and fiction. The story of the lady who was being despoiled and assaulted is by no means rare in the annals of war, and that, 175-210, of the lady’s proposal of marriage to her rescuer could be illustrated a dozen times over from the later Middle Ages. Women, again, have been known to follow the army in which their lovers marched [197-206]. There was nothing unusual, or vulgar, in the lady’s proposals. Cf. the repeated mention of the essential facts in The Testament, 218-224. 103. All Preistis and Freiris he did saue. Lindsay has here forgotten his fierce denunciations of friars. It is a return to the piety of former days.

119-20. The Squyer’s courtesy does not at first extend to complete restoration of the lady’s personal property. He allows the men their right to plunder.

125. Laing, 313, quotes from Pinkerton [SeofisA Poems, I. 151], " Yellow shirts, made of large pieces of linen plaited, were then worn in Ireland. See Spenser’s View of Ireland, &c.”

131. Sand Phillane. See Index of Biblical and Theological References.

142-160. The use of alliteration in these lines should be noted : 142 flew, fyre ; 143 duntis, darflie, dang ; 147 bolt, bendit; 146 hat, heid, &c. NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 193

It is common enough in the poem, but some passages are more alliterative than others.

152. Birneist brand: burnished brand, sword. The word brand, and the epithet, are both borrowed from the romances. Cf. line 661, where we are told that the Squyer’s sword was easily a yard and three-quarters long ; and line 1279, where we again have a “ birneist brand,” this time a two-handed sword [1254].

163. He was sa weill enarmit. Enarmed here alludes to his protective armour, not to the weapons he was carrying. The Squyer’s sword had, in fact, broken [156].

171. Then kissit he that Ladie fair. The common salutation of the age, not betokening love.

185. Lindsay seems to have known, from this reminiscence, and one later, line 986, Wyatt’s poem, “ They fie from me, that sometyme did me seke,” Vixi Puellis Nuper Idoneus, Wyatt, Poems, ed. Foxwell, I. 86-87: And she me caught in her armes long and small, [178] Therewith all swetely did me kysse [185] And softely saide : “ Dere hert howe like you this ? ” [186] An offer of marriage by a lady was not uncommon in an age when an heiress was sometimes driven to find a husband who could defend her estates. See note to line 688.

195. The lady’s gift of the love-token qf a ring with a rich ruby, and her remark that she was at his command, is proof that she regarded his acceptance of the gift as equivalent to an act of betrothal. Meldrum gave the Lady of Gleneagles [1003-04]— ane lufe drowrie, Ane Ring set with ane riche Rubie. In Ane Satyre, 386, 426, Rex sends Sensualitie " ane ring with ane Rubie ” as love-token. In Henryson, Testament of Cresseid, 582, Cresseid at her death returns to Troilus— This Royal Ring, set with this Rubie reid, Quhilk Troylus in drowrie to me send. 198. The lady says that she will go with him to Scotland, whereas he has already told her the fleet is bound for France [189]. Can this be Lindsay’s slight acknowledgment of the return of Arran to Ayr ? 208. Lufe for lufe. A common phrase in Scottish poetry. Cf. line 924, and Satyre, 3489. We must, however, recognise that the Squyer and the lady are talking at cross purposes, the Squyer deliberately so. By love she means the love that leads to marriage, but he means by it courtly devotion, beyond which he intends not to go. Later, in the Testament, 218-224, Lindsay makes Meldrum regret that he had not 194 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY married his “ dayis derling ” at Carrickfergus, saying that he had only refused her hand “ throw $outh and insolence.” The regret may have been genuine. Lindsay appears to be making use of material given to him by Meldrum.

213-15. Lindsay does not mention the return of Arran to Ayr, where according to Pitscottie they “ landit and repossit and playit thame the space of xl dayis," I. 256. That should not be allowed to cast discredit on Pitscottie, for a poet is fully permitted to select his material, and the stay in Ayr was clearly not of value for the poem, however vital for the pure historian.

215. The Scottish fleet arrived at Brest about September 10.

234-35. The social ideal of the perfect knight, courteous and gentle in society, courageous in war.

236. The simile of a " wyld lyoun ” for a brave fighter is common in Lindsay. Cf. lines 629 and 647 ; Testament, 69, " feirs lyoun” ; Mon., 1784, “ wylde lyoun.” In all these instances " wyld ” means mad. Cf. " wod Lyonis,” The Dreme, 265.

245-248. Henry VIII. invaded France towards the close of June 1513 to seize Northern France, but the period of the poem is roughly Sep- tember 1513, after the Scottish fleet had reached Brest.

249. The King of France : Louis XII. (1462-1515), King of France in succession to Charles VIII., whom he succeeded in 1499. He commenced a series of campaigns in Italy, which were continued by Francis I. At the age of fourteen he married Joan the Lame, second daughter of Louis XI., and divorced her after his succession. He then married Anne of Brittany, the widow of Charles VIII., and after her death in January 1514 he married, on October 9, 1514, Mary Tudor, sister of Henry VIII., in an effort to separate England from the league against him.

251. Aither other : either other, each other. Another commop locution, occurring in many forms, and sometimes separated. Cf. lines 463-64. L. alter uter. O.E. ceder oder.

252. Thair was na set battaill. Lindsay apparently overlooks the battle of Guinegatte, or the Battle of the Spurs, and the siege of Terouenne.

262. Put in ordinance : put in military array, absorbed into the army. O.F. ordenance.

265-70. The English champion’s boast was that under his leadership the English army would walk through the great army of France. 268. With his conduct : under his leadership. NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 195

271. Maister Talbart. The English records contain no name Talbart; the nearest is Talbot. There is nothing in the poem to identify one of this name, except that the silver tokens of war which he bore in his bonnet indicate a man of considerable rank. The most likely man was Sir Humphrey Talbot, eldest son of Sir Gilbert Talbot, the then lieutenant or deputy of Calais, resigned before March 1514-15, L.P. Henry VIII., II. 254. The father was in great favour with Henry VIII., in return for the assistance given to the Earl of Richmond, later Henry VII., at Bosworth. He was the fifth son of John, second son to John Talbot, second Earl of Shrewsbury (1413-1460). Sir Gilbert was appointed K.G. in i486 ; governor of Calais ; attended the Field of the Cloth of Gold, 1520 ; and the meeting of Henry VIII. with the emperor at Gravelines in the same year. His eldest son. Sir Humphrey, is not recorded in the State Papers, but he was known as " the Giant.” He died on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, at a date which I have not discovered.

280. Hand for hand : hand to hand.

282. The story of the challenge, though written with some contempt of the Englishman, must give an accurate account of a challenge in time of war. It is interesting to note the personal visit of the challenger to the enemy’s camp.

294. ^our cvakkis I count thame not ane cute. Chalmers, II. 256, " Your boasts I value not a straw.” The latter portion is repeated in line 337.

297. My gude Chyld. Talbot’s address to the Squyer was patronising in the extreme, but honest in that the single combat was an affair for experienced men only. 305-6. Cf. lines 19-20. 310. This second reference to Talbot’s great height and strength makes the identification with Sir Humphrey Talbot, surnamed “ the Giant,” more certain. Either Meldrum or Lindsay developed the parallel of David and Goliath, for we are told that the Squyer was only of " mid stature ” [79]. The whole conversation has reminiscences of the talk of the biblical challenger and his diminutive opponent. Cf. 1 Samuel xvii. 20-54.

312. Golias. Goliath. The form is Chaucerian, Tale of the Man of Lawe, “ O Golias, unmesurable of lengthe.” Findlaw, in the Cupar Banns, boasts that he is braver than “ golias ” [Satyre, Cupar Banns, II. 30, line 246]. Cf. " Gollyasse,” Tragedie, 242. 317. Gowmakmorne : Gow Mac Morne. Chalmers, II. 13, " Gow Mac Morne is Gaul, the son of Morni,” and refers to Gavin Douglas, Police of Honour [Works, ed. Small, I. 65,11. 7-8] : Greit Gowmakmorne and Fyn Makcoul, and how Thay suld be goddis in Ireland as they say. 196 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Small notes, I. 142, " Douglas here represents Gaul the son of Morni and Fingal, the Ossianic heroes, as of Irish origin [Chalmers’s note is the same], Boyce [Boece], a contemporary of Douglas, describes Fyn- makcoule as a man seventeen cubits high. ‘ It is said Fynmakcoule the son of Coelus, Scottis man, was in thir days ane man of huge statoure, of xvii cubitis of hicht. He was ane gret huntar, and richt terrible, for his huge quantite, to the pepill, of quhome ar mony vulgar fabillis among us nocht unlike to thir fabillis that ar rehersit of King Arthoure.' —{Boyce by Bellenden [Bellenden’s translation of Boece], vol. I., p. 287.) " When Findlaw, the braggart soldier of the Cupar Banns, has been thoroughly frightened by the sheep’s head, he cries, " I trow jone be grit gowmakmorne ” [Satyre, Cupar Banns, II. 32, line 257]. In Dunbar, II. 314, The Droichis Part of the Play, 11. 33-92, the dwarf claims descent from his great-grandfather, Fyn Maclowl, through his grandfather Gogmagog, and father Gow MacMorne. See question from Scott’s Letters, and from Barbour, Bruce, in note to lines 1281-82.

319. Montruill : Montreuil. Presumably Montreuil-sur-Seine, not Montreuil-sur-Mer.

326. Band : bond, compact. " To make a band ” is a phrase common in Lindsay. Cf. Complaynt, 187.

343. Monsieur de Obenie : Monsieur d’Aubigny. Robert Stewart, Seigneur d’Aubigny. Second son of Sir John Stewart, Lord Darnley, and ninth Earl of Lennox, who died 1495. D’Aubigny was born about 1470, and took service under Bernard Stewart, third seigneur d’Aubigny (? 1447-1508), and became lieutenant of the Scots Guard of men-at- arms. He fought in the wars in Italy, 1500-13 ; became marshal of France, 1515, and in that year defeated General Colonna at Villa Franca ; fought at Marignano ; present at the Field of the Cloth of Gold, 1520 ; taken prisoner with Francis I. at Pavia. He married his cousin Anne, daughter of Anne, the second wife of Bernard Stuart, third seigneur of Aubigny, on whose death in 1508 he assumed the title in his wife’s name as fourth seigneur. He died in 1543 without issue.

354. It is interesting to note that the Squyer, although in command of a hundred spears and footmen, was unmounted.

371. Wantonlie, in his weirlyke weid : Light-heartedly in his war-like dress, armour. Cf. 1. 418 : “ Wantounlie, like a Man of weir.” The absence of fear was a characteristic of true chivalry. Part of the satire on Watson and Barbour is that they are afraid of each other.

372. The details of the procession to the scene of combat, the ordering of the ground, and the conduct of the fight are, of course, from the pen of the chief herald of Scotland, one of whose duties it was to arrange tournaments and combats. The Squyer goes to the field with his spear. NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 197 shield, and helmet borne before him, a courtesy which arose through the great weight of these parts of armour. The helmet was most cumbersome, and once on could not be removed without assistance. In the description of the combat there is no sense of burlesque, as in The Jousting of Watson and Barbour. This is a knightly combat.

379. This Lord. D’Aubigny.

384. Ane Otter in a siluer Feild. Squyer Meldrum’s coat of arms. Cf. lines 403-5, where Talbot describes his dream : Me thocht I saw cum, fra the See, Ane greit Otter, rydand to me. The quhilk was blak, with ane lang taill. and line 548 : Ane Otter in ane siluer Feild. But in The Testament, 106-7, Meldrum’s banner has three black otters on silver : Amang that band my baner salbe borne. Of siluer schene thrie Otteris into sabill. The coat of the Meldrums of Fyvie, as drawn in Lindsay’s Heraldic MS., was : first and fourth quarters, argent, an otter sable issuant from a fess wavy azure ; second and third quarters, three unicorns. That of the Meldrums of Segie is not given, but it is recorded by modern genealogists : argent, three otters’ heads couped sable ; and that of the Meldrums of Fyvie, argent, three otters issuant out of a fess wavy sable. That of the Meldrums of Cleish is not recorded. Some genealogists give one otter in place of three. I cannot explain the discrepancy.

390. Mars, the God armipotent. Armipotent : A Chaucerian borrowing [Knightes Tale, 1124, “ Ther stood the tempul of Marz armypotent ”] much favoured in Scotland. Cf. Gavin Douglas, AEneis, VI. xiv. 83, “ And of Achillis armypotent ofspring.” Trans. Virgil, AEneid, IX. 717, " Hie Mars armipotens animum viresque Latinis Addidit.” Cf. Testa- ment, 76.

394. No maner of geir to borrow. The contrast between the wealthy English knight and the poorer Scottish squire, who had to borrow, not only his horse but his sword and spear, maintains the parallel between Goliath and David. Unlike David, however, Meldrum did not put oft his loaned armour, sword, and helmet for a staff and sling (1 Samuel xvii. 38-46), although both stressed their trust in God [315, 355]- 401-10. It was believed that dreams foretold the events of the future, and thus was developed the dream-convention in poetry. For Talbot’s regret that he had not heeded the dream-warning, see lines 547-54. The great prototype of dream-warnings was Pharaoh’s two dreams, interpreted by Joseph, Genesis xli. 1-32. VOL. III. O 198 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

402-5. These lines interpret, most vividly, the formal coat on 'Mel- drum’s arms. The fess wavy azure becomes the blue sea, out of which rises a great black otter with a long tail. See note to line 384.

411-16. There is a touch of sound psychology here.

418. Wantounlie, like a Man of weir. Cf. the description of Meldrum arming himself for the combat, 371, “ Wantonlie, in his weirlyke weid,” and see note.

437-40. The first duty of the herald at a tournament or combat was to mark off the ground, sometimes by the use of barriers, so that a clear space was left for the combatants. The heralds then stood at one side and judged the fighting on points. Hence their presence in the arena [440].

448. The combat began with a flourish of trumpets, and the heralds signalled by a shout, “ Now let them go. God show the right ” [448]. The cry was a survival, as was the joust or combat itself, from the days of “ trial by ordeal,” or " trial by battle,” in which it was believed that God was on the side of the right, and that right would prevail. Cf. the heralds’ cry, “ God shew the right ” [448], and Meldrum’s challenge to Sir John Stirling to single combat, " Cum furth to me, and shaw the richt [1262].

452. That stude on raw. Cf. raik on raw, Papyngo, 643.

458. Each “ round " was announced by a fresh peal of trumpets. iT7-r78. The close-fitting helmet was hot, cumbersome, and suffocating. The three dangers, of asphyxiation, of being blinded by perspiration, or of hair falling into the eyes, were ever present. The Squyer had taken the precaution to bind up his hair [378].

479. Thay bad him wyne : they ofiered him wine. O.E. beodan, offer, present.

505. Rinkroume wes at vtterance : room on the rink, or course, was employed to the last or uttermost.

507. Outterit: outered, uttered; ran, or swerved, out of his course. The word was probably a technical one. Talbot's horse was getting both tired and frightened. O.E.D. cites it under uttered, as rare, quoting this use, and Pitscottie, I. 234, “ Schir Patrickis horse wtterit witht him and wald on nowayis reconter his marrow,” which might almost have been a description of Talbot’s horse.

509. The Squyer crossed the course to the other side. On his way he should have had a tilt at Talbot, whose horse, however, had swerved aside, and had not crossed the course. NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM I99

514. Talbot wisely refuses to force the horse to cross the course. He obtains another, and then crosses. The combatants are now facing each other, ready to charge again. This they do after another flourish of trumpets [524].

518. As brym as he had bene ane Beir : as fierce as if he had been a bear. This colloquial metaphor of the time is frequently met with. Brim : breme, fierce, raging ; used of beasts, but especially the boar. O.E.D. does not give beir as a Sc. form of boar ; it is the regular Sc. form of bear. That bear, not boar, may be intended is shown by the quotation from W. Stewart, Cronides of Scotland (1535), II. 461, “ Lyke ony lyoun he wes als brym and bald.” The epithet was clearly not restricted to boars, but Lindsay’s “ beir ” may be influenced by the rhyme-word " speir ” [517]. Cf. line 1301, "as brim as beiris . . . speiris.”

529. Nane of thame : neither of them, there being only the two men.

535. Meldrum’s spear went through Talbot’s bridle-hand and into his breast, where the head would break off.

537. Throw curras, and throw gluifis of plait: through cuirass, breast- plate, and through his gloves of plate. The latter are frequently mentioned in the Treasurer’s Accounts—e.g., Comp. Thes., IV. 120, “ Item, for j pair of gluffis plait for the battell ax, xviij s.” Findlaw refers to his ‘‘gluvis of plait,” Satyre, Cupar Banns, II. 32, line 262. Cf. also Jousting, 56. 539. The trencheour of the Squyeris speir : the head of the spear. O.F. trencheoir, knife, cutting implement. 542. Talbot, who had been struck off his horse, was lying on the ground, motionless. Weighted down by his armour, he would not be able to rise, or move, without assistance.

556. The cunnyng that we maid : the agreement, compact, that we made. Cf. lines 321-23.

555-82. The exchange of courtesies should be noted. The loser offers to keep the bargain made, but Meldrum declines : his honour is content with his victory. This secures the approval of all. Then the English captain, an enemy in war, leads the Scot back to the pavilion, and offers him refreshments. When Talbot’s wounds have been dressed, probably in the pavilion, though this is not stated, the English captain goes over to him, to offer consolation, to exhort him to shake hands with his victor, and express his forgiveness for the wounds inflicted by Meldrum.

585-88. Sir Humphrey Talbot, if he were the Englishman, died in the Holy Land. 200 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

590. Quhill Peice was tane : until peace was made. Peace between Henry VIII. and Louis XII. was signed on September 15, 1514.

591. The Kingis Gairdis : the French King’s Scots Guards, of which D’Aubigny was then captain.

595. He tuke licence : he took leave of the French army, and returned to the main Scottish army, which was awaiting its return to Scotland.

602. The Court of France. This was then at Amiens [610], at the head- quarters of the French army in the field.

603. To decore his vassalege : to grace, adorn his prowess further. Vassalage, lit. the actions befitting a good vassal or man of courage, hence prowess in warfare.

604. Bartanqe : Brittany.

608. With Hakbut, Culuering, Pik, and Speir : with musket, culvering, pike, and spear. Hakbut: hackbut, hagbut, a short musket. F. hacquebut. Culvering : culverin, originally a small hand-gun ; later a large cannon of three main sizes, firing shot of 7, 10, and 17-20 lb. F. coulevrine. Here the hand-gun. Cf. line 1107.

611. Nobill Lowes, the King of France. Louis XII., died January I, I5I4-I5- 618. Mdkand record : making record. The meaning here is “ making accord, agreement, friends with the late enemies.” The only quotation from O.E.D. in support, however, is one c. 1400, Rule of St Benet, 65-654 : For our enmes sal we pray. Til a recorde be redy ay.

619. Ane Ambassadour . . . Ane Lord . . . of Scotland. Perhaps John Stewart, Duke of Albany (1481-1536), who was acting as representative of Scotland in France while awaiting his return to Scotland as regent. He left France in May 1515. The official Scottish ambassador, Andrew Forman, Bishop of Moray, who had been sent to France in 1511, cannot be here indicated. He returned to Scotland in June 1515.

625-28. There must have been many of these affrays in France between the hereditary enemies, the English and Scots. I have not identified the fight described in the lines which follow.

633. The Sutheroun : the southron, the English.

653-664. Another strongly alliterative passage.

661. His brand . . . weill seuin quarter lang. His sword was an ell and three-quarters long, a little over a yard and three-quarters. NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 201

688. The French lady remains unidentified, but the ladies of France were affectionately remembered in The Testament, 211-14.

688. Bot %outh made him sa insolent. Cf. " throw ?outh and insolence,” Testament, 224, as the reason given for Meldrum’s refusal to marry the lady of Carrickfergus. Insolence here has the sense of " pride,” youthful pride. It was apparently deemed a great honour for a man to be desired in marriage by a lady of rank, but the practical necessity for this at times has already been pointed out. See note to lines 185, 208. 699. At Deip : at Dieppe. 699. Maid him for the saill: made preparations to sail. 706. The raid : the road, the anchorage beyond the harbour, where ships waited for favourable winds.

723. Sloppit: slapped, made breaches, gaps. Cf. line 736, " slop,” slap, gap. This use descended from Wallace, IX. 949, " Sloppys thai maid throu all that chewalry.” M.Du. slop, opening, gap. 724. Waillis. Chalmers, II. 272, “ The ship’s wales ; the side of the ship, popularly.” O.E. walu. Cf. Gunwale. 729. The Scottis Schip scho wes sa law : the Scottish ship was so low in the water that the shot from the bigger English vessel passed over the decks, while every shot of the Scottish ship told. The same thing happened to the Armada, the Spanish ships being higher out of the water than the English. 737. That monie ane heft wer on thair bakkis. Chalmers, II. 273, " That many a one beaten were on their backs.” O.E.D., Beft: " obsolete northern dialect, found only in the past tense and past participle.” Struck, beaten down. 743. The Cyder : the steersman. 744. Their clippis : grappling-irons, to bind the ships together, the men of each trying to board the other. 762. 0 tratour Tauernar : O treacherous tavern-keeper. The insult lies principally in degrading the social rank, which might have been fairly high, of the English captain, and is yet another aspect of the familiar mediaeval contempt for the lower classes. Calling an opponent in war a " traitor ” at the moment of attacking him seems to have been a common practice ; it urged the attacker to blind fury. Obvi- ously there was nothing traitorous about the Englishman’s attack on the Scottish vessel. 776. And sone wes all the Sutheroun slane. A slight exaggeration, since two hundred men, we are told later [840-41], were put ashore on the coast of Kent. 202 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

781-82. wes the Squyer straikand fast At the Capitane. There is here another slight inconsistency, since we have been told [769-70] that the captain had been struck on the head, and had fallen into a deadly swoon.

1SQ. Thoill: thole. O.E. polian, suffer, undergo, endure.

790. Nobillis of the Rots : Rose-Nobles. The noble was a gold coin, first minted by Edward III., of two values, 6s. 8d. or 10s. The rose- noble was minted in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, distinguished from other forms of the noble by a rose stamped on it.

812. Quhairof he gat gude recompense. It is strange to find that the surgeon was either paid for his services after the battle, or else received gifts. One wonders if this was the practice.

818-20. We may question the accuracy of the numbers slain.

832. It wes hot chance of Weir : it was but fortune of war. Cf. Talbot’s self-consolation, “ this bene bot chance of Armes.”

841. The Coist of Kent. The fight had taken place either in the English Channel or just through the Straits of Dover. The English ships had probably been waiting for Scottish ships leaving or sailing to France, or engaged in trade with the Low Countries. Lindsay describes it [716] as a man-of-war, but Meldrum calls the English captain a " rank Reuer ” [robber, pirate], [772]. It may have been an English merchant vessel, but the seas were infested with privateers, both English and Scottish.

844. The Blaknes. Laing, I. 315, “ Imprisoned him in the Castle of Blackness, an ancient castle on the south side of the Forth, situated on a small peninsula, about five miles west of the Queensferry. It was often used as a State prison, and is one of four fortresses stipulated in the Act of Union of the two Kingdoms, 1707, to be kept in repair.” Blackness village was formerly the port of Linlithgow, from which it lies about four miles north-east.

856. Straitherne : Strathearn. Laing, I. 315, " That is, the vale of the River Earn, Perthshire. But it has a wider interpretation, as applied to a large district adjacent to this beautiful river and its tributaries, extending from about Comrie on the west to Abernethy on the east (Chambers’s Gazetteer of Scotland). See also the little volume entitled The Beauties of Upper Strathearn, by Charles Rogers, LL.D. Edinburgh, 1854. i2mo. In noticing Gleneagles, Dr Rogers says, ‘ The oldest part of the building has an inscription with the date 1624, but the remains of an older mansion or castle are situated on a height north of the present house, and a small edifice, surrounded by a cemetery, stands in the immediate vicinity.’ The River Earn rises in Loch Earn in West Perthshire, about six miles south of Loch Tay, and passing due east, through Comrie, and near Crieff, flows into the wide valley, the north-eastern arm of which. NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 203 reaching up to Forfar, is called Strathmore, separated from the western and the southern portion by a range of low hills. This western and northern portion is Strathearn, thirty-two miles in length. In a break in the range of hills, and near the sea, flows'the River Tay, coming from the north before turning east again after passing Perth. The Earn flows into the Firth of Tay on the southern side. Strathearn is separated from Kinross and Fifeshire by another range of hills called the Ochill Hills, which attain an occasional height of 1400 feet. Cleish and Gleneagles are fourteen miles apart, the hills intervening. The Squyer seems either to have been travelling at random, or else was actually making for Gleneagles. He was certainly not just travelling home. Gleneagles Glen lies in Blackford Parish, south-east Perthshire. It is traversed for the first two and a half miles by Ruthven Water. At the foot, three and a quarter miles south-west of Auchterarder, stands the modern Gleneagles House, built in 1624. The old castle apparently stood on the hill behind. 864. Ane lustie Ladie : Marjorie Lawson, the Lady of Gleneagles and, at the time of the Squyer’s visit, widow of Sir John Haldane of Glen- eagles, who had been killed at Flodden in 1513. Lady Gleneagles was the daughter of Richard Lawson, Justice-Clerk, and Provost of Edinburgh [see Acta Dom. Con., II., for reference], styled of Humby. She married Sir John between May 28, 1508 [Reg. Mag. Sig., III. 3236], and January 20, 1508-09, on which date Sir John obtained a royal charter, by which he and his wife, Marjorie Lawson, were confirmed in their lands, " et quas rex pro singular! favore et pro bono servitio incorporavit in unam liberam baroniam de Haldane.” Those lands already forming part of the barony of Gleneagles were excluded from this charter [R.M.S., III. 3288]. Another charter, dated April 23, 1513, confirms John Haldane and Marjorie Lawson his wife in the lands forming the barony of Gleneagles and the barony of Hal- dane. This was a conjunct charter. General Haldane gives us the next step in their history, The Haldanes of Gleneagles, 30, " It may have been in view of the uncertainty of the future [James IV. had summoned his armies] that Dame Marion Lawsoun renounced in favour of her husband, Sir John Haldane of Gleneagles, on nth August 15x3, her right of conjunct infeftment of the lands and barony of Gleneagles, and also of the two merklands of Broicht and the two merklands of Erne in Menteith, compearing personally in the cathedral church of Dunblane to this effect [Gleneagles Charters, No. 83].” She retained her conjunct rights to the lands and barony of Rusky and Lanarky, and remained in possession of these right down to the time of her death in July 1553. The document which offers this evidence is reprinted in full by Laing, I. 324, from Acta Dom. Con., MS. Vol. XII. 343 : Decimo tertio Decembris, 1555. Anent our Souerane Ladiis letters purchest at the instance of John Halden of Glennegas Oy [grandson] and air to umquhile Johnne Haldane of Glennegas, quha wes slane at the feild of Flowdoun vnder our Souerane Ladiis Gudeschiris [grandfather’s] baner of gud mynd quhom God assolze In defens of this realme, aganis Patrick Lord Ruthven, 204 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Scheriff of Perth, Vmfra Pollok, and Murray, his deputes, Gilbert Erie of Cassillis, thesaurar, Maisteris Henry Lawder, and Johne Spens, Advocates to our Souerane Lady for thair entress makand mentioun That quhairas his saidis uxnquhil Gudschir deit last vestit and seistit in as if [? of] the heretabill fee of all and haill tha landis and Barony of Rushky, Lanarik, with thair pertinentis lyand within the scheriffdom of Perth, and continuallie fra his deceis, quhilk was in the said field, umquhill Marioun Lawsoun his spous, Gudame [grandmother] to the said John Haldane, now of Glennegas[,] had conjunct fee thairof unto hir deceis quhilk wes in the month of Julij the zeir of God ImVcIiij [sic] zeris. Eftir quhais deceis the said Johne enterit immediatelie befoir ony terme as air to his said umquhile Gudeschir to the foirsaidis landis. And contenoweit be vertew of the generall Act maid at Twyssilhauch be umquhile our derrest Gudschir King James the Feird of gude mynd quhome God assolze, the said Johne Haldane auch and suld be fre of the relieff [of the] foirsaid landis as air to his said umquhile Gudschir, be ressoun that his Fadir and he culd nevir get entress to the saidis landis, quhill the deceis of his said umquhile Gudedame conjunct fiear thairof, quha deceissit laitlie, as said is, &c.” The claim, says Laing, was not sustained, apparently on the ground that the Lady herself, as conjunct fiar, had entered on immediate possession of the property. When Meldrum arrived at the castle, therefore, Marjorie Lawson was a widow not over thirty years of age, the owner of a large estate, and with two children by her deceased husband. The story which is unfolded in the poem is fully accepted as history, but the inconsistencies in the accounts of Lindsay and Pitscottie have been disregarded. The Squyer was entertained, fell in love with Lady Gleneagles, and had his love returned, and a daughter was born to them. They decided from the beginning to marry, but either had to wait too long for a dispensation, for Meldrum and Haldane, according to Lindsay, 966, were near of kin, though their relationship remains unverified, or they could not obtain one, and the lady, and probably her lands, were sought after, says Lindsay [x 191-97], by Sir John Stirling of Keir on behalf of one of his gentlemen, no relation in blood, or, as Pitscottie says, by Luke Stirling, Sir John’s uncle. One day in 1517, as Meldrum and his lady were riding from Edinburgh, Pitscottie says along the road to Leith, he and his five or eight companions were attacked by the Stirlings with fifty men, and Meldrum, after fighting bravely, was left for dead. For Pitscottie’s narrative and for a fuller discussion of the inconsistencies, see note to line 1191. Fraser, The Stirlings of Keir (1858), 31-34, gives an account of the attack on Meldrum, but he derives his story from Lindsay and Pitscottie. He states, without proof, that the attacker was Sir John Stirling (1503- 1539), Sheriff of Perth, the knight killed on Stirling Bridge in 1539, acting on behalf of his uncle, Luke Stirling. vFraser states, 33, “ In justification, so far, of Sir John Stirling’s conduct to Squire Meldrum, it is not too much to suppose, that the Lady of Gleneagles and Luke Stirling may have been engaged to be married at the time that the Squire made his fatal appearance at Gleneagles Castle, and overcame the virtue of the Lady by his fame and superior address." This statement moved Laing, I. 323, to great wrath. " It undoubtedly is a great NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 205 deal too much to suppose any such prior engagement, when we consider the [short] interval that had elapsed after her husband’s death at Flodden, and the [advanced] age of Luke Stirling, whose father is said to have died half a century before.” This is perhaps chivalrous, though obtrusive chivalry. The immediate remarriage of widows in the sixteenth century, or in any century, is a common feature of genealogies, while the marriage of December and May is one of the oldest stories in the world. Unfortunately for Laing, General Haldane now supplies us with sufficient evidence that Fraser’s conjecture may have been correct. " There is," he says. The Haldanes of Gleneagles, 34, " documentary proof of the fact that she was the widow of Luke Stirling on 9th December 1526 [Gleneagles Charters, No. 86]." It is a pity that General Haldane does not reproduce the text of the Gleneagles charters in full. In any case, her marriage to Luke Stirling does not necessarily support Pitscottie’s story that he was the instigator of the attack. Curiously enough the official records concerning the attack on Meldrum do not mention either of the Stirlings. In the Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer the attacker is Patrick Lawson, presumably the brother of Lady Gleneagles, whose name was Marjorie Lawson. The records are as follows : Comp. Thes., V. 107-8 [1517]. Et de xl li., in partem solutionis octuaginta librarum compositione facte cum Magistro Patricio Lausoune pro respectuato sibi facto pro mutilatione Georgii Haldan, Willelmi Meldrum, et suorum complicium et pro precogitata felonia in hujus modi mutilatione commissa, ac pro arte et parte ejusdem ; et sic restant xl li. onerande ut supra. ActaDom. Cow., MS. Vol. XXX. 31 [dated June 20, 1517], quoted from Haldane, Haldanes of Gleneagles, 33. That " the lady of Glennegas be put at fredom and have her free will to pas quher scho plesis best, and that [neither] William Meldrum allegit to be hir spous, Maister James nor Maister Patrik Lausone mak hir na trouble nor inpediment thairintill as thai will answer to my Lordis Regentis and Consell tharapon.” These items put a slightly different complexion on the story. The onus is laid on the Lawsons, and one must presume that they wished her to remarry, possibly Luke Stirling, possibly Sir John Stirling’s gentleman [see note to line 1191], and objected to her association with Meldrum. The real reason for the attack on Meldrum may have been a determination to remove Lady Gleneagles from his society by force. Meldrum’s resistance with so inferior a retinue was unexpected. What part was played by Sir John Stirling is not revealed in the official records, but it must, I think, be regarded as certain, from what both Lindsay and Pitscottie say, that he was not only interested in Marjorie Lawson’s marriage, but that he was one of the company which stopped Meldrum and Lady Gleneagles on the road to Leith, and was drawn into the affray when Meldrum, though outnumbered fifty to five, decided to fight for his lady. General Haldane errs in his interpretation of the second document. He thinks that it proves that Patrick Lawson was on Meldrum’s side, and that when, in the first document here given, which General Haldane produces second, Patrick Lawson is fined for mutilating Meldrum, " he had changed sides before the attack was made." This is not so : the 206 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY document simply proves that before June 20, 1517, Meldrum had quarrelled with Patrick and James Lawson concerning Marjorie Lawson. Although named in the same document they were really on opposite sides. General Haldane further states, 35, that " Marjorie’s marriage with Luke Stirling was not her final matrimonial venture, for on nth August 1549 we find that she was the wife of Robert Menteith of Wester Kerse, who was a kinsman of her first husband through his grandmother, Agnes Menteith [Protocol Books, Stirling].” Sir William Fraser, Red Book of Menteith, I. 461, makes no mention of this marriage, but he states that Robert Menteith of Kerse and Alva was the second son of Sir William Menteith and Helen, daughter of Sir John Bruce of Airth. He succeeded his nephew as heir-male and of tailzie, and was on Decem- ber 5, 1547, infeft on a retour as heir of William Menteith, his [elder] brother’s son. His issue carried on the main line till 1631, when his descendants sold Kerse. The main line was extinct in 1673. Reg. Mag. Sig., IV. 716, October 30, 1552, mentions Robert Menteith of Kerse, son of John Menteith, but does not name his wife.

865. Quhais Lord was deid schort tyme befoir. Sir John Haldane of Gleneagles was killed at Flodden, September 9, 1513. The period of this portion of the story must not be earlier than the beginning of 1515.

871. The Ladie gent : to us this is an amusing description from incorrect association, but it was common in England and Scotland. Cf. Chaucer, Romaunt of the Rose, 11. 1030-32 : For yong she was, and hewed bright, Wys, plesaunt, and fetys withalle, Gente, and in hir middle smalle. Gent: graceful, slender, elegant, shapely. O.F. gent, from popular L. gentum, L. genitum.

879. He. The Squyer.

884. With dornik work on buird display it : with napery on the tables. Dornik work : napery made at Dornick, Flanders. Dornick is the Flemish name of Tournai. In Scotland the name came to signify “ a species of linen cloth used for the table ” [Jamieson].

885. Of Uenisoun he had his waill : of venison he had his will, as much 33 he desired.

886. Gude Aquavite : good aquavitse. Aquavitcs was the term given by the alchemists to unrectified alcohol, and came to mean, in the early middle sixteenth century, any form of spirits, as brandy, whisky.

887. With nobill Confeittis, Bran, and Geill. Confect : a sweetmeat of fruit, seed, &c., preserved in sugar. Bran : brawn, ? boar’s flesh. O.F. braon. Form not in O.E.D. Geill : jelly. O.F. giel, gel, from geler, to congeal. Cf. line 1563, “ Bran and Geill.” NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 207

890. This Ladie come to his Collatioun : This lady came to his repast. As guest he was fed, for the first meal at all events, in his own chamber [883], perhaps a guest-room.

893. Ches and Tabill: chess and backgammon.

896-97. An act of courtesy to a hostess, but the Squyer had already fallen in love.

907-16. The prayer of Meldrum to Venus is a typical mediaeval invo- cation to the goddess of love.

927. This wes the mirrie tyme of May. Without additional evidence it would be unwise to accept this statement, since it introduces the conventional May morning description.

951. Vail^e quod vaihy : come what may. Cf. Papyngo, 161. O.F. vaille que vaille. According to O.E.D. first used by Barbour, Bruce (I375)» IX. 147, last used by Lindsay, here. 953. Her Courlyke Kirtill: later printed editions read courtlike.

962. Hid bar the dure. With the stout wooden bar used as a bolt.

966. My Lord and %e wes neir of Kyn. The family connection between the Haldanes and Meldrums has not been traced, because the genealogical material for the Meldrums of Cleish is defective. Irving, History of Scotish Poetry, 361, says, in a note on this passage, “ In the civil law there were various fluctuations with respect to the marriages of cousins-german ; and the reader, who is desirous of prosecuting such inquiries, will find ample information in the dissertation of Gothopedus, De Nuptiis Consobrinorum, subjoined to his edition of Philostorgii Historia Ecclesiastica, Genevae, 1643, 4to ; and in Otto’s Dissertationes Juris Publici et Privati, p. 79. Traj. ad Rhen. 1723, 4to. The law of Justinian stood thus : ' Duorum autem patrum vel sororum liberi, vel patris et sororis, jungi possunt ’ (Inst. lib. i. tit. x. § 4). The canon law has adopted a different doctrine : prohibitions introduce the necessity of dispensations ; dispensations increase the influence and the emoluments of the Church. It even prohibits the marriage of second cousins ; and, as we have seen in the case of Squire Meldrum, extends its rule to affinity as well as consanguinity. To this discrepancy between the civil and the canon law, as Dr Wood has suggested, we may trace the origin of a vulgar notion, still prevalent in this kingdom, that first cousins may marry but second cousins may not [Institute of the Civil Law, p. 47). In computing the degrees of consanguinity in the transverse line, the civil and the canon law follow very different methods. The rule of the civil law is, that there are as many degrees as persons, exclusive of the common stock ; that of the canon law, that degrees of consanguinity are to be reckoned by the number of descents in one line ; and where the lines are unequal the canonist generally takes the longer of the two. The canon law prohibits marriages in the fourth 208 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

degree, the civil law permits them in the same degree ; or, in other words, the one law prohibits the marriages of third cousins, and the other permits the marriages of first cousins. . . Down to the time of the Reformation the Canon Law computation of degrees of kinship was followed, but since about 1570 that of the Roman Civil Law has been in practice. Under Roman Law (1) in the direct line of descent one degree is counted for each generation up to and including the common stock. Thus a son, being in the first generation, stands in the first degree of relationship to his parents ; a grandson, being in the second generation, stands in the second degree, and so forth. (2) In the oblique, or collateral line of descent, descendants of brothers, uncles, or cousins, the computation proceeds by counting up one side to the common parent and down the other side. Brothers are related in the second degree, as there is one degree from one son to the father and one more from the father to the second son. First cousins are therefore in the fourth degree, as each is two degrees from the grandfather, the common parent. In Canon Law the computation was the same as in the Roman Law as regards the direct line of descent only. In the oblique or collateral line the degree of kinship was decided by counting the number of generations between the person furthest removed from the common ancestor and that ancestor. Since a son is in the first degree in the direct line, it follows that in Canon Law brothers are in the first degree, since each, or either, is one degree removed from the common ancestor ; under Roman Law they are in the second degree. Similarly, first cousins, who under Roman Law are in the fourth degree of kinship, are in the second degree under Canon Law, as each is two degrees from the common ancestor. But an uncle and nephew are also in the second degree, since the nephew, who is the one furthest removed from the common ancestor, the grandfather, is two degrees from him. For affinity the rules are the same. “ The relations of the husband stand in the same degree of affinity to his wife in which they were related to the husband by consanguinity, which rule holds ex converso in the case of the wife’s relations,” Erskine, Institutes, I. 6, 8, 9. Notes from Green, Encydopcedia of Scots Law, art. “ Degree of Kinship.” The Church was always willing, for a consideration, to grant a dispensation to those whose consanguinity did not bring them under the Mosaic Laws of consanguinity and affinity. In so doing it tacitly acknowledged the irrationality of its system of computation, but so long as that remained a source of income it was not likely to be altered. It has indeed been stated that it was almost impossible for the people of aristocratic families to marry without a dispensation. It is, I think, quite clear that Meldrum and his lady were not guilty of intercourse within the forbidden degrees according to Roman Law, only according to Canon Law. In their own eyes, and in Lindsay’s, they did no moral or physical wrong. We do not know why the dispensation was delayed. It may have been that their union created opposition on the part of their relatives to the granting of a dispensation at all; it may have been that it was extremely slow in arriving. Pitscottie says that they could not obtain one, because it was forbidden to obtain bulls direct from the Pope [see note to line 1191]; Lindsay NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 209 says [1179-80] that they were patiently waiting for the dispensation when the attack on Meldrum was made, and his " Bot, or it come, it wes miscuikit ” clearly, I think, indicates that it ultimately did arrive, but then Meldrum had been forbidden by the Privy Council to see Lady Gleneagles again, and according to Lindsay she was married off [to Luke Stirling] before Meldrum had recovered from his wounds. Why the Squyer did not marry Lady Gleneagles after Stirling’s death in 1526 is not recorded, but the Privy Council order would remain operative.

970. Leif: live. ? Luif: love.

976. Haist to dispens : hasten to obtain the dispensation.

977. And thair to %ow I geue my hand. The handfast, the essential part of the betrothal.

996. And with hir hair scho dicht her Ene. Cf. Satyre, 491, Bann. MS. text, " And gif ?e se scho thinkis schame, than hyid the bairnis ene.” Evidently a symbol, or proof, of modesty.

1002-06. The exchange of rings was an essential part of the betrothal ceremony, being a symbol of union. Cf. the ring given to Meldrum by the Lady of Carrickfergus [195].

1014-15. Thocht . . . thocht. Thought . . . though.

1017. See note to line 986.

1019. Be him that deir lesus sauld : Judas Iscariot.

1027. Gar mak our denner reddie. Evidently dinner was partaken of at an early hour of the day. In line 1031 Lindsay says that she went to dinner straight after morning Mass.

1040. Chalmer glew : lit. “ chamber glee,” bedchamber entertainment.

1050. At cartis, and dyce, at Ches, and tabill: at cards, and dice, at chess, and backgammon.

1054. The Lennox : the district of Dumbartonshire and Argyllshire so-called, the lands of the Earls of Lennox. 1055. Makfagon : 1097 Makferland, 1108 Makfarland, 1120 Makfer- landis men, 1135, 1143 Makferland. The form of the first, Makfagon, is not explained. Laing, I. 318, " This name might be intended for Mack- fadyan, but, as Pinkerton suggests, it was evidently meant for Mak- farlane." There is no doubt as to what is intended. Chalmers, II. 287, " This must have been Andrew Macfarlane of that ilk, who succeeded his father, Sir John, that fell on Flodden-field, 1513. —Dougl[as]. Bar[onage].” Andrew Macfarlane died c. 1542. He was the son of Sir John Macfarlane by his first wife. 210 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

The Macfarlanes and Macgregors shared an evil reputation for well over two centuries as raiders. The Macfarlanes lived in the hills of Arrochar to the north of Dumbartonshire, and made periodic raids down to the lowlands for cattle and plunder [Chalmers, Caledonia, VI. 882-84]. This seems to have been one such raid, although J. Mac- farlane, History of the Clan Macfarlane, 1922, assumes an alliance with the Earl of Lennox. The Macfarlanes, however, made several raids to the south during the sixteenth century, all of the same kind. There is no historical evidence for the raid described by Lindsay. Its general nature is proved by lines 1063-65 ; but Laing, I. 318, suggests that “ Macfarlane, in making this attempt, may have been actuated by a desire to obtain possession of what he regarded to be his own property. The ancient family of Macfarlane of Macfarlane was descended in a direct line from the old Earls of Levenax, or Lennox.” There is no proof of this, and if it were so, it would be wrong to single out " this attempt.” It is better to regard it as one of the periodic plundering expeditions.

1057. Hir Castell. The Lady of Gleneagles, by the charter of 1508-09 [see note to 1. 864], had lands in the Lennox. Her castle was the castle of Boturich, on the south shore of Loch Lomond, a mile west of the parish church of Kilmaronock, Dumbartonshire. Sir John had received Boturich from Mathew, tenth Earl of Lennox, on July 29, 1498 [I?eg. Mag. Sig., I. 2436]. The tenth Earl of Lennox died in 1513, and was succeeded by John, eleventh earl, who was slain at Stirling endeavouring to rescue James V. from the Douglases.

1076. And scho gaif him hir richt hand gluif. Pinkerton, “ A common custom of chivalry.”

1079. Lancelot du Laik. Cf. note to 11. 48-64.

1085. And raid that day, and all the nicht. The straight distance from Gleneagles to Dumbarton is thirty-eight miles. The Squyer would probably go via Dunblane, Kippen, and Drymen.

1093. All Tennentis. All the tenants of her Dumbartonshire estates.

1107. Cf. line 608.

1133. The mortall fray : the affray in which so many were killed. Cf. 1141, " mortall feid.”

1143. Fre waird : free ward, imprisonment, or detention, not too rigorous in restraint of the person.

1162. Ane douchter to the Squyer bair. Pitscottie says that the Lady of Gleneagles bore the Squyer “ tua bairnes.”

1167. In Scarlot fyne, and of hew grene. Scarlet for Mars, his own protecting planet-god ; green for Venus, in compliment to Lady Glen- NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELD RUM 211

eagles. Cf. Testament, 131-33, where his livery is described as of red, green, and blue, the latter for Mercury, god of Eloquence.

1178. Tary and upon dispensatioun : waiting for their dispensation to arrive. See note to line 967.

1183. Of warldlie Toy. ... Cf. Proverbs, xiv. 13, “ Even in laughter the heart is sorrowful; and the end of that mirth is heaviness.”

1189. He: Meldrum. Lindsay makes out that the quarrelling over the lady continued for some time. This is also borne out by lines 1205-08.

1191. A ne cruell Knicht. Lindsay later [1496-97] describes him as a knight who was afterwards slain on Stirling Bridge. This appears to identify him with Sir John Stirling of Keir, who was slain at or near Stirling shortly before November 5, 1539. Laing, I. 323, " On the 4th of November 1542, David Schaw and George Dreghorn had a respite, under the Privy Seal, ‘ for the slauchter of umquhile John Strivilling of Keir, knycht.’—Stirlings of Keir, p. 35, Reg. Sec. Sig. [MS.], Vol. XVII.” [Reg. Sec. Sig., II. 4968]. Pitcairn, Criminal Trials, I. 327, " January 5, 1542-43. David Schaw found surety (Johne Ker, son of Andrew Ker of Fernyhirst) to underly the law at the next Justice-air of Stirling, for art and part of the cruel Slaughter of Sir John Striueling of Kere, Kn1.—Alexander Schaw of Sauchy bound himself to relieve Ker, and Alexander, brother of David Schaw, obliged himself to relieve both of them of their cautionry.” The records are as follows. Sir John Stirling of Keir came from an old-established family, which exists to our day. Not much is known of his public life before 1524, when he was appointed a deputy-constable of Perth [Acts, II. 288], and became a member of Parliament for Stirling [Acts, II. 288]. During the Douglas ascendancy he joined the queen- mother’s party, and fought at Linlithgow. For this his estates were forfeited. They were granted to George Douglas, brother of the Earl of Angus [Acts, II. 305, 311], but in 1527 his forfeiture was reduced [II. 319]. His last public appearance was on the assize for the trial of Lord Glamis, July 18, 1537 [II. 319, 320]. The records of his land- dealings prove him to have been a brutal, relentless persecutor, and Lady Gleneagles’s description of him, 1243-44 : 3e knaw jone Knichtis crueltie, That in his hart hes no mercie, is amply borne out. The date of his death, previously given as " before November 5, I539.” actually took place between May 22, 1539 [Fraser, Stirlings of Keir, 361, Charter No. 14], when he is recorded as alive, and June 10, 1539 [Reg. Sec. Sig., II. 3052], when he is recorded as dead. None of the official records say where he was killed. His slayer was David Shaw of Cambusmore, a man who apparently had little compunction in taking life, as the following records show : Reg. Sec. Sig., II. 781 [December 13, 1530]. Preceptium Remissionis Andree Reoch, pro sua intercommunicatione, consilio, auxilio, favore 212 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY et assistentia datis et exhibitis rebellibus regis, legiorum suorum convocatione, et pro oppressione facta David Schaw eum ledendo et aliorum legiorum regis communi oppressione, necnon pro arte et parte crudelis interfectionis quondam Donaldi Smyth, filii Malcolmi Smyth, et pro omnibus actione. R.S.S., II. 1164 [February 16, 1531-32]. Ane Lettre maid to Henry Kempt of Thomastoun ... of the gift of the gudis movable and unmovable . . . that pertenit to Dauid Schaw, and now pertenyng to our soverane lord be resoun of eschete throw being of the said Dauid fugitive from the law and at the home, for art and part of the slaughter of umquhile Walter Buchquhannane, sone and air of [blank] Buch- quhannane of Lany. R.S.S., II. 2674 [August 8, 1538]. Ane Respitt maid to Dauid Schaw, Hucheoun Wallace, and George Dreghorne, for the slauchter of the lord of Lany and mutilatione of James Dog, and for all utheris actionis, etc.,—tresoun in the kingis persoun and thift exceptit; And for xix jeris to indure. R.S.S., II. 4968 [November 4, 1542]. Ane Respitt maid to Dauid Schaw and George Dreghorne for the slauchter of umquhile Johnne Stirling of Keir, knycht, and for all utheris slauchteris, mutihationis, actionis, transgressionis, crimes and offensis quhatsumevir committit in ony tyme bigane,—tressoun in the kingis persone, thift and fire alanerlie except; And for the space of xix êiris to indure. Pitcairn, Criminal Trials, I. 327 [January 5, 1542-43]. David Schaw found surety (Johne Ker, son of Andrew Ker of Fernyhirst) to underly the law at the next Justice-air of Stirling, for art and part of the cruel Slaughter of Sir John Striueling of Kere, Knh—Alexander Schaw of Sauchy bound himself to relieve Ker ; and Alexander, brother of David Schaw, obliged himself to relieve both of them of their cautionry. This story of an ill life ends on a note of grim romance. At Stirling’s instigation Shaw, Wallace, and Dreghorne had killed Walter Buchanan of Lanny. Buchanan had one son Patrick, who was also killed, and four daughters, co-heiresses after their brother’s death, one being married. Stirling virtually robbed them of their lands and reduced them to poverty. Years later Shaw met the married daughter, living with her husband in great poverty, and vowed to slay the man responsible, Stirling himself. This he did, Lindsay says, at Stirling Bridge, but the later records say “ near Stirling.” The story of Shaw’s remorse has been ridiculed, notably by Fraser, Stirlings of Keir; but Riddell, Comments, 229-30, quoting from Buchanan of Auchmer, Historical and Genealogical Essay upon the Family and Surname of Buchanan (1723), 99, proves it to the hilt. I must now draw attention to a point which has been ignored by my predecessors. In the first place it must be clearly understood that all the accounts of Stirling’s attack on Meldrum, wherever they appear, have only two authorities, Lindsay and Pitscottie. Pitscottie is more definite in names than Lindsay. He says that the instigator of the attack was Luke Stirling, who solicited his brother’s son the laird of Keir to make it. The latter must be Sir John Stirling of Keir, and thus, though there appears to be no other evidence, Luke Stirling was his uncle. But Lindsay, though less explicit in actual names, is more NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 213 detailed in other respects, and is certainly more accurate in the description of the circumstances. Here enters the difficulty. Editors, both of Lindsay and of genealogical matters relating to the Haldanes, Lind- says, and Stirlings, make the poet say that Sir John Stirling would have had Lady Gleneagles marry Ane gentilman within his land, The quhilk to him wes neir in blude. Lindsay, however, according to the 1594 edition of the poem, does not say that; he says the exact opposite : The quhilk to him wes not in blude. This reading is also given in the editions of 1669 and 1683, and so descended through the eighteenth century. For the emendation to neir in blude we have to go back to Pinkerton, Scotish Poems (1792), I. 191, “ The quhilk to him wes neir in blude.” Pinkerton gives no warning of his emendation, but he used the copy of 1594= now in the British Museum, from which the text has been taken for this edition, this line having been carefully collated a second time. From Pinkerton it descended to Sibbald, Chronicle, II. 224 ; Chalmers, II. 291 ; and Laing, I. 197—not one of these four editors recording the emendation. The texts of these editors, moreover, have been the only ones used by genealogists and historians. It is not my duty to follow my predecessors blindly. Re-examination is essential. Admittedly the phrase neir in blude sounds better, and is more colloquial than not in blude, which sounds forced, though it may be none the less correct. It may easily be Lindsay’s harsh way of saying that the gentleman was not related to Sir John Stirling. Lindsay’s account of Stirling’s behaviour, moreover, is consistent with such an interpretation. Lindsay lays the onus of the whole affair on Sir John, and from what we know of him he was a man who would never stop at violence to gain his own ends. Pitscottie’s version is that Luke Stirling was the instigator, but his interpretation may be solely due to a knowledge of later events, in that Lady Gleneagles married Luke Stirling. Lindsay, who was living at court at the time of the attack, knew the regent, and must have known then, in 1517, of the whole affair, even if he did not then know Meldrum. Pitscottie knew none of the early participants, though he may later have known Meldrum. Lindsay’s story is quite in keeping with Sir John’s character, and I do not think that Luke Stirling was the instigator. Sir John would need no instigation. Editors and genealogists have preferred Pitscottie’s story, as it is simple and straightforward ; but Lindsay’s is equally straightforward, and there was absolutely no reason for him to suppress the facts, if only Luke and Sir John Stirling were involved, for when the poem was written both had been dead many years. I have wondered whether Sir John wished her to marry Walter Menteith of Wester Kerse, with whom he had dealings, and whom she married as her third husband. Curiously enough we now know that Lady Gleneagles did marry Luke Stirling, which strengthens Pit- scottie’s story, though it does not prove Pitscottie correct; her marriage VOL. III. P 214 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY to Luke Stirling may have been her escape from a great difficulty. Nor did my predecessors know that the two brothers of Lady Gleneagles, Patrick and James Lawson, were concerned in the attack on Meldrum, and it is clear enough that they were heartily opposed to her connection with the Squyer. Neither Lindsay nor Pitscottie mentions this. Clearly the lady was to be forced into a marriage by her separation from Meldrum, her family assisting. See notes to lines 1455-90. Sir John himself had no claim on the affections of Lady Gleneagles, for before July 13, 1513, he had married Margaret, daughter of Sir Walter Forrester of the Torwood. She was still alive on April 25, 1532. Fraser, Stirlings of Keir, 34, nearly suggests that Sir John took up his uncle’s cause on his own initiative, but it might have been through hatred of Meldrum rather than through love for his uncle. It would be convenient at this point to say what I know of Patrick and James Lawson. They both matriculated at St Andrews in 1506 [Records, Scottish History Society, p. 199], and both graduated in 1508 [Ibid., 95]. Patrick continued his studies until 1510, when his name appears in the list of licentiates as “ Mgr. Patricius Lauson.” In 1517 he was chaplain of the Preaching Friars in Scotland [Reg. Mag. Sig., III. 170], and, like many ecclesiastics, was a notary public [R.M.S., II. 2941], James Lawson was also a notary, and became provost of Edinburgh [1534, R.M.S., III. 1455], as his father had been. They were obviously younger than their sister Marjorie, the Lady of Glen- eagles. I reproduce Pitscottie’s account of the attack on Meldrum, Croniclis, I. 298-99: “ In this meane tyme Dilabatie beand left regent as we haue schawin remanit in the abbay of Hallierudhous and ane gaird of frinchemen about him to the number of iiijxx of hagbuttaris to be redy at his command quhene he chargit and so it hapnit at this tyme the monetht of [November] and in the êir of God Im v° and [xviii] êiris. At this tyme [1517] thair wes ane gentillman in Edinburgh nameit Williame Meldrum laird of Binnis, quho had in companie witht him ane fair lady callit the Lady Glennagieis quho was dochter to Mr Richart Lawsone provest of Edinburgh, the quhilk lady had borne to this laird tua bairnes, and [he] intendit to marie hir gif he might haue had the popis lecence because hir husband befoir and hie was sibe. Jeit nocht withtstanding ane gentillman callit Luke Stirling inwyit this lufe and marieage betuix thir tuo persouns, thinkand to haue the gentill woman to himself in marieage, because he knew the laird might nocht haue the popis licence be the lawis. Thairfor he solistit his brotheris sone the laird of Keir witht ane certane of airmitt men to sett wpoun the laird of Binnis to tak this lady frome him be way of deid, and to that effect followit him betuix Leytht and Edinburgh and sett on him beneth the Rude chapell witht fyftie airmett men and he againe defendit him witht fyue in number and faught cruellie witht thame and slew the laird of Keiris principall servandis befoir his face defendand himself, and hurt the laird of Keir that he was in perrell of his lyfe, and xxvj of his men ; êit throw multiplecatioun of his enemeis was over- sett and drawin to the earth, and left lyand for deid, hocht of his legis, strikin throw the body, the knappis of his elbokkis strikin fre him NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 215 and also the liddis of his kneis, nathing of lyfe left in him, êit be the mightie powar of God he eskaipit the deid, and all his men that was witht him, and leiffit fyftie jeir thairefter. In the meane tyme come word to Monser Tillabatie quhair he was at that tyme in the Abbay of Hallierudhous schawand to him that sic ane nobill man was slaine and murdreist at his hand, and he incontenent gart strike ane lairum, and blaw his trumpatis, and rang the common bell, commanding all men to follow him baitht on fute or horse, that he might revenge the said slaughter, and ruschit fercelie fordwart to the place quhair the battell was strikin and saw this nobill man lyand deidlie wondit, and his men about him in the samin maner, and passit fercelie efter the enemeis and committaris of the said cryme and ower hyit thame at Lythgow, quhair they tuik the peill of Lythgow wpoun thair heidis to be thair saifgaird and warand, thinkand to defend thame selffis thairin. Nocht- withtstanding, this nobill regent lape manfullie about the house and seigit it continuallie, quhill thay randerit the samin, and thame that was halderis thairof come into his will, quho tuike thame and brocht thame to Edinburgh, and gaif thame ane fair syse, quho was all convict and condamnitt of the said cryme, and thairefter was put in the castell of Edinburgh in suire keiping induring the Regent’s will.” Pitscottie says that Meldrum lived fifty years after the attack. Mackay, Pitscottie, I. civ, “ The blunder (of Pitscottie) in ascribing the death of Squire Meldrum to a period of fifty years after the assault by the laird of Keir is one of the most curious in Pitscottie, though not in itself of much consequence to Scottish history. Pitscottie, we should have thought, from his relationship to the Lindesays of the Byres, who gave the Squire the hospitality of Struthers, must have known the true date of his death. Perhaps Laing gives the most probable explanation—that ‘ fyftie ’ is a miscopy for ' fifteen,’ and that he died about 1532, after which we find no trace of him.” Pitscottie, however, is more correct than Laing or Mackay, for the Squyer lived until July 1550, and the historian’s figure of “ fyftie ?eir ” may be just a round number. Even so, one would have thought that he could have obtained the right date. Chalmers, I. 76, gives the date of the assault as August 1517, and the death of D’Arcy, II. 303, as September 17, 1517, basing his dates on Pitscottie. Hume Brown, History, I. 360, simply says that D’Arcy was slain “ in the autumn.” Laing, I. 383, follows Chalmers. The assault actually took place some time before June 20, 1517, on which date the Privy Council ordered Meldrum, Patrick Lawson, and James Lawson to keep away from Lady Glen- eagles. See note to line 864. Pitcairn, Criminal Trials in Scotland, I. 125, states that the Books of the Adjournal of the High Justiciary of Scotland do not exist for the first twelve years of the reign of James V., so that the official records of the trials are not available.

1212. In Edinburgh, Pitscottie says between Leith and Edinburgh.

1214. Just matteris. The meaning may be either (1) proper, regular business matters, or (2) matters or affairs of justice or law, legal business. F. juste, from L. jus, justus. I incline to the latter interpretation. 2l6 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1224. The Fenie : Queensferry, called after St Margaret of Scotland, queen of Malcolm Ceanmore, who crossed the Forth at this place during her journeys between Edinburgh and Dunfermline, 1068-93.

1225. Bot auchtsum in his roxit : about eight in his company ; line 1255, eight. Pitscottie, I. 299, says five.

1230. Thrie scoir in his company : sixty men in his company. Pit- scottie, I. 299, says fifty.

1240. I reid %ow fle : I counsel, advise, you to flee.

1245. It is bot ane that thay wold haue. Lady Gleneagles again makes it clear that Sir John Stirling was actuated by personal hatred of Meldrum.

1250. Be %e not raid : be ye not rad. Rad, frightened, alarmed, afraid. O.N. hrceddr.

1262. Shaw the richt: show who is right, by single combat. See note to line 448.

1266. / sail my Ladie to the ^eild. To the reader whose sympathies are with Meldrum and his lady this line strikes a discordant note in the love-story, and yet the preliminary bartering of the lady must have been common enough in affairs of this kind. The lady apparently had no choice in the matter, and was really of little more account than the armour which Meldrum and Talbot bartered over before their fight. Some allowance, however, must be made for circumstances. Meldrum felt that he would defeat Stirling in single combat, and his offer to surrender the Lady Gleneagles if he were defeated was perhaps deliberately made to lure Stirling on.

1279. Birneist brand. See note to line 152.

1281-82. Gaudefer . . . Gadderis Ferrie. “ Gadderis Ferrie ” is Lind- say’s wrong transcription of “ The Forray of Gadderis,” the name of the Scottish metrical translation in octosyllabic couplets of the mediaeval French Alexander - romance, Li Fuerres de Cadres [Romania, XI. (1882), 247-320]. The Forray of Gadderis has come down to us as the first portion of a unique but imperfect quarto belonging to the Earl of Dalhousie, printed by Alexander Arbuthnot at Edinburgh, c. 1580, probably under the name of The Avowis of Alexander, the name under which it appears in Henry Charteris’s testament in 1599 and elsewhere. A full account of the poem is given by Ritchie, The Buik of Alexander, by John Barbour, S.T.S., 4 vols., 1921-29, from I. xxx-xxxiii, of which I extract the following. The Roman di Alexandre, based on the fabulous history of Alexander written by the pseudo-Callisthenes, c. 220, at Alexander, consisted of four branches, of which The Forray of Gadderis was the second. “ It describes, firstly, an unhistorical episode in the siege of Tyre, to which the title alone strictly applies, the foraging expedition led by Eumenides to the Vale of Josaphas. . . .” NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 217

This is the Forray proper, and it was one of the most popular romances of the Middle Ages. “ Eustache de Kent, probably in the middle of the thirteenth century, inserted it, with the rest of the Second Branch, in his ‘ Roman de toute chevalerie,’ the source of the earliest English poems on Alexander ; it is mentioned in ' Guillaume le Marechal' (1221-25) and ‘ Girart de Roussillon ’ (1330-34) ; a fourteenth century Latin translation of it still exists, apparently in Boccaccio’s hand- writing, and it was selected by the Scottish translator for Part I. of his ' Buik.' ’’ Ritchie gives the Argument in I. cclxxxii-iv. The forrayers, riding back with the cattle, meet the host of Betis, Duke of Gadres (whose name is given to the fight which follows), the Greeks being seven hundred against thirty thousand. After heroic fighting, Gaudefer de Larris arrives with two thousand knights, and does marvellous work against the Greeks, who are reinforced by Alexander himself. Forced to retreat, Betis and Gaudefer fight on, Gaudefer even stunning Alex- ander ; but he is finally slain by Eumenides, who grieves over him as the bravest of all knights. See also Li Romans d’Alexandre, ed. Michelhaut, Stuttgart, 1846, 93-190; A. Hermann, The Taymouth Castle MS. of Sir Gilbert Hay’s “ Buik of King Alexander the Con- queror," Berlin, 1898 ; and Hermann, The Forray of Gadderis, The Vowis, Extracts from Sir Gilbert Hay’s " Buik . . Berlin, 1900. Scott, Essay on Romance Prose Works, VI. 170, notes Barbour’s censure of the Highland chief who compared Bruce’s prowess to Gow MacMorn’s, when he might have compared it to Gaudefer. Cf. Scott, Letters, ed. Grierson, I. (1787-1807) 252. Scott to George Ellis, Edinburgh, May 26, 1805 : "If you will turn to Barbour’s Bruce (Pinkerton’s edition, p. 66 [S.T.S. edn., Bk. iii.]), you will find that the Lord of Lorn, seeing Bruce covering the retreat of his followers, compares him to Gow MacMorn (Macpherson’s Gaul the son of Morni). This similitude appears to Barbour a disparagement, and he says, the Lord of Lorn might more mannerly have compared the king to Gadefeir de Lawryss, who was with the mighty Duke Betys when he assailed the forrayers in Gadderis, and who in the retreat did much execution among the pursuers, overthrowing Alexander and Thelomier and Danklin, although he was at length slain ; and here, says Barbour, the resemblance fails.” [Scott then gives an account of The Buik of Alex- ander, too long to quote in full.]

1295-98. Thomas Giffard. Not traced. A Thomas Giffert was a messenger-at-arms in 1530 [R.S., XVI. 524] ; another is recorded in 1530 in Reg. Mag. Sig., 1513-46, 850 ; and a third at Dalkeith in 1534, ibid., 1404. I do not think that this can be the person referred to by Lindsay, who states that Gifford was unable afterwards to bear arms

1301. As brim as beirs. See note to line 518.

1310. Tydeus : Tydeus, a son of Oeneus and Periboea. He was the husband of Deipyle, father of Diomedes, and king of Calydon, and assisted Polyneices in his expedition against Thebes. Polyneices was 2l8 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

the son of Oedipus and Jocasta, and brother of Eteocles and Antigone. The fight of Tydeus with the fifty knights takes place in the third section of the Roman de Thebes. He has been exiled from his kingdom for the murder of his brother, and encounters Polyneices, also in exile from Thebes, Eteocles having seized his throne. Tydeus takes a challenge to Eteocles, and a demand to surrender the throne, which is declined, and Tydeus starts on his way back. Eteocles, however, orders his constable and fifty knights to overtake and slay him. Being mounted on fresh horses they pass him, and form an ambush in the defile where the Sphinx formerly dwelt. In the moonlight Tydeus espies them, and rides towards them provocatively. A fight ensues, during which his magic sword does execution. He kills the leader, Jaconeus, but is himself beaten from his horse, and is obliged to retreat to a rock where he cannot be attacked from behind, and fights on. He kills all but one, whose life he spares to take the news of the fight to Eteocles, and then, covered with wounds, he resumes his journey. Cf. Roman de Thebes, Soc. des Anciens Textes Fran9ais, 2 vols., 1890 ; Lydgate, Seige of Thebes, E.E.T.S., 1911, 1930, Pt. ii. 1. 1128 et seq. ; Skeat, Specimens, 1394-1579. PP- 28-33, 376-379- Barbour, Bruce, VI. 179, tells the story of the attack on Tydeus, in order to draw a parallel with the bravery of Bruce, who once fought single-handed against two hundred men, but these could only attack him one at a time at a ford.

1313. Rolland, with Brandwell. See Additional Notes.

1315. Gawin, aganis Golibras. In the romance Golagros and Gawane, printed by Chapman and Myllar, 1508. Arthur goes with the knights of the Round Table to the Holy Land. After a long march they espy a city, and Kay goes to buy provisions. Finding the city gate open, he enters a house and seizes some birds cooking on a spit. A dwarf gives the alarm, and a knight appears and knocks Kay down. Kay returns to the king, tells his story, and advises Arthur to travel on, but Gawain advises that a less headstrong messenger be sent. He goes himself, and is well received by the knight. After feasting there for four days Arthur and his knights travel on, and see a castle at the side of the Rhone, the knight of which pays homage to no man. On his return from the Holy Land Arthur attacks this castle. On four successive days knights are chosen to combat, without decisive victory. On the fifth day Golagros, the knight of the castle, enters the lists himself, and is beaten by Gawain in a long fight. Gawain is about to kill him when Golagros asks him to enter the castle, where Golagros asks his knights if though he has been defeated he may still rule over them. As they wish him to do so, Gawain takes him to Arthur, to whom he swears allegiance, but on his departure nine days later Arthur releases him from homage. The story comes down from the French prose romance Perceval le Gallois, by Chretien de Troyes. No MSS. extant, although " Ye Buke of Syr Gologruss and Syr Gawane ” appears in the old index to the Asloan MS. Chapman and Myllar’s text has been rept. by Pinkerton, Scotish Poems (1792), III.; by D. Laing, in Ancient Scottish Poems (1827) ; by Sir F. Madden, in NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 219

Syr Gawane (1839) ; by M. Trantmann, in Anglia (1879), II. 395 ; by G. Stevenson, S.T.S. (1918) ; F. J. Amours, Scottish Alliterative Poems, S.T.S. Findlaw boasts that he is braver than Gawin, Satyre, Cupar Banns, II. 30, line 245.

1316. Olyuer, with Pharambras. Pharambras : Sir Ferumbras, or Fierabras, in the romance of that name, one of the romances of Charle- magne. It tells the story of the capture of Rome by the Saracens, and its recapture by Charlemagne. Oliver, one of the emperor’s knights, fights with Ferumbras, the son of the Sultan of Babylon, vanquishes his opponent, and converts him to Christianity. Ferumbras is later rewarded with lands in Spain, together with his sister, Floripas, who marries the French knight Sir Guy, after deceiving her father, over- powering her governess, and stunning her jailor. The text of Sir Ferumbras was edited for the E.E.T.S. by S. J. Herr- tage. Extra Series, xxxiv. See Additional Notes.

1318. Sir Gryme aganis Graysteill: Sir Grime against Gray-steel. An old popular verse romance, in four-foot lines, which came down to the eighteenth century as The History of Sir Eger, Sir Graham, and Sir Gray-steel. This is the story of two knights, Sir Eger and Sir Grime, who are sworn brothers at the court of Earl Bragas and Dame Bragas. The Earl’s daughter Winglaine has sworn never to marry for gold, goods, or rank, but only him who is victorious in all battles. Her favoured suitor is Sir Eger, who has never been beaten in fight. One day, however, Sir Eger returns home sorely wounded, having been defeated in a wood by a mysterious red knight. He had then gone to a castle, the lady of which had tended his wounds, given him shelter for the night, and healed his wounds in a day by magic potions. Sir Eger insisted on leaving, and travelled home, but a mile from the earl’s palace his wounds had broken out afresh, though he was able to struggle to the room which he shared with Sir Grime. After telling his story to his friend he collapses. Winglaine has overheard the story, and is contemptuous of Sir Eger, but Sir Grime, knowing that her love for Sir Eger will return with his next victory, suggests that while his friend is recovering he should seek out Sir Graysteel. Sir Eger agrees, for the sake of retaining Winglaine's love. They call Pallyas to their council, and he equips Sir Grime with a magic sword called Edgeking. Sir Eger is then concealed in his room, while Sir Grime goes forth. He finds the lady of the castle, who, thinking he is Sir Eger, greets him with kisses, but she soon finds her mistake, and throws down the gifts which Sir Eger has sent as thanks for her hospitality. Sir Grime pacifies her by saying that he has come to slay Sir Graysteel, who has killed her husband and brother, and wounded Sir Eger, whereupon she reveals that Sir Gray- steel’s strength declines from noon to midnight, and that he fights better on horseback than on foot. On a May morning, therefore, Sir Grime rides forth into Sir Gray- steel’s country. The latter, warned of his arrival, puts on his armour. Meeting Sir Grime, he at once charges, but Sir Grime runs him through 220 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

the body and unhorses him. Dismounting and drawing Edgeking, he wounds him on the shoulder. The fight proceeds for some time after that, but finally Sir Grime is victorious, and cuts off his opponent’s hand, and brings back to the lady his steed and armour. He finds the lady lamenting his certain death. She kisses him twenty times in her joy at seeing him again. He gives her the hand, which she locks in her coffer. After supper Sir Grime retires to bed, and the lady comes to him to tend his wounds. While he is asleep she goes to her father to demand his permission to marry Sir Grime, and next day, after Sir Grime has been to a banquet, their betrothal is arranged. Sir Grime then goes home, admits himself to the palace secretly, tells Sir Eger, who is, of course, still concealed, but is now recovered, to arm and go to the forest, where he will find Sir Graysteel’s steed and armour, but advises him, on his return, to pretend to scorn Winglaine for her treatment of him. Sir Eger does this, and Winglaine swoons. Sir Eger walks away, and Sir Grime brings her round. That evening the marriage of Sir Eger and Winglaine is arranged, and soon after takes place, the pair ultimately producing a family of fifteen. Sir Grime marries the lady of the castle and has ten children, while Pallyas marries Sir Graysteel’s daughter Emyas, and has three children. The story is undoubtedly Scottish in origin. The earliest reference to it is in 1497 : Comp. Thes., I. 330 [April 17, 1497]. Item . . . giffin to twa fithelaris that sang Graysteil to the King, ix s. C.T., III. 132 [March 25, 1504]. Item, giffin to thir minstralis . . . Robert Rudman, Graysteilj callit sowtar lutar . . . ilk ane xiiij s. ; summa xiij li. vj. s. [Not previously recorded.] The earliest MS. text known is that in the Percy Folio Manuscript, c. 1650. The earliest extant printed text is a chapbook, printed by Robert Sanders at Glasgow, 1669, incomplete, succeeding editions appearing in 1687 and 1711. The best modern edition was edited by J. W. Hales and F. J. Furnivall, 1867, from the Percy Folio MS. Laing, 1822, 1826, and Hazlitt-Laing, 1895, reprinted the 1687 edition, the earliest known to Laing. It is to be regretted that no early text survives. Laing and Hazlitt-Laing compiled a long list of references to Gray- steel, poem and tune, from 1497 to 1800. There is an abstract of these in Hales and Furnivall. One has been forgotten—Leigh Hunt’s “ translation ” of the first 410 lines, B.M. Add. MS. 38,111, ff. 421-44 ; Leigh Hunt, Works, Oxford, 1923, p. 648. See Additional Notes. Lindsay again refers to Graysteel in Ane Satyre, Cupar Banns, Bannatyne MS. text, 242-43, when Findlaw is boasting of his prowess : This is the swerd that slew gray steill Nocht half ane myle beyond kynneill. In a short sequel, the authenticity of which has, of course, been doubted, Sir Eger goes to the Holy Land, where he is killed. Sir Grime’s lady dies, and Winglaine, having discovered the trick played on her, marries Sir Grime, who thus becomes the ultimate hero of the romance, and receives the reward of virtue by his marriage to the earl’s daughter. 1320. As onie Knicht oj the round Tabill : this allusion to the Arthurian legend closes the list of romances of knightly prowess. NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 221

1347-50. My predecessors have pointed out the parallel with Sir Richard Witherington in " The Hunting of the Cheviot ” : For Wetharington my harte was wo. That ever he slayne should be. For when both his leggis wear hewyne in two. Yet he knyled and fought on his kny. And “ Chevy Chase ’’: For Withrington I needs must wail, As one in doleful sumps. For when his legs were smitten off. He fought upon his stumps. But there is another heroic person who is supposed to have performed the same feat, this time a woman. Adam Milne, Description of the Parish of Melrose, Edinburgh, 1743, records, 21, “ at Ancrum Muir, about five Miles South from Melrose, or Lillards Edge, as it is com- monely called, from a Woman that fought with great Bravery there, to whose Memory there was a Monument erected in the Field of Battle, with this inscription, as the traditional Report goes : Fair Maiden Billiard lies under this Stane, Little was her Stature, but great her Fame. On the English Lads she laid many Thumps, And when her Legs were off, she fought upon her Stumps. I have seen the Monument,” says Milne, " which is now all broken in Pieces.” Ancrum Moor was fought in 1545, but the monument cannot have been erected before the publication of “ Chevy Chase,” the earliest definite reference to which (excluding the references to “ The Hunttis of chevet ” in The Complaynt of Scotland, and Sidney's “ song of a Percy and a Douglas ”) occurs in Thomas Heywood’s A Woman Killed with Kindness, written at the beginning of 1603. See my " References to ‘ Chevy Chase,’ 1548-1765,” Notes and Queries, Yol. CLXIV. 308, 327, 344, 392, 427.

1367. Although Sir John Stirling had really come to secure the person of Lady Gleneagles, he apparently left her behind. Pitscottie does not say what happened to her.

1383. Sir Antonie Darsie : Sieur Antoine d’Arcy de la Bastie sur Melan. His name is variously rendered by Scottish writers. Pitscottie : Dilabaty, Tillabatie, Tillabattie, Telebatie; Leslie: Bautie, Bautye, Darsie ; Buchanan : D’Arcy ; Hume \Wedderburn Family'] : Bautius.

1386. lohne, Duke of Albanie. John Stewart (1481-1536), Duke of Albany, only son of Alexander, Duke of Albany (? 1454-1485), by his second wife, Anne de la Tour d’Auvergne. Brought up in France, he looked on that country as his home, but the Scots regarded him as one of them. After Flodden he was sent for by the Privy Council to act as regent, but sent Antony d’Arcy de la Bastie in his place. The Scots pressed Louis XII. to send him, and requested that Robert Stewart, Lord Aubigny, should be sent with him, and all other Scots who could 222 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

be spared, to defend Scotland, depleted of its nobility by Flodden, against the English. But Henry VIII. was then negotiating for the marriage of his sister Mary with Louis XII., and it was not until after the consecration of Francis I., on January 25, 1515, at which Albany was present, that he was able to leave France. Even then he delayed until May 1515. He landed at Dumbarton on May 18, and was received in Edinburgh on the 26th. On July 12 he was declared tutor to the king and governor of the realm, as the queen-mother was deemed, by her marriage to Angus, to have forfeited her guardianship. Among the lords who pressed for his return was Alexander, third Lord Hume, the chamberlain. Albany insulted him by a thoughtless comment on his diminutive stature, and the question of the election of an Archbishop of St Andrews in 1514 caused him to join Angus against Albany. When the latter determined to besiege Stirling Castle, Hume was ordered to arrest Angus’s brother, but declined and returned to the borders, where, after the queen-mother’s surrender, he began negotiations with Lord Dacre, the English warden. Under plea of a conference Albany treacherously arrested him, but he was freed by Arran, who joined him in a flight to Northumberland, where they were joined by the queen-mother and Angus, where they formed a league against Albany ; but not obtaining the expected support from Henry VIII., Angus and Hume made peace with the governor and returned to Scotland, Hume being allowed to live on his estates on agreeing not to intrigue with England. Not long afterwards Hume and his brother were summoned to Edinburgh and arrested for high treason. Hume was beheaded on October 8 or 10, 1516, and his brother on the gth or nth, their heads remaining on the Tolbooth at Edinburgh until 1521. In revenge Hume of Wedderburn a year later lured Anthony d’Arcy into an ambush on the borders, and put him cruelly to death, September 9. 1517- 1389. Our King wes hot fyue %eiris of age. James V. was born on April 10, 1512. Lindsay thus dates the attack on Meldrum after April 10, 1517, but it must have happened before the date of the Privy Council order of June 20, 1517.

1391. This gude Knicht. Sir Anthony D’Arcy. The memory of Meldrum having saved his life is probably a link with the story of the affray with the English told in lines 618-72.

1418-19. Pitscottie’s account is more detailed, but there is no evidence to prove its accuracy. 1422. Dumbar. Pitscottie says Edinburgh Castle.

1453. Expensis. This should be perhaps emended, for the sake of the prosody, to expense. 1455. 3?/ sum thing will we commoun mair : yet we will common something more. Common, vb., to hold or make common with others, share with, impart to. NOTES TO THE HISTORIE OF SQUYER MELDRUM 223

1455-66. Lindsay is so detailed about the movements of Lady Glen- eagles that he must be believed. Pitscottie is silent concerning this portion of the story. Lindsay says that she was married against her will, we now know to Luke Stirling, but who compelled her it is impossible to say. Sir John Stirling can have had no such hold over her, while Patrick and J ames Lawson were ordered by the Privy Council not to interfere with her. Moreover, she was economically independent, having estates of her own. Lindsay may not be inventing when he says that her heart remained faithful to the Squyer. After all they had shared together, it could hardly have been otherwise.

1471-78. Of the three examples of ladies who remained faithful in the enforced absence of their lovers only the first, that of Penelope for Ulysses, seems at all praiseworthy. Cressida deserted Troilus for Diomedes; while we are never told by the ancients that Helen regretted leaving Menelaus. Nor was her abduction by Paris enforced. The couplets 1475-76 and 1477-78 seem to have been transposed.

1483. To the Regent he did complane. The acting regent was Sir Anthony d’Arcy, who was murdered by David Hume of Wedderburn in Sep- tember 1517 in a swamp on the Border, of which he had been made Warden by Albany, in revenge for the execution of Lord Hume and his brother at Edinburgh, on the charge of treasonable conduct with the English Warden of the Marches, Lord Dacre, in September 1516. The best authority for the details of the murder is Lesley, who states that his head was cut off and affixed to a spike at the town of Dunse, Sep- tember 19, 1517. Pitscottie also describes the event, I. 300, and David Hume of Wedderburn gives an account. It is difficult to see what Meldrum can have complained about, if the Lady of Gleneagles was then married. It is more likely that he endeavoured to have reversed the order of the Privy Council, dated June 20, 1517, forbidding him to see her [quoted ante, note to line 864]. She was clearly then not married to her second husband, and was regarded as an absolutely free agent. 1490. The Knicht: Sir John Stirling of Keir. Presumably her second marriage, if she was compelled to undertake it at all by Sir John Stirling, did not occur until after his release. I think it highly unlikely that he had anything to do with it, for Lindsay implies that she was then married. I come back to the belief that Sir John Stirling had little or nothing to do with her marriage to Luke Stirling, and that if there was compulsion, her brothers, Patrick and James, were solely responsible. 1496. Striuiling brig : Stirling Bridge. A few official records say " at ” or “ near ” Stirling. The Records of the Burgh of Stirling between April 4, 1530, and December 6, 1544, are lost.

1501-02. See note to The Dreme, 1107. 224 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1503-05. Cf. Matthew xxvi. 52, “ Then said Jesus unto him [Peter], Put up again thy sword into his place : for all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword.” The striker is not named in the first three Gospels [Matthew, loc. cit. ; Mark xiv. 47 ; Luke xxii. 49] ; he is called “ Simon Peter ” in John xviii. 10. Only Matthew records Christ’s reproof and comment in these words. Cf. also Genesis ix. 6, “ Whoso sheddeth man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed ” ; Exodus xxi. 12, “ He that smiteth a man, so that he die, shall be surely put to death ” ; Leviticus xxiv. 17, from which were developed the laws for the punishment of murder detailed in Numbers xxxv. 9-34. Christ refers to these. 1507-08. Lindsay’s explanation is amusing. He dare not contravene the social outlook of his day. 1509-16. There is no evidence to support this statement. 1516. Quair. See note to Papyngo, 1177. 1519. A ne agit Lord. Patrick, fourth Lord Lindsay of the Byres, who died in 1526. He was the fourth son of John, first Lord Lindsay of the Byres, who died on February 6, 1482, and succeeded his two eldest brothers, David, second Lord Lindsay of the Byres, who died in 1490, and John, third Lord Lindsay of the Byres, who died in 1498, George, the third son, having renounced his claim to the estates. The fourth Lord Lindsay of the Byres must have been of advanced age when Meldrum entered his service. He was a celebrated advocate, famous for having legally defended his brother David, the second Lord Lindsay, when charged with treason, after the battle of Sauchieburn, 1488. For his boldness he suffered imprisonment himself on the Isle of Bute for a year. He witnessed the marriage settlement of James IV. and Margaret Tudor, 1503 ; received a licence to proceed to Rome, 1508 ; again became famous for the advice he gave to James IV. before Flodden, I5I3< James vowing to hang him on his own gates after the battle was won ; appointed a member of the Council to assist the queen-mother, December 1, 1513 ; received the Sheriffdom of Fife, 1514, and fought with the Earl of Rothes at Edinburgh, June 17, 1518, over the vexed question of the Sheriffdom of Fife, which the Rothes family also claimed. This dispute was not settled until 1575, when the Lindsays resigned all claim to the office [MSS. of the Right Honourable Henrietta, Countess of Rothes. Hist. MSS. Com., IV. 498-502]. 1525. And lang time did with him remane. Patrick, fourth Lord Lindsay of the Byres, died in 1516. There are no records to verify Lindsay’s statement. It is very probable that as Meldrum became deputy- sheriff of Fife in 1522 [vide records of Meldrum at the head of these notes] the association with Lord Lindsay was close. See lines 1536-40, 5189-90. Lindsay says that Meldrum died at the Struther, the home of the Lords Lindsay, line 1589. 1527-28. Cf. Proverbs xiii. 20, " He that walketh with wise men shall be wise.” NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF SQUYER MELDRUM 225

1529. He : Meldrum.

1530. In Flanderis, France, and in Ingland. See note to line 58.

1559-60. The Sonday Precedand to Aschwednisday. Ash Wednesday is the first day of Lent. The Sunday preceding is Quinquagesima. It seems impossible to associate this particular day with either Meldrum’s first meeting with Lady Gleneagles, which we are told was in May, or with the attack made on him by Sir John Stirling, which must have been at the end of April or in May 1517. The feast was probably developed from the normal pre-Lent feasting. 1562. Flam : Flan, Flawn. A kind of custard or cheese-cake ; also a pancake. O.F. flaon.

1563. Bran and Geill. See note to line 887.

1564. Ipocras : Hippocras, a spiced wine, passed through a bag called “ Hippocrates’ sleeve ” or “ bag.” Hippocrates, a Greek physician and philosopher, born 460 b.c., date of death unknown, is supposed to have invented the method of making this wine. The form Ipocras, Ypocras, is Chaucerian.

1572. Wald neuer he weddit to ane wyfe. This is reliable authority.

1589-90. The records reprinted as documents for the biography of Meldrum at the head of these notes prove that Meldrum continued to live at the Struther during the lifetime of John, fifth Lord Lindsay of the Byres, grandson of Patrick, fourth Lord Lindsay of the Byres. See items Nos. 17, 18, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29. In The Testament, 23, Meldrum calls John, Lord Lindsay, his “ maister special,” and in lines 204-10 bids farewell to Lord Lindsay and Lord Lindsay’s children, two of whom, Patrick and Norman, he names, but also mentions their sisters, though not individually.

XII.

The Testament of Squyer Meldrum.

Commentary : The Testament of Squyer Meldrum is an example of the mock testament in verse, popular in France, and to a lesser extent in Scotland, but rare in England. French examples will be found in Montaiglon, Recueil de Poesies franfaises des XVe et XVIe siicles, Paris, 1855. etc., 13 vols. All descend from Villon, Le Petit Testament and Le Grand Testament. Cf. A. Campaux, Franfois Villon, sa vie et ses oeuvres, Paris, 1859, for Villon’s predecessors. 226 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Lindsay had previously used the mock testament in The Testament and Complaynt of the Papyngo. Both poems employ the typical material of the lover’s testament, but in the Papyngo priority of interest is given to satire. In The Testament of Squyer Meldrum there is no satire. The poem is partly a lover’s testament, recalling the Squyer’s luckless adventures in the service of Venus, and celebrating his ladies, but it is also a knight’s testament, and the Squyer’s devotion to Mars is remembered. He is, in fact, buried as a great warrior rather than a great lover, although the priests of Venus are commanded to take charge of the funeral service. The Squyer’s gift for social intercourse is celebrated in the symbols of Mercury. In arranging for his burial as a warrior Meldrum, or Lindsay, rejects part of the courtly love convention for the sake of verisimilitude, and because he wishes to be remembered as a fighter first and lover second. This is in keeping with the motif of The Historie of Squyer Meldrum. Cf. G. Kitchin, A Survey of Burlesque and Parody in English, Edin- burgh, 1931, and Janet M. Smith, The French Background of Middle Scots Literature, Edinburgh, 1934, pp. 133-136. Both these writers appear to have misunderstood Lindsay’s intentions.

Additional Emendation : Line 153. For darks read clark[i]s.

1-4. Job. There are many descriptions in Job of the shortness of man’s life. The nearest is the description by Zophar the Naamathite, Job xx. 8, " He shall fly away as a dream.” The most famous is in Job xiv. 1-2, “ Man that is born of a woman is of few days, and full of trouble. a. He cometh forth like a flower, and is cut down : he fleeth also as a shadow, and continueth not.”

22. Dauid, Erll of Craufuird. The eighth (f 1542) and ninth (f 1558) Earls of Crawford were named David. The latter is intended. He was the son of Walter Lindsay of Edzell, slain at Flodden, 1513, and was descended from David, third Earl of Crawford (f 1445-46). On the death of David, eighth Earl of Crawford, in 1542, the succession to the title passed out of the main line, because Alexander, only son of the eighth earl, known as “ The Wicked Master,” had been found guilty of constructive parricide, and, as he had died at Dunbar in 1541, his own son David being debarred from the title, David, son of Walter Lindsay of Edzell, assumed the title, being the next heir male. He was charged with complicity in the murder of Beaton, but was acquitted July 15, 1547. He was twice married : (1) Janet, daughter of the third Lord Grey, and widow of the second Lord Lovat; (2) Katherine, daughter of Sir John Campbell, and widow of James, Master of Ogilvie, by whom he had five sons and two daughters. The ninth earl also brought up David, son of “ The Wicked Master,” and grandson of the eighth earl, and obtained the consent of the Crown for the title to revert to the main branch. On his death in 1538, therefore, David, son of “ The Wicked Master," became tenth earl.

23. lohne, Lord Lindesay, my maister special. See note to line 205. NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF SQUYER MELDRUM 227

26. Sir Walter Lindsay of Torphichen. Pitscottie, I. 277, calls Sir Walter Lindsay of Torphichen " ane nobill and potent lord . . . who was weill besene and practissit baitht in Itallie and had fouchtin oft tymes against the Turkis in defence of the Christeane men in cumpanie witht the lord of the Rodis [Rhodes], and thair he was maid knycht for wallie^and actis and thairefter come in Scotland and seruit our king and had greit credit witht him.” When the king placed the Earl of Huntly in command of 10,000 men for the 1542 campaign, he appointed Sir Walter Lindsay as his adviser and commander of the vanguard, and when the 3000 English under Sir Robert Bowes, accompanied by the Earl of Angus and Sir George Douglas, marched into Teviotdale and threatened Jedburgh, Huntly, on Sir Walter’s advice, attacked them at Haddering, and defeated them, August 1542. Torphichen is in Linlithgowshire, about two and a half miles north- north-west of Bathgate, and four miles south of Linlithgow. In 1476 Pierre d’Aubusson was elected Grand Master of the Knights of St John of Jerusalem, and under his leadership the Turkish attacks on Rhodes in June 1480 were defeated. In 1503 d’Aubusson was succeeded by Aymar d’Amboise, who directed a long series of naval battles against the Turks. In 1521 Philippe de Villiers de ITsle d’Adam was elected Grand Master, just before the great attack on Rhodes made by Suleiman the Magnificent in 1522, in the defence of which Sir Walter must have played a part. This time the Knights were deserted by the European powers, and were compelled to capitulate, withdrawing with the honours of war to Candia. Philippe de Villiers tried to get the emperor to assist in recovering Rhodes, but the latter handed over to the Knights the island of Malta instead, together with the fortress of Tripoli. The Reformation split the Order into Catholic and Protestant sections. The English Knights declined to accept the new order of things in England, and their estates were confiscated by Henry VIII. Their great priory church at Clerkenwell was almost wholly destroyed by the protector Somerset, who used the materials for building his palace in the Strand, the gateway spanning St John Street being the only portion of the priory now remaining. In Scotland the head- quarters of the Order were at Torphichen, and this was surrendered in 1547 by the preceptor. Sir James Sandilands of Calder, who was created Lord Sandilands ; and as Lord of St John, having had precedence of the Scottish barons, he retained this right after his ennoblement. The parish church of Torphichen is built on the site of the nave of the old preceptory, but the ruins of the transept and part of the choir are still to be seen. Sir James Sandilands, first Lord Torphichen, was a reformer and a friend of Knox. Chalmers, II. 309, quotes Menteith, Theatre of Mortality (1719), to the effect that a monument in the parish church of Torphichen gives the date of Sir Walter’s death as 1538, " Walterus Lindsay, Justiciarius Generalis de Scotland, et Principalis Praeceptor Torphichensis, 1538,” rept. Sibbald, History of Linlithgowshire, 25. “ This, then,” says Chalmers, “ was of Squyer Meldrum the third executor, who died, in 1538, if we may believe his tombstone.” Laing also accepts this as authoritative. Sir Walter, however, lived on till 1547. The MSS. of the Earl of Home, Historical Manuscripts Commission, XII. viii. 159, record him 228 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

as witness to a contract relating to lands between George, Lord Hume, and John, Lord Lindsay of the Byres, dated Edinburgh, February 28, 1545-46. The MSS. of the Right Honourable Lord Torphichen at Calder House, descended from Sir James Sandilands, contain a series of papers dealing with the history of the Order in Scotland. In 1540 Sir James Sandilands had Royal licence to proceed to Malta to interview the Master of the House of Rhodes in order to obtain possession of the Preceptory of Torphichen in anticipation of the resignation of Sir Walter Lindsay. In 1541 Sir James received from the Grand Master a nomination to the “ ancianitas," or right of expectation of the preceptory, on its becoming vacant. This was confirmed by Pope Paul III. [Historical MSS. Commission, Second Report, 196, which adds, “ In 1547 Sir James became Preceptor on the death of Sir Walter Lindsay, and his presentation was confirmed by the Pope.”] There is here a difficulty, for Lindsay speaks of Sir Walter as still alive in 1550. It would have been impossible for Meldrum to appoint as executor a man who was dead. I think, therefore, that either Sir Walter must have resigned the preceptorship in 1547, or else Sir James Sandilands had received the assurance that he would be elected preceptor after the death of Sir Walter. Both things may have happened, in fact. Sir Walter may have resigned from active work, while Sir James acted as his deputy, and was promised the preceptorship on Sir Walter’s death. I do not think we are entitled either to assume that the poem was written before Meldrum’s death, or after Sir Walter’s, if this took place in 1547, on account of Lindsay’s honesty in historical fact. The report just quoted from does not reproduce the documents. I assume therefore that Sir Walter Lindsay was not dead when the poem was written. The alternative is that we are to assume that Meldrum’s Testament was written before 1547, and that it named Sir Walter as one of the executors. We can then allow that Sir Walter died in 1547, but another executor cannot have been chosen.

33. Intill his Court. There is no recognition here of purgatory and hell, indicating that Lindsay and Meldrum were now full-blooded Pro- testants.

44. See note to Historic, 69.

50-56. Pinkerton, I. 207, " St viii. This part is merely poetical.” It is, however, interesting to note the process of embalming, and, in lines 57-58, the practice of "heart-burial.” Cf. Papyngo, 1118-1121, where the Papyngo bequeaths her heart to the king. The practice was not unknown in Scotland, as the story of Bruce’s heart proves.

64. Mars, Uenus, and Mercurious. Mars bestowed on him courage and ability in war and single combat; Venus the ability to love and the love of women ; and Mercury the gift of talk. To each of these planet- gods is devoted a stanza.

71. Bellical. Warlike. Cf. Douglas, SEneis, VII. xi. 54, " Itale Now brinis into fury bellicale.” NOTES TO THE TESTAMENT OF SQUYER MELDRUM 22g

76. Mars, the God Armipotent. See note to Historie, 390.

107. See note to Historie, 384.

111. My basnet. Basinet, basnet, a light headpiece.

117. Ane lonet. Jennet, a small Spanish horse. F. genet.

119. Coit armour. Coat armour; a vest embroidered with heraldic devices, and worn by knights over their armour.

120. My Corspresent. Corse present; a gift due to the clergy at the funeral of a householder, made from his goods. It was brought with the corpse to the church. In Ane Satyre Lindsay speaks vehemently against the practice, for the clergy were known to refuse burial to the dead of the very poor who could not afford the gift.

153. Venus chapel darks. Read clark[i]s. In Dunbar’s The Goldyn Targe, 21, the clerks of Venus are the birds. Cf. also Montgomerie, The Cherie and the Slae, 103-4 ; Hume, Of the Day Estivall, Bannatyne Club edn., pp. 13-14.

182. There should be a period after “ bellis.’’

187-88. Phebus, the sun, is described as “ full euin,” because in the old system of the seven planets he was accorded the middle or fourth place. See diagram of the universe according to Lindsay, The Dreme, notes to lines 386-488. Mars was the fifth planet from the earth.

196. For another description of funeral arrangements, see Early English Treatises and Poems on Education, Precedence, and Manners, Part I., pp. 32-34, quoted in Dunbar, Poems, S.T.S., notes, IV. 113-14. Funeral arrangements are burlesqued by Lindsay in The Papyngo, 1088-1145.

205. Lord Lindsay. John, fifth Lord Lindsay of the Byres, who died in 1563. He was the son of Sir John Lindsay of Pitcruvie, Master of Lindsay, who died in 1525 in the lifetime of his father, Patrick, fourth Lord Lindsay of the Byres (f 1526). Sir John married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Robert Lundie of Balgonie, and had three sons, John, fifth Lord Lindsay; Patrick Lindsay of Kirkforthar; and David Lindsay of Kirkforthar, ancestor of the seventh and eighth Lords Lindsay. John, fifth Lord Lindsay, succeeded to his grandfather’s estates and title in 1526. He succeeded to the sherifidom of Fife in 1526 ; was elected a Lord of Session, 1532 ; was present at the death of James V. in Falkland Castle, 1542 ; and was one of the four nobles appointed to the charge of the infant Queen Mary, 1543. He became a Privy Councillor in 1545, and in 1547 was charged with complicity in the murder of Cardinal Beaton, but was acquitted. He played an important part in the fighting to overthrow the old church. He was sent by Mary VOL. III. Q 230 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY with the Earl Marshal to treat with the congregation, and secured peace at Cupar Moor, 1559. He was present at the battle of Corrichie, 1562, and died in 1563. He married Helen, daughter of John Stuart, second Earl of Atholl, she marrying, secondly, 1563, Thomas Moncur, and died in 1577. By his wife, whom Lindsay mentions in line 207, he had three sons, one of whom had died long before this poem was written, and seven daughters. The eldest son, Patrick, whom Lindsay mentions in line 208, succeeded his father as sixth Lord Lindsay of the Byres. He was a noted reformer, and lord of the congregation. He was one of the murderers of Rizzio, and obtained fame for his challenge of Bothwell at Carberry Hill. He married Euphemia, daughter of Sir Robert Douglas of Lochleven, she being one of the seven beautiful sisters known as the Seven Fair Porches of Lochleven, and died on December 11, 1589. The second son, John, died in France before 1526. The third son, Norman, mentioned by Lindsay in line 208, obtained estates in Kil- quhiss. He married, firstly, Isobel Lundie, who died in 1574; and secondly, Martha Fernie, and died before 1589, in the lifetime of his elder brother, after whose death the title went to the Lindsays of Kirkforthar. Lindsay mentions the sisters of Patrick and Norman Lindsay, but not by name. These were : (1) Isabel, who married, firstly, Norman Leslie, Master of Rothes, the principal in the murder of Cardinal Beaton, May 29, 1546. After the murder he was attainted, and fled to France, where he died of wounds received at the battle of Reute, near Cambrai, 1554. Isabel married, secondly, 1554, William Christisson ; and thirdly, John Innes of Leuchars. (2) Janet, died April 8, 1565, who married Henry, Master of Sinclair. (3) Margaret, who married David, son of Cardinal Beaton. (4) Marie, who married William Ballingall. (5) Helen, who married Thomas Fotheringham. (6) Catherine, who married Thomas Myreton of Cambo. (7) Elizabeth, who married, 1563, David Kinnear of Kinnear. It must be understood that the title “ Maister ” [208] does not imply minority as in England. It is a title applied in Scotland to the eldest son of a Scottish peer below the rank of earl, during his father’s lifetime, and is usually identical with the baronial title of the family, as Sir John Lindsay, Master of Lindsay ; Norman Leslie, Master of Rothes, son of the Earl of Rothes ; Alexander Lindsay, Master of Crawford, son of David, eighth Earl of Crawford.

211. The fair Ladies of France. Ci. Historic, 685-go.

216. Of Londoun, than, the lustie ladies cleir. Cf. Historic, 88.

218. Of Craigfergus my day is darling. Cf. Historie, 89-212.

230. Sterne of Stratherne : Star of Stratherne. Cf. Historie, 849-1480, 1557-72- 244. Sir Curat: Sir Priest. The title “ Sir ” was applied to priests in the Middle Ages in Scotland, as " Dan ” in England. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 231

245. Crysme : Chrism. Oil mixed with balm, consecrated for use in certain sacraments; sacramental anointing used in the extreme unction.

246- 253. Macaronic verse.

247- 249. In manus tuas . . . quia redemisti me. Cf. Psalm xxx. 6 (Vulgate), " In manus tuas commendo spiritum meum ; redemisti me, Domine, Deus veritatis.”

250. Fra Syn Resurrexisti me. Not traced.

252. With Sapience docuisti me. Not traced. Cf. Proverbs iv. n, " Viam sapientiae monstrabo tibi,” Isaiah xxviii. 9, “ Quern docebit scientiam ? ” Psalm cxviii. 66 {Vulgate), " et scientiam doce me.”

XIII.

Ane Dialog betuix Experience and Ane Courteour (The Monarche)

Text : I. 198-386.

Provenance : Bodley, Art 40. L. 7, except Sigs. L3-L6 [11. 3770-3996] from Bodley, Tanner 810.

Corrections : 20 Cunnyg ; 24 wes ; 97 premyssis ; 114 recompance ; 142 resplendent; 177 notht; 300 Imto ; 358 Soune ; 359 Thyng ; 412 defynit; 456 1554 inserts speaker’s name in margin, “ Expedience]," but there seems to be no division of speeches in lines 434-55 ; 685 heuinms ; 878 bebait; 1047 sull; 1152 Cnrst; 1343 1554 inserts speaker’s name “ Expedience] ” incorrectly at 1343 instead of at 1341 ; 1558 dissogysit; 1682 Contraye ; 1700 groune ; 1754 IFNIS ; 1754 subtitle Dynersitie ; 1773 wos ; 1832 command ; 1872 the the fyre ; 1944 1554 inserts in margin the speaker’s name “ Cour[tiour] ” ; 2037 defende ; 2078 Gaspia 12127 1554 inserts speaker’s name “ Expedience] ” incorrectly at 2128 ; 2216 menuis ; 2297 Rochoe ; 2363 Rochee ; 2432 saxin ; 2433 thescripture ; 2539 vsit; 2606 faihfull; 2616 refusit; 2646 abutionn; 2737 1554 places {[ opposite line 2738 ; 2738 Qhen; 2742 1554 inserts in margin " Expedience] ” ; 2759 notht; 2787 1554 omits ); 2896 Twell; 2954 fane • 299I Alkynde ; 3016 myned ; 3029 Ethesias; 3127 Apnoe; 3143 trumpettissound; 3151 Qff; 3186 krake; 3331 seue; 3421 Douctheris; 3423 Douctheris; 3437 Douctheris; 3481 Indee; 3527 regorouslyie; 3856 Quhareforsall; 4336 norman; 4535 Qhowbeid; 4813 1554 omits ); 4822 ihare ; 5043 232 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY satyfie; 5074 remenbrance ; 5172 1554 omits (; 5201 souchtout; 5253 subtitle Remenbrance; 5254 1554 omits (; 5430 Monc ; 5625 mummer ; 5798 Lawitmen ; 5952 ?is ; 5970 cosolatioun. 1616. The subtitle and ornaments occupy the lower half of the page [E7b]. In 1554 there are five lines of ornaments ; only two lines are here reproduced. 4973. At the foot of this page [N8b] in 1554 appears the woodcut block portraying “ Hercules and the Centaur,” John Scot’s device.

Additional Emendations : Further study of the text suggests the following emendations in square brackets. Reasons are given in the notes. 761. God patt in Adam sic Sopour [Sopour replacing Sapour] 1402. Of Femaill and of Maill [Femaill replacing Fameill] 1442. Fifteine Cubitis rose the see [Fifteine replacing Fifty] 1476. Nor [^it] the flude no more ascendit 1736. Fyue mylis and ane half in hycht [Fyue replacing Sax] 1774. Code send thame Languagis three score [score replacing schore] 1841. Quhen mennis memberris sufferis calde [sufferis replacing sufferit] 1870. Quhose Ring induris [for] euermore ! 1911. Off famous Sculis the [gret] Doctryne 2636. Off all prayer[is] this bene the principall [prayer[is] replacing prayer] 2839. And mycht nocht lenth his lyfe one houre [And replacing Any] 3220. [And] sum sayis, for hir Adultrie 3597 title. Monarcheis [replacing Monarche] 3630. And, efter that Cyrus wes dede [Cyrus replacing Cerus] 3874. Thocht [he] be his gret power diuyne 3934. Than Joseph of Aramathie [replacing Abaramathie] 4465. Transfer this line to Courteour, to conclude the speech given to him in lines 4463-4464, repunctuating line 4464 to end with a comma, and 4465 to end with an interrogation mark. 4509. Alewin hundreth and sewin and- sevintie [replacing sax and fyftie] 4692. To preche on tyll [his] perrochioun 5514. Sail luge boith quik and dede also [replacing dede and quik] 6110. Quhilk passis Naturall reasoun to Indyte [passis replacing passit] 6214. Thair spousis, bairnis, [thare] syster, & thare brother 6264. And clengit frome cure gret Calamiteis [cure replacing thir] 6268. Of this fals warld the trublis transitory [replacing trublus] 6280. And ryuis thame from thare rent, ryches, & ringis [ryuis replacing rauis] 6309. The dew now dounkis the rosis redolent [rosis replacing rossis] 6312. The blysfull byrdis [now] bownis to the treis 6327. Tak pacience (said he) it mon be so [mon replacing mone] In addition, many of the readings (Lambeth MS., 332) given in the next section deserve careful study. A small number of corrections to marginal references are given in the notes. In the notes the readings NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 233 of the MS. have been given in the spelling of 1554 to avoid confusion. The MS. offers additional lines as follows : (1) fourteen lines after line 5363, (2) two lines after 5891. It omits lines 2849-2850 and 4265-4266.

Lambeth MS. 332. This MS., which seems to have been in Lambeth Palace Library since the seventeenth, if not the sixteenth, century, offers a text of The Monarche only, and is dated 1556, the date of transcription. It is not, however, a transcript of 1554, and offers a number of readings which could be used to improve Scot’s printed text. The list of variants given below is by no means complete : it is purely a selection. I have not recorded readings in the MS. which are obviously incorrect, except for reasons, usually of prosody, which will be readily apparent. Some of the features of the MS., in so far as spellings are concerned, are as follows. Where 1554 uses geue, gaue, L uses gyf, gyff, gif almost invariably ; the MS. uses Fader, broder, where Scot uses father, brother ; similarly it uses erd, erdlie, where Scot uses erth, erthlie. Where Scot uses abusioun, abatement, aboundantly, without the false initial h, the MS. inserts it. Where Scot uses the forms flammis, fiammand, and slummer, the MS. uses flambis, flamband, and slumber. The MS. tries to distinguish between third singulars in -is and -ith, and where the printed text uses the latter the MS. uses the former, unless the ending is required prosodically. Thus, while the MS. changes monosyllabic doith, makith, dwellith, to dois, makis, dwellis, because these endings have no syllabic value, it carefully changes langis [1594] to langith, wryttis [3190, et freq.] to writith, schawis [3587] to schawith, causis [4929] to causith, and in other cases. It also rejects the false plural noun endings, -iance, ience, as in Archadience, Romance, for the regular plural spellings, Archadianis, Romanis. Frequently, but by no means invariably, it changes present participles in -yng, -ing, back to -and, but has a number of lapses when it changes -and to -yng. It rejects fruct for frute, saif for sauf, aboue for abufe, leifsum for lesum, eais for eiss, quhare for quhair, quhen for quhan, waiter for matter, and poulder for powder. It uses the form Cayam for Cayn, a form which occurs only once in 1554 [1951], and also prefers Nembroth to Nemrod. In all the differences the influence of the printer of 1554 may be seen. Another important feature of the MS. is that it rejects syllabic plural noun-endings within the line, e.g. :— 6214. 1554 Thair spousis, bairnis [dissyllabic], syster, & thare brother L Thair spousis, bairnis [monosyllabic], thair sister & thair broder. This is quite in keeping with Middle Scots metric, and there are several examples of this. The exceptions are, of course, those cases where the natural pronunciation of the plural noun requires a syllabic ending, as in Peirsis. The last feature is that the MS. frequently gives couples in the reverse order, e.g. :— 1938. 1554 Ciuill and Cannoun : L cannoun and ciuill 2079. 1554 Affrica and Asia : L Asia and Affrica 234 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

2486. 1554 reik and rowst: L roust and reik 4475. 1554 teche and preche : L preche and teche 5514. 1554 dede and quik : L quik and dede [correct] The MS., however, sometimes transposes words, particularly in lists, in two consecutive lines, and in doing so spoils alliteration : 3458. 1554 Quhow Ceteis, Castellis, Tounis, and Towris, Uillagis, Bastail^eis, and Bowris. L Quhow Ceteis, Bastil^eis, Tounis, and Towris, Uillagis, Casiljeis, Tounis, and Towris. 6263. 1554 To se ws fred frome our Infirmiteis, And clengit frome thir gret Calamiteis L To se ws fred frome our Calamiteis And clengit frome cure [gret] Infirmiteis In the latter instance there is something to be said for the change. In these two quotations there is no attempt to reproduce the couplets in the spelling of the MS. On the whole, therefore, the MS. is to be treated with respect, but it has more errors (omissions of words, changes of prepositions, and incorrect readings) than it should have, and thus, in my opinion, cannot supersede 1554, though it may be used to patch up the deficiencies of the printed text. It contains no speakers’ names, and omits the word Finis from the conclusions of the various sections and subsections of the poem. In general arrangement it seems to be nearer the state in which the poem left the author and passed into circulation. At the same time I do not think it possible to detect which version, 1554 or L, contains Lindsay’s corrections. The Epistil to the Redar. L omits 7. 1554 at the : L the at 94-95. 1554 Than neid thai not to charge the realme of France With Gounnis, Galayis, nor vther Ordinance L Than neid you nocht to dreid the greit outtrance Ofi Innemyis with aufull ordinance 122. 1554 doith thair mynd : L thair myndis dois 172. 1554 none : L nocht [probably correct] 173. 1554 Hemispeir : L Hevinsprie 175. 1554 Phebus : L Venus [incorrect] 244. 1554 al maner of thing : L al maner thyng [probably correct] 270. 1554 thay war : L thai be 278. 1554 Longeous : L Longenus 293. 1554 O Lorde : L gude lorde 423. 1554 weir : L weiris [probably correct] 505. 1554 maid: Z. fand 560. 1554 vulgare : L naturall [possibly correct] 638. 1554 Nocht knawyng quhat the preist dois sing nor say L Nocht vnderstanding quhat thai sing nor say 669. 1554 sayng : L sayingis [probably correct] 701. 1554 best: L beistis [probably correct] 731. 1554 prouience : L sapience 732. 1554 byrdis : L foullis NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 235

738. 1554 warldlis : L warldis 772. 1554 Thow art my flesche, my bonis, and blude L Thow art my bonis, flesche, and blude 93°- 1554 And eit of it, to that intent L And eit of it incontinent 964. 1554 in tyll Oratrye : L in his Oratrye 1016. 1554 continuall: L perpetuall 1042. 1554 commoun Law : L cannoun law 1060. 1554 subiectit: L subiect [probably correct] 1259. 1554 with : L in I3I3- 1554 Quhilk : L Than I37°- 1554 within : L baith in 1476. 1554 Nor the flude : L Nor jit the flude [correct] 1525- 1554 wes so fair : so fair wes 1723-1724. 1554 So gret one strenth wes neuir sene. In to the warld, with mennis eine. L So gret one strenth with mennis ene In to the warld was neuer sene 1736. 1554 Sax : L Five [correct] 1754 title. L adds quahir throw he stopit the beildyng of Babilone 1787. 1554 fand : L thocht 1807. 1554 Schir : L Fader 1841. 1554 sufferit: L sufferis [correct] 1847. 1554 thare wes none : L thai had small 1870. 1554 euermore : L for euermore [correct] 1882. 1554 story : L scripture 1888 title. 1554 began the first weris, and straik the first Battell. L began the first battell with ane schort discriptioun of the four Monarcheis 1911. 1554 the Doctryne : L the gret doctryne [correct] 1938. 1554 Ciuill and Cannoun : L cannoun and ciuill 1984. 1554 say : L schaw 2061. 1554 As : L And 2079. 1554 Aifrica and Asia : L Asia and Affrica 2082. 1554 we : L je 2091. 1554 figour : L image 2167. 1554 as we reid : L and his seid [possibly correct] 2356. 1554 luffis : L wivis 2359- 1554 commoun : L commonis [possibly correct] 2376. 1554 thonder : L thunderis [probably correct] 2486. 1554 reik and rowst: L roust and reik 2636. 1554 prayer : L prayeris [correct] 2745. 1554 For the agmentyng : L And for agmenting [possibly correct] 2794. 1554 War all tyll hym : L Till him war all 2849-2850. L omits 2922. 1554 Diodore hes : L my autour haith 2927. 1554 Bryggis : L Bargis [probably correct] 2974. 1554 quyetlye : L quicklie [probably incorrect] 3017. 1554 be there selfis : L be thame selfis [probably correct] 236 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

3137. 1554 manfullye : L manifestlie 3157. 1554 He : L omits 3220. 1554 Sum sayis : L And sum sayis [correct] 3458. 1554 Castellis : L Bastiljeis [incorrect: spoils alliteration] 3459. 1554 Bastailjeis : L Castiljeis [incorrect: spoils alliteration] 3488. 1554 wyfe : L life [probably correct] 3597 title. 1554 Monarche : L Monarcheis [correct] 3605. 1554 Pers or Mede : L Mede or Pers 3630. 1554 Cerus : L Cyrus [correct] 3650. 1554 this : L the 3817. 1554 thre score and ten $eris : L thre score of ^eiris [see note] 3874. 1554 Thocht be : L Thocht he be [correct] 4012. 1554 thay sail: L sail thai [probably correct] 4036. 1554 tak and slay : L tak or slay [probably correct] 4233. 1554 clene : L quite 4244 title. 1554 fyft Spirituall, And Papall Monarchic : L Fyft and Spirituall Monarchic 4265-4266. L omits 4314. 1554 Empriour : Empriouris 4416. 1554 bowit: L levit 4475. 1554 teche and preche : L preche and teche 4540. 1554 plesoure : L plesouris 4646. 1554 to so gret pyne : L to sic ruwyne 4669. 1554 All Monkrye : L Channonis, Monkis 4692. 1554 on tyll perrochioun : L vnto his parrochin [correct] 4742 title. 1554 Discriptioun of the court of Rome : L Discriptioun of Rome 4845. 1554 thare hartis thay suld : L thai suld thair hartis 4973 title. L omits from Antichrist to the end 5003. L omits gret 5363. L inserts fourteen lines : see notes 5368-5369. 1554 And Christ hym callis, in his geif, Moste lyke ane murdrer, or ane theif. L Christ sayis thaX mirror of myscheif Is like ane murderer or ane theif 5370. 1554 cunnyng : L holy 5514. 1554 dede and quik : L quik and dede [correct] 5564. 1554 doith concludyng haill: L dois conclude in 5687. 1554 Renuncit : L Refusit 5716-5717. L transposes this couplet 5834. 1554 Ladyis : L wedowis [possibly correct] 5891. L inserts a couplet : Cure paipis bischopis and cardinallis With thair most pretius aparallis 5980. 1554 precelland : L excellent 6090. 1554 Intend : L pretend [possibly correct] 6110. 1554 passit: L passis [correct] 6152. 1554 the dampnit: L that dampnit [possibly correct] 6179. 1554 thay sail: L that thai [probably correct] NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 237

6214. 1554 bairnis [dissyllabic], syster: L bairnis [monosyllabic], thair sister [correct] 6238. 1554 Lat ws, O Lorde, be purgit with that blude. L To saif mankynde and so I do conclude 6238-6239. Between these two stanzas L inserts the heading Quhow euery creature desiris to se the last day [probably correct] 6263. 1554 Infirmiteis : L Calamiteis [incorrect: spoils alliteration] 6264. 1554 this gret: L cure [gret] [correct] 6264. 1554 Calamiteis : L Infirmiteis [incorrect: spoils alliteration] 6312. 1554 byrdis bownis : L byrdis now bownis [correct] 6315. 1554 the : L and

Date : The date of composition cannot be accurately ascertained, but the poem belongs to the later years of Lindsay’s life. The earliest printed edition bears on Rib the date " 1552," but an internal calculation occupying lines 5301-03 gives the date 1553 : Fyue thousand, fyue hundreth, thre, & fyftye. And so remanis to cum, but weir, Four hundreth, with sewin and fourtye ^eir. The earliest manuscript, Lambeth Palace MS. 332, also contains this calculation {vide Bibliography). If Lindsay's calculation is correct, then the colophonic date in 1554 must be either a mistake or a deliberate misdating. Other internal evidence helps but little. There is no king in Scotland [line 10], dating the poem post 1542 ; " our Quene, of Scotland Heretour, Sche dwellith in France ” [12-13], gives a date after April 1548 for the Epistil; line 26 refers to “ lames, our Prince, and Protectour,” James Hamilton, Earl of Arran and Earl of Chatelherault, who resigned the governorship on April 10, 1554, which gives us a second safe posterior date. The earliest date is not discoverable. In the Bibliography under Manuscripts I discuss the variant reading for lines 94-95, and suggest that Lindsay may have been at work on the poem as early as 1548, but in this I am anticipated to a certain extent by Chalmers, III. 179, who states that the allusion in 1554 to the borrowing from France of guns and galleys is an allusion " to the campaigns of 1548, and 1549, when the French auxiliaries fought the battles of Scotland against England.” There is no external evidence to indicate the date of composition beyond that the poem must have been complete before Lindsay’s death in April 1555. But Lindsay made use of the following work published in 1546: An Abridgement of the notable worke of Polidore Virgile conteignyng the deuisers and fyrst fynders out as well of Artes, Minimries, Feactes and ciuil ordinances, as of Rites, and Ceremonies, commonly vsed in the churche. . . . Compendiously gathered by Thomas Langley. Imprinted at London within the precincte of the late dissolued house of the Grey Friars, by Richarde Grafton Printer to the Princis grace, the .xxv. daie of lanuarie, the yere of Cure Lorde, M.D.XLVI. [See note to line 5146-57.] Lindsay here has not only borrowed the general facts but actual words, and it is clear that he made use of this English 238 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY translation of Polydore Virgil’s De Inventoribus Rerum. This then gives us the anterior date of 1546-47 for the later part of the poem. Lindsay also made use of Walter Lynne’s English translation of Johann Carion’s Chronica. The translation appeared in 1550, and was used, with other authorities, in the latter half of the poem. The details are discussed in the next section of these notes, under " Dissertation.” Chalmers, I. 79, dated the poem 1553, basing this date on the internal calculation in lines 5301-03, and supporting it, I. 80, by the date of Arran’s resignation from the regency, April 10, 1554. In a footnote, I. 80, Chalmers says, in his discussion of the internal calculation, that " this genuine statement evinces, that Lyndsay thought [of] the year 1553 as bygone, when he was finishing his last, and greatest work of The Monarchic.” Cf. lines 5300-01 : Off quhilkis ar by gone, sickirlye, Fyue thousand, fyue hundreth, thre, & fyftye. As the poem must have been finished before April 10, 1554, and the poet still had over 1100 lines to write, discounting the 299 lines of the Epistil, which was probably written last of all, the point is a delicate one, since we do not know at what speed Lindsay composed his verses. He may also have regarded 1553 as over, though it was not quite so. At all events we must allow that the lines were written either towards the close of 1553 [N.S.], or in the early part of 1554 [N.S.], certainly before April 10, 1554 [N.S.]. The matter, however, becomes complicated when we remember that Lindsay’s year probably closed on March 25, not on December 31, in which case either the internal calculation becomes unreliable, or Lindsay regarded Arran as still regent after April 10, 1554, for it is most improbable that the 1100 lines were written between March 26 and April 10, 1554. The alternative is, however, untenable, for Marie de Lorraine succeeded Arran as regent on April 12, 1554. The same confusion of calendars may explain John Scot's date of 1552. If Lindsay completed his poem between January 1 and March 25, 1552-53, he could still give the year 1553 in his internal calculation, by modernising his calendar, while if Scot printed it within the same period he could still give the old style date 1552 quite correctly. Poet and printer could thus be both correct in their dates, but we should have to allow the meaning of lines 5300-51 as written in anticipation of the year 1553 running out before the poem was issued, or of Lindsay regarding the closing months of that year as already past and gone. The latter is probably the safest decision. Laing added nothing to Chalmers's discussion. Dissertation : Albrecht Lange, Lyndesay's Monarche und die Chronica Carionis [Giessen], Halle: Karras: 1904. Lange demonstrates Lindsay’s use of the Chronica Carionis, but finds more material than the evidence warrants. While acknowledging [p, 4] Lindsay’s use of other sources, Lange claims that the Chronica was the general source of The Monarche, and gives his claim the fullest treatment. Many of the more general parallels are, however, common to other works. The method of dividing world chronology into ages NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 239 was already old in Lindsay’s day : and the fact that both works contain dedications to governors is no proof that Lindsay used Carion’s work. Lindsay acknowledges the authority of Carion five times : [3521] As comptit Carione, full ewin. [3616] Carione at lenth doith specific. [3621] As in to Carione thow may reid. [4506] Quhow Carion wryttis, in his buke. [5286] As cunnyng Maister Carioun Hes maid plane expositioun. The debt is not acknowledged until the second half of the poem, and since Lindsay’s practice throughout is to acknowledge most generously his individual authorities, we must surmise that he did not begin to use the Chronica Carionis until his work was well advanced. Carion’s history appeared in German in 1532 : Chronica durch Magis- trum Johan Carion vleissig zusamen gezogen, meniglich niitzlich zu lesen : Wittenberg : Georg Rhaw : 1532. It was soon translated into Latin [1537], French [1553], Spanish, and English [1550]. The English version, prepared from the Latin by Walter Lynne, appeared in 1550 : Johann Carioun : The thre bokes of Cronicles . . . Whereunto is added an appendix, conteyning all such notable thynges as be mentyoned in Cronicles to haue chaunced in sundry partes of the worlde, from the yeare of Christ 1532, to thys present yeare of 1550, gathered by J. Funcke of Nuremborough ; translated from the Latin by Walter Lynne : London : [John Day] for Gwalter Lynne: 1550. [For other works by Lynne, an English Protestant, see The Short-Title Catalogue, 17115-9.] Lange expresses his belief [pp. 6-7] that Lindsay did not use the translation, but the German edition. He argues that Lindsay must have known some German to have been sent to the emperor in 1531 : but French was the diplomatic language. He also contends that to write a poem of 6338 verses complete by 1553, Lindsay must have begun long before 1550, when Lynne’s translation appeared. He does not appear to have noticed that the references to Carion are only made in the last half of the poem. Lange’s parallels between the German text of Carion and Lindsay are convincing only at first sight. I quote some as illustration : [P. 15.] Chron. f. 11 : Daniel hat auch diese figur ausgelegt. Mon. 3748-9 : Off quhose [Daniel’s] Interpretatioun Doctouris doith mak Narratioun. Chron. f. 11: Das gulden heubt bedeut das erste reich, das ist der Assyrer Monarch!. Mon. 3750-1 : The hede of gold did signifye. First, of Asserianis Monarchye. Chron. f. n : Die silbern brust bedeut der Persen reich. Mon. 3752-3 : The syluer breist thay did apply To Persianis, quhilk rang secundly. Since Lindsay acknowledges his use of Carion these are close enough, and further illustrations are unnecessary. But further inquiry is required to see whether Lindsay used the German text, or Lynne’s 240 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY translation. Lange confesses [p. 6] that he did not see a copy of the latter, but argued against its use. I have not seen the German text, but Lange’s quotations from it are full enough for discussion. I have used these, a Latin text, a French text, and the English text, and my belief is that Lindsay used the English translation. I quote parallel passages from the German, Latin, and English texts, for comparison with the corresponding passages in Lindsay : I. (a) Carion: Chronica, German text, f. 15, quoted by Lange, p. 31 : Im XCIX jar Abrahe hat Gott Sodoma und Gomorra verbrennet . . . und ist dieses geschehen nach der sindflut im .391. jar, nach dem tod Noe .41. jar. (b) Carion : Chronica, Latin text, ff. 24b-25a. [De interitu Sodomae.'] Anno nonagesimo nono aetatis Abraeo ob detestanda flagicia et nefandas inconcessas que libinides, deleuit Deus quinque urbes Sodomam et Gommorrah et adiacentes alias ciuitates, igni coelitus demisso exustas. Locus ubi fuerunt urbes ingens lacus factus est, cuius longitude et latitude per aliquot miliaria protenditur, hodie etiamnum pice plenus per petuis uaporibus exaesuat, in testimonium diuinae indignationis et uindictae ob tanta scelera. Contingit hoc post diluuium anno trecentesimo nonagesimo primo, post quant mortuus fuerat Noe, uno et quadraginta annis. Testatus est hoc modo sub inde Deus mundo, se peccatores ulcisci et iudicare uelle. (c) Carion : Chronica, trans. Lynne, f. 10. [Of the destruction of Sodome."] The foure score and nyntenth year of A brahams age hath God for thee abhominable euyll dedes, horrible and vncomly lecheryes, destroied fyue cities : Sodome and Gomorre, and the other cities lyeng therby, burnyng them with fyre from heauen. The place where the cityes were is become a great marasse, whose length and bredth conteyneth the space of certain miles : euen yet at this time as though it were ful of pitche doth burne with continual smoke and vapor for a token of Gods indignation & vengeaunce for so greate synnes. This happened the thre hundreth and fourscore & eleuenth yere after the jioude, after that Noe was deade the fouriieth and one. Of thys wyse hath God vther whyles wytnessed to the worlde, that he wyll bee auenged and iudge synners. (c) Lindsay : The Monarche, 3518-3529 : This misarie become, but weir. From Noeis flude thre hundreth %eir, To gidther with four score and alewin. As comptit Carione, full ewin. And efter Noeis deith, I ges, A ne and fourtye %eir thare wes, Quhen Abraham was of aige, I wene, Foure score of qeris and nynteine, Quhen this foule Syn of Sodomye, Was puneisit so regorouslye. Gret God Preserue ws, in our tyme. That we commit nocht sic ane cryme. The parallelism here lies in the method of conveying years and dates. Lindsay’s method is identical with Lynne’s, and differs most from the German. In case it should be suggested that there was no other method NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 24I of writing numbers and dates in English in full, I quote another illustration, omitting the Latin text. The parallels here are verbal. II. (a) Carion : Chronica, German text, f. 36 [misnumbered 39], quoted by Lange, p. 35 : Und ist er an die Scythen gezogen, hat erstlich die Scythen geschlagen und den jungen Kbnig der Scythen gefangen. Hernach, sagt Herodotus, sey Cyrus von denselbigen wiisten leuten widderiimb geschlagen worden und sey in dieser schlacht umbkomen, und hab die Konigin des Cyri haubt genomen, hab es inn blut gestossen und gesaget, er habe wollen blut sauffen, da sol er genug sauSen. (b) Carion : Chronica, trans. Lynne, f. 36. Of the death of Cyrus. Whan Babilon was subdued, the Scythians, beyng wyld men, & fearce[,] fell into the borders of Cyrus kyngdome,[.] Cyrus commendynge his royalme to his sonne Cambyses, went with an army to represse the force of the enemies. At the fyrst vanquished he the Scythians, and toke the yonge kyng of them prysoner. Howbeit Herodotus wryteth that the Perses lykewise were ouerthrowen of the cruel natyon, and that Cyrus hymself was slayen in that battayl, and that Tomyris the quene cast his heade into a pott full of mens bloude, and sayde wyth hygh reproch : Satiate the selfe now wyth blude, wherewyth thou neuer couldest be fylled. Thys was a cruell dede. (c) Lindsay : The Monarche, 3624-3639. Bot, efter his gret conquessyng, Rycht miserabyll wes his endyng. As Herodotus doith discryfe. In Scythia he lost his lyfe, Quhare the vndantit Scethianis Uincuste those nobyll Persianis. And, efter that Cerus wes dede, Quene Tomyre hakkit of his hede, Quhilk wes the quene of Scethianis, In the despyte of Persianis. Scho kest his heid, for to conclude. In tyll ane vessell full of blude, And said thir wourdis, creuellye : Drynk now thy fyll, gyf thow be drye, For thow did aye blude schedding thryste. Now drynk at laser, gyf thow lyste. I trust that Lange has quoted the German text in full. All texts appeal to the authority of Herodotus, and Lindsay preserves the tradition. The German text does not mention Tomyris by name in this passage : Lynne and Lindsay both do. In the German text there is no mention of the pot or vessel into which Tomyris cast Cyrus’s head : both Lynne and Lindsay mention it. In the German text her words are reported in indirect speech : in Lynne and Lindsay in direct speech. Moreover, Lindsay borrows Lynne’s words and phrasing, in the passage about Cyrus’s head, almost word for word. This illustration convinces me that Lindsay did not use the German text of Carion : he used Lynne’s English translation, not as a primary source-book, as Lange concluded, but to supply illustrations and facts additional to those provided by other authorities. While using it 242 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

mainly in the latter half of the book he may have borrowed from it a hint or two for the earlier part, which, one must presume, had been completed about the time Lynne's translation reached the poet, probably through Protestant channels on both sides of the Border, early in 1551. The general outline of The Monarche, with a sufficient number of authorities for the history of the world, must have been in Lindsay’s hands before its arrival. Much of it is based on materials which the poet must have possessed for many years. Lange points out the similarity between the definitions of a monarchy held by Carion and Lindsay, but these were held in common with others. They were the common definitions of the day, and the earliest form of them in Lindsay is to be found in The Dreme. Illustrations of the depravity of the Church are scattered throughout the whole of Lindsay, and parallels with Carion in this poem must not be taken as due to his influence. They occur in Lindsay before Carion’s work was published. Another contention of Lange is that Lindsay borrowed from Carion the idea of dividing world chronology into four periods called " Mon- archies," corresponding with the Assyrian, Persian, Greek, and Roman Empires [1985-1990]. Lindsay does not make any acknowledgment of this to Carion. Mediaeval historians back to Orosius and St Augustine, and classical writers before them, wrote of the empires of the past, using the word “ regnum.” The word “ Monarchia,” which later crept into favour, is a post-classical Latin word, one of its earliest users being Tertullian {Adversus Praxean, cap. IX.) in the second century, but Latin historians throughout the early Middle Ages seem to have preferred the word " regnum.” I do not know when the word “ Mon- archia ” began to be substituted for “ regnum ” in Latin texts, but it is found in English at the beginning of the fifteenth century : O.E.D. quotes Lydgate, Minor Poems, Percy Society, 128, under date 1430 : The realmes and the monarchyes Of erthely princes. The word assumed another form, “ Monarch,” which flourished between 1483 and 1602. O.E.D. quotes, under date 1483, from the Chron. Eng., III. f. yjb, “ The Monarch of Rome a bowt this time mightili encresed.” The two forms were both used from 1480-1605. Cf. also Liber Chronicarum, the division of history into monarchies ; f. 17,J Cathologus regum assiriorum, f. 68b Regni Persarum principium, but f. 6ga Monarchia Regum persarum. Thus Lindsay was perfectly familiar with the word Monarch(y) from native sources, and with the idea of dividing chronology into epochs, called " Monarchies,” from history. Carion had nothing to teach him in this respect. Other points will be dealt with in the notes. I do not, however, give continuous extracts from Carion, who is usually too brief to have been Lindsay's principal authority. An illustration of his method will be found as a note to line 1947.

The Popularity of the Poem. Mr William Murison, following many other writers, has recently drawn attention to the past popularity of the works of Sir David Lindsay [” Sir David Lyndsay and the Older Scottish Church,” Aberdeen University Review, Vol. XXI., Part I., NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 243

PP- 25-39 (November 1933)]. The primary evidence for this is bibliographical, editions of Lindsay’s Works far outnumbering those of any other early Scottish poet. We must, however, be quite clear what is meant here by Works. Those published between 1568 and 1776, though styled The Works, did not include either The Historic of Squyer Meldrum, which has a distinguished history of its own, or Ane Satyre of the Tkrie Es'ailis, only published once, in 1602. Thus what are to-day Lindsay’s two most popular pieces have to be excluded from consideration. I think it most unlikely that any of the minor poems would have survived on their own merits. They were, however, reprinted with The Monarche, the early popularity of which in sixteenth-century Scot- land is vouched for twice. Before 1570 part of it was recast into stanza form for singing to a popular tune (see Appendix VI.), while the fact that other portions were recited, presumably without adaptation, is proved by James Melville’s account [c. 1568] of his sister’s outburst when he and she were reading the ballad “ sett out in print against ministers, that for want of stipend left thair charge " [see note to lines 6018-6021]. Both records afford evidence of the implicit acceptance of the poem by the religious people of Scotland. That acceptance remained, but with a sinking in social level. Down to the latter end of the seventeenth century, and through the eighteenth, the poem retained its popularity, but those many editions which the Bibliography records were printed for reading by the peasant, the farmer, and the humbler townsman. The favour which it found in their eyes is not vouched for directly, for humble people read, but leave no written appreciation or criticism, and we can only divine this popularity through secondhand evidence. First, there is the evidence of the proverbial sayings : (1) “ You’ll no find that in Davie Lindsay" ; (2) “ It’s no between the brods o’ Davie Lindsay.” These vouch for Lindsay as the proverbial standard of truth. (3) " Out o’ Davie Lindsay into Wallace.” This betokens a rise in ability to read, for Lindsay was used as a school-book. To none of the minor poems can be applied any measure which affords evidence for Lindsay’s use as a standard of truth : only The Monarche affords that, and it is again signified by the well- known story of the Scottish farmer, who, when on his death-bed, was asked if he would like the Bible read to him, to comfort his passing. He replied with some vigour, " Hout awa’ wi' your daft nonsense [the Bible !] . bring me Davie Lindsay.” The story is told with a slightly different retort: " Hoot awa’ 1 bring me Davie Lindsay. That [the Bible] 's a made story ! ” The first of these stories, and one of the proverbs, are recorded in an article in The Edinburgh Review (1803), III. 198. This may have been written by Scott, who in more than one novel testifies to the popularity of Lindsay, mostly among the humbler classes [Waverley, Chap. xiii.; The Antiquary, Chaps, vi. and xxii.; Rob Roy, Chaps, xxi. and xxvii.; The Monastery, Chap. iv.; and Red- gauntlet, "Wandering Willie’s Tale,” in Letter xi.]. Scott uses, and combines, older material. Probably the anachronistic appearance of Lindsay in Marmion was due to Scott’s desire to pfesent an already popular figure. Scott’s comments indicate the acceptance of Lindsay by the people 244 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

in two ways, as a standard of religious faith and truth and as a standard of poetry. The Monarche is again not mentioned by name, but the circumstances satisfy that poem only. We also find Lindsay accepted as a standard of poetry in 1746, when the advertisement in The Glasgow Courant, No. 52, of Dougal Graham’s poetical history of the 1745 rebellion compares that work with Lindsay’s. Obviously The Monarche, as a popular history in verse, was in the writer’s mind, since comparison with any other poem by Lindsay is impossible. Scott makes much capital out of this aspect of Lindsay’s popularity. It must, however, be admitted that the poem had no social rank in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It was the poem of the humble classes. It, and Lindsay, are classed by Samuel Colville [Mock Poem. Or, Whiggs Supplication : 1681, Part II. p. 9] with Gray-Steel, Bevis of Hampton, Adam Bell, Johnny Armstrong’s Last Goodnight, Chevy-Chase, but they are in the good, though fallen, company of “ Bruce and Wallace.” Alexander Pennecuik reveals that in humble homes Lindsay was learnt by heart. This time he is in the company of The Pilgrim’s Progress, " Davie Dallas,” and William Wallace. The educational importance of Lindsay is revealed in the lines : My Mither bad her second Son say. What he’d by Heart of Davie Lindsay. [Streams from Helicon, 1721, p. 74.] It is a strange reversal of literary reputation to find that the poem which once secured Lindsay’s fame is now the one which is condemned. Warton spoke very highly of certain passages, but modern critics, since Lindsay fell into the hands of editors, denounce it with one voice as tedious, dull, prolix, and unreadable. Mr Murison [op. cit., p. 31] dismisses it as “ a huge monster of 6333 [6338] lines,” while Janet M. Smith, The French Background of Middle Scots Literature, regarding it as " long and exceedingly tedious," does not bother to examine it for the purposes of her thesis. Dare I say, in face of this, that I have found my interest in it growing the more I studied it ? There are two ways of tackling it. Either the reader must accept it, as did the Scottish peasant, as more than “ Gospel-truth,” or he should regard it as a poem which is a landmark in the history of the development of Scottish culture and Scottish religious thought. Obviously we cannot to-day accept its outworn creed and history : that belongs to the past, and in the past it must stay. But we have not yet written the full story of culture in Scotland : we have not yet studied the history of the humbler people of Scotland in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, their lives, their faith, their moral struggles ; we know little of their minds, and of that tremendous cleavage between the doctrines of the Kirk and the theology of the people, which Scott portrays so vividly from personal knowledge. When that history comes to be written, its writers will have to delve into the religious mind of the people, and there will be found this poem. Written by a layman for laymen, it will be found to have exerted more influence than the writings of preachers and theologians. Moreover, no critical appreciation of Lindsay is complete without a full appreciation of The Monarche. Critics expect Lindsay to be always either a humorous satirist or a fierce denouncer of the vile lives NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 245 of the Scottish clergy of his day. This poem shows him in a different mood. It shows a deeply sincere, almost grim, mind, concentrating on the history and the principles of his faith, for the degradation of the Scottish Church was such that men questioned, and derided, and denounced. To some few, Lindsay among them, had come a message of hope, of Reformation, but there were no ecclesiastics to offer guidance ; the ecclesiastics opposed Reformation with fire and excommunication ; and those few were forced to discover the principles of their faith for themselves. This poem is the result of one such effort. The Monarche expresses that sincerity and conviction which are behind all the satire and the denunciations in other poems. They offer satire and laughter : this offers sincerity and faith, an examination of tenets and of religious observances. In their respective groups Lindsay's poems show two aspects of the one mind, and this duality of mind, ready wit and satire contrasting with, but backed by, brooding religious conviction, is characteristic of the Scot of all ages. I therefore plead for critical judgments of a more favourable kind. Those now passed are too frequently based on failure to approach the poem with a desire to understand it. As pure poetry it may not reach a high standard, but it is not an unworthy exhibit in the musuem of literary art; the reader will encounter several passages of distinction and merit, and if satire and denunciation are all that he seeks in Lindsay, that also. It is rather with a view to creating a more genuine interest in the poem that I have read it through many eyes, the poetical, the religious, the historical, the theological, and, not least, the human, and I hope I shall be able to pass on to the reader some measure of the interest which grew in me, and not a few of my chuckles.

Authorities : Lindsay’s authorities for the poem are numerous, and vary with different sections. 1. The Vulgate is Lindsay’s most constant biblical authority, but there are renderings from one of Tyndale’s English translations, as in the use of the word Congregatioun, as a translation of ecelesia, in line 2556. Lindsay possessed a copy of the Bible in English at the time of his death (see Appendix /., item 174, “ Ane byble in Inglis ’’). 2. Liber Chronicarum seu Chronicon Nurembergensis, Nuremberg, 1493, Latin illustrated edition. Lindsay does not mention this work, but I think it forms the basis of some statements in this poem and in The Dveme. 3. Claude de Seissel, Le Premiere [and Second} Volume de Orose. From this Lindsay took the passages formally acknowledged to “ Oroce.” See note to the section The Creatioun of Adam and Eve, line 685 et seq. This work forms the basis of the following parts of the poem : The Creatioun of Adam and Eve, the Flood, the Building of Babylon, the Diversity of Tongues, the Invention of Idolatry, the first Wars of Ninus, covering lines 685-1990, and the story of Sodom and Gomorrah, lines 3382-3517. The whole of this part of the poem is heavily backed by the use of the Vulgate. 4. Diodorus Siculus, Diodori Siculi Historici Clarissimi Bibliotheccs. See note to lines 1963-1968. Lindsay’s principal use of this work is for VOL. III. R 246 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY the history of Ninus, Semiramis, and Sardanapalus, lines 1990-3367. I am not, however, absolutely satisfied that Lindsay did make use of this work at first-hand. 5. Johann Carion, Chronica, translated into English by Walter Lynne, as The thre bakes of Cronicles, published 1550. The English translation was acquired by Lindsay about half-way through the poem, and was used for the brief accounts of the end of the First Monarchy, and the Second and Third Monarchies, besides occasional use elsewhere. See ante, " Dissertation." 6. Boccaccio, Genealogia deorum gentilium, Venice, 1472. See note to lines 2247-2258. 7. Justin the Historian, Historici clarissimi epitome in Trogi Pompeii Historias. See note to lines 2863-2882. Lindsay may have found the references to Justin in the work which introduced him to Diodorus, if he did not use the latter at first-hand. 8. Eusebius, Eusebii Ccesariensis Episcopi Chronicon : quod Hier- onymus presbyter diuino eius ingenio Latinum facere curauit. ... Ad quern et Prosper et Matthaus Palmerius et Matthias Palmerius complura addidere. See notes to lines 1962-1968, 3374-3381. 9. The Book of Alexander the Great. Cf. lines 3654-3655, “ In Inglis toung, in his gret buke, / Att lenth his lyfe thare thow may luke." 10. The anonymous poem, Titus and Vespasian, for the description of the fall of Jerusalem, lines 3826-4125. See note to line 3952. In this section of the poem Lindsay cites the authority of Josephus, who is simply the authority cited in Titus and Vespasian. I see no evidence that Lindsay has used Josephus. 11. The Scottish Lives of the Saints. See note to lines 3984-3985. 12. Lindsay must have had near him one of the versions of the Ars Moriendi, in Latin, French, or English, for his description of the Last Judgment. See notes to The Third Part, beginning at line 4974. 13. Valerius Maximus, Dictorumque Factorumque Memorabilium Exemplce. See note to lines 5120-5125. 14. Polidore Virgil, An Abridgement of the notable worke of Polidore Virgil, English translation, London, 1546. See note to lines 5146-5147. 15. Fasciculus temporum en francoys. Les fleurs et manieres de temps passes, &c., translate de latin in francoys par . . . maistre Pierre sarget docteur en sainte theologie, Lyon, 1478, 1508. See note to line 5282. 16. Cronica Cronicarum abbrege, Paris, 1521, 1532. See note to line 5283. 17. In line 6246 Lindsay cites the authority of Erasmus, but I have not traced the work. Lindsay acknowledges his authorities most fully. The exceptions are the two anonymous works, Titus and Vespasian, and the version of the Ars Moriendi. Both, however, were well known, and no contemporary would have been misled. Nor did Lindsay, I think, pretend that he had read Josephus, or that he was concealing his use of the Vespasian poem. He simply experienced the normal mediaeval difficulty of recording the use of an anonymous work. He must be absolved from the charge of pretending to use Orosius when he used a French adaptation, Le Premier Volume de Orose, because the adaptation was again anonymous, but in this case he endeavoured to indicate the work NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 247

he had used when, in line 1747, he referred to “ The translatour of Orotius." Seissel’s translation and enlargement of Orosius seems to have been well known (Henry VIII.’s copy is now in the B.M.). SeisseTs additions, explanations, and comments are headed “ Le Translateur,” and this is sufficient reference to the work used. Editorial failure to identify the work should not involve Lindsay in a charge of pretending to read originals. In my opinion Lindsay is most careful to declare his authorities, as far as he is able. Needless to say. The Monarche contains much that is the result of wide reading, and of current tradition, for which literary authorities must be widely various. I have endeavoured to pin down a number of these traditions, purely to test the accuracy of Lindsay’s versions. This is chiefly the case with Lindsay’s account of biblical history, where I frequently refer to Peter Comestor’s Historia Scholastica. Here I do not intend readers to understand that Lindsay was using Peter Comestor as an authority.

Commentary : Title : Ane Dialog betuix Experience and Ane Courteour, of the Miserabyll Estait of the Warld. This is the correct title of the poem. The alternative title, by which, because of its brevity, the poem is now usually known, is not borrowed from the text or from the headings of any of the sections. It is taken from the running headlines of the first and succeeding quartos, and was in all probability the invention of the printer, John Scot.

And is deuidit in Foure Partis. The title and the section-headings of the poem talk only of “ Parts,’’ not “ Books,” with two exceptions : (a) Top of Bqb : The First Bvke of the Monarche. (b) Top of C4b : The First Bvke. The running headhnes also call the four main sections " Books.” {a) B4tl-E7b : The First Bvke of the Monarche. (b) E7b-K3b : The Secvnd Bvke of the Monarche. (e) K4a-N8b : The Third Bvke of the Monarche. [d) Oia-Rib : The Fovrt Bvke of the Monarche. The section-headings on B4b and C4b probably obtained their being from the printer, who seems not to have been quite sure where the first book really began. The running headlines were the invention of the printer. On the title-page and within the poem, with the exception of the beginning of the first book, which was presumably not specifically indicated by the poet, the four main sections are called “ Parts ” : (a) Title : And is deuidit in Foure Partis. (b) E7b : Heir endis the first Part. And Followis the Secunde Part. (c) Kq® : Heir endis the secund Part. And Begynnis the Thrid Part. (d) Oia : Heir endis the Thride Part. And Begynnis the Fourt. There seems, therefore, to have been a silent contest between author and printer on these two counts. The printer, as so often happens, won ; at some period in the descent of the texts down to 1776 the four main sections came to be called “ Books ’’ instead of “ Parts," while 248 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY we call the poem " The Monarche ” and speak of it as containing four " Books." This has resulted in some slight confusion, but, despite this and the harmful impression which the printer’s title creates (since the title ought to have been “ The Four Monarchies,” not " The Four Books of the Monarchy ”), I have succumbed to tradition. I also think that Lindsay wrote the poem exactly as it appears in Lambeth MS. 332 {vide Bibliography), namely, as a continuous poem, broken into sections according to subject, each section bearing a brief title, but not containing the speakers’ names. These I think were definitely the introduction of the first printer. The poem can be read without their assistance. The “ debate ” or “ dialogue ” intentions of the poem were provided for by the poet in admirable fashion. The Courteour addresses Experience as “ Father,” " Sir,” “ Sweet Sir,” or “Prudent Father Experience”; Experience calls the Courteour “My Son,” or " Son.” Moreover, the poem is written in the first person as regards the Courteour, and “ (quod I) ” and “ (quod he) ” distinguish the two speakers clearly. In the early quartos the speakers’ names were marginal, or partly in the margin, and were shortened to “ Cour.” and “ Expe." In time they became still further shortened to the bare initials “ C.” and " E." placed within the lines of the text. Chalmers committed the editorial crime of separating the portions of the dialogue, inserting the speakers’ names between the blocks of conversation. He was followed by Laing and the Early English Text Society, and, while disapproving of the practice, I have meekly continued it. But as I have also followed tradition in talking of “ The Monarche ” and its “ Four Books,” I have at least been consistent, and, as regards the speakers’ names, the modern method is certainly both neater and clearer than that of the early quartos. These practices, however, are not based on Lindsay’s own authority. The confusion between the two titles is more than adequately illustrated by the article on Lindsay in The Dictionary of National Biography, written by Dr Aeneas Mackay, the worst editor ever produced by Scot- land, not excluding even Mackenzie, for whom excuses can be made. That article states that in 1552 Lindsay published Ane Dialog betuix Experience and Ane Courteour, and in 1554 he published The Monarche. The error survives in the Concise D. N. B., " printed ‘ Ane Dialog betuix Experience and ane Courteour,’ 1552, and ‘ The Monarche,’ 1554.” Editorial incompetence can hardly go further than this.

And Imprentit at the Command and Expensis off Doctor Machabeus In Copmanhouin. This imprint is fictitious, the first quarto being printed by John Scot, at Edinburgh or St Andrews. For full discussion of the typographical details, and for a note on Machabeus [Robert Macalpine], see Bibliography, under date 1554.

Motto : Absit Gloriari . . . lesu Christi. Galatians vi. 14, " Mihi autem absit gloriari, nisi, in cruce Domini nostri Jesu Christi, per quern mihi mundus crucifixus est, et ego mundo.” “ But God forbid that I should glory, save in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom the world is crucified unto me, and I unto the world." This was the motto of the Franciscans. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 249

The Epistil to the Redar. The Epistil to the Redar : This is the title as given in 1554, 1558, and 1559. For 1568 Charteris offered the new title The Epistil Nun- cupatorie of Schir Danid Lyndesay of the Mont Knicht, on his Dialog of the Miserabill eslait of the warld. The new title was preserved in succeeding editions. Chalmers transferred the epistle from the head of the poem to the tail, explaining his reasons for so doing. III. 174. " The Epistill Nun- cupatorie of Lyndsay may be considered, as somewhat analogous to the L’Envoy of the antient English poetry : Yet, was this Epistill always printed, till the present edition, before The Monarchic, though certainly with no propriety, or usefulness. It was long the fashion of the antient poets of our island to dismiss their quairs, with discom- mendations : This practice continued, from the days of Lydgate to the period of Spenser, who sent out his Shepheardes Calender, in the same spirit of affected disregard. Goe, little booke ! thyselfe present, As childe, whose parent is unkent. The Epistill of Lyndsay is very curious, for the historical notices, which it contains ; and which are among the most singular, in the Scottish annals : It also pourtrays the sad state of his own mind, after it had dwelt so thoughtfully, for years, on the Miserabill Estait of the Warld. This Epistill was certainly written, while the regent Arran still governed Scotland, and during the year 1553.” Laing, III. 178, replied, adequately, " The Epistill was no doubt written by Lyndsay after he had finished the Dialog, and Chalmers has so placed it, at the end, with the above note. I think it preferable, however, to allow it still to retain its original position. It was the practise indeed, of both English and French poets, to place the 1’Envoy at the end ; but here it more appropriately serves, like the Preface of a book, as a kind of introduction. Nor is there any authority to suppose the Author himself, in this title to the Epistill, used the word Nun- cupatorie. No doubt it was employed by English writers in the sense to declare publickly, from the Lat. Nuncupatio, a pronouncing of words in a solemn manner; or to sum up, by the Author, when dis- missing his book. But it is also to be found used for the dedication of a book. In this sense it occurs in the Praefatio by the elder Pliny of his Historia Naturalis, addressed to the Emperor Titus Vespasian, ‘ Sed haec ego mihi nunc Patrocinia ademi Nuncupatione,’ &c. (And by this Dedication I have deprived myself of the benefit of challenge).’’ As Laing notes, the epistle is not printed in the English editions of 1566, 1575, 1581. The Epistil to the Redar, lines 1-116, employs the nine-line stanza form reserved for dignified or solemn occasions. The Exhortatioun which concludes the poem, lines 6267-6338, is also in this measure, and occupies 72 lines. The narrative portion of the poem is written in four-foot couplets, while the Prologe and digressive portions employ the shorter and more rapid seven-line stanza of five feet. Narrative 250 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY and digression are thus easily distinguished. The following employ the seven-line stanza : 1. The Prologe, lines 118-299 [182 lines]. 2. Ane Exclamatioun to The Redar, Twycheyng the wry tty ng of Vulgare and Maternall Language, lines 538-684 [147 lines]. 3. Off ye miserahyll end Off Certaine tyrane Princis. And, speciallye, the Begynnaris of the Four Monarcheis, lines 4126-4244 [rig lines]. 4. Heir followis ane Discripiioun of the court of Rome, lines 4743-4973 [231 lines]. 5. Off certane Plesouris of the glorifeit bodeis, lines 6106-6266 [161 lines]. The total number of lines in this measure is 840. In addition there is one digression of 312 lines written in an eight-line five-foot stanza : Heir followis one Exclamatioun aganis Idolatrie, lines 2397-2708. This is the longest single digression. Including the Prologe and the Ex- hortatioun, digressions from the main theme amount to 1340 lines, over one-fifth of the poem. These digressions, however, are not aimless. They offer relief to the main narrative, on much the same principle as the employment of relief in drama. 1. Thov Lytil quair of mater miserabyll. Quair : book. Ci.Papyngo 1177, where the poet also addresses his poem as if it were a personal thing. Quair was commonly used for book, pamphlet, or poem : cf. The Kingis Quair of James I. of Scotland, The Quair of Jealousy, &c. Laing, II. 179, also quotes Halliwell’s reference to Rawlinson MS., C. 86 : Thow litell Quyar, how durst tho shew thy face, Sith thow art rude, &c. Miserabyll: not miserable in the common modern sense, but closely allied to its Latin original, miserabilis, miserari, to pity, have compassion on, lament, deplore : hence mater miserabyll, matter for lamentation, matter to arouse compassion. 2-3. Sabyl . . . grene . . . purpur, reid, &• quhit. As in The Deplora- tioun, 116-126, Lindsay uses the primary, and heraldic, tinctures, symbolically. Sabyl is the heraldic term for black. 4. To delicate men. Delicate, from L. delicatus, adj., luxurious, pleasure- seeking, fastidious, worldly. The poem will not please pleasure-seeking men. 8-9. See note to 11. 394-95. 10. We haue no Kyng. James V., who had died on December 14, 1542, was succeeded by the infant Queen, Mary. 12-13. Mary Queen of Scots was sent to France in April 1548, partly for her education, her mother being French, and partly for her personal safety, during the English invasion of Scotland, 1548-1550. She remained in France until August 20, 1561, when she returned to Scotland a widow, having married the Dauphin on April 24, 1558. See fuller note, lines 94-95. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 251

26. I antes, our Prince, and Protedour. James Hamilton, second Earl of Arran and Duke of Chatelherault, died 1575, eldest son of James Hamilton, second Baron Hamilton and first Earl of Arran (? 1477-1529). After the death of James V. Arran was chosen governor of Scotland, as being the second person in the realm and next heir to the throne after the infant queen. He was at the head of the English party, but made terms with Cardinal Beaton, the head of the French party, in 1543. In 1545 he resisted the attempts to transfer the regency to the queen- mother, Marie de Lorraine ; he was created Duke of Chatelherault in 1548. On April 10, 1554, he was compelled to resign the governorship, and was succeeded by the queen-mother two days later, after holding office for eleven years. After the capture of Edinburgh by the Lords of the Congregation in 1559 he returned to the English party. On Mary’s return to Scotland he revived the suggestion that she should marry his son, James Hamilton, third Earl of Arran (1530-1609), who had been suggested by Henry VII. as a husband for Elizabeth, and himself made proposals for Elizabeth’s hand in 1560-1561. He opposed Mary’s marriage to Darnley, and was banished to France, 1566, about the time when his son, who had been imprisoned in 1562 for complicity in a plot with Bothwell to abduct Mary, marry her, and murder Moray and Maitland, was released, almost insane, from prison. He returned from France in 1569 as a supporter of the queen, and was imprisoned with Moray. He died in 1575.

27-28. His Brother, our Spirituall Gouernour. John Hamilton (?i5ii-i57i), natural son of James, first Earl of Arran, and natural brother of the regent (see note above), became keeper of the Privy Seal in 1543, bishop of Dunkeld, 1545. He was particularly instrumental in procuring the reconciliation between Arran and Beaton, and after Beaton’s assassination in May 1546 became head of the Church of Scotland by his promotion to the archbishopric of St Andrews, 1546. Hence Lindsay’s description, “ Prince of Preistis in this Natioun.” In 1552 he promulgated the catechism which bears his name at the Provincial Council held at Edinburgh, January 26, 1551-52, printed at St Andrews by John Scot, August 29, 1552 [Dickson and Edmond, Annals of Scottish Printing, 162-65]. He endowed St Mary’s College, St Andrews, and like his predecessor in the see, was a zealous persecutor of the Protestants, but accepted the new Confession of 1560. In 1563 he was imprisoned for persisting in popish practices; he irregularly divorced Bothwell from Lady Jane Gordon on May 7, 1567, their marriage having taken place in 1566; was present at the battle of Langside, 1568; and was hanged at Stirling in 1571, on the charge of being an accessory to the murder of Darnley, February 9, 1567, and of complicity in the murder of Moray by James Hamilton of Bothwell- haugh at Linlithgow, 1570. Lindsay’s dedication of his poem to the governor and the archbishop of St Andrews is really a dedication of his work to both State and Church. It was impossible to expect the archbishop to receive it willingly.

28. And Prince of Preistis in this Natioun. See note to line 3884. 252 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

51. Re. xxiiii. This is not Revelations, as in the Vulgate this book is called the Apocalypse, and it only contains twenty chapters. Re. should signify one of the books of Kings, in the Vulgate, Regum, but the particular book is not indicated. The reference must therefore be either erroneous, or a misprint. I suggest the latter, and that Jeremiah is intended, Chap, xxiv., verse 10 of which reads, “ And I will send the sword, the famine, and the pestilence among them, till they be consumed from off the land that I gave unto them and to their fathers.” This is practically identical with line 53 of the poem. The idea is repeated in lines 64-69, to which the reference given is Jeremiah xv., wherein God gives up the Jews for their sins to war, famine, death, and captivity. The references to The. .ii. and i. Cor. Hi. are again incorrect. The latter should be i. Joh. Hi., verse 5 of which reads, " And ye know that he was manifested to take away our sins,” which appears to be the foundation for line 54. Cf. lines 82-90.

55-57. Gene. vii. Genesis vii. tells of Noah’s entrance into the ark and the beginning and continuance of the flood. Chap. viii. tells of the asswaging of the waters and Noah’s going forth from the ark. Lindsay describes the Flood in detail, 1187-1578.

58-60. Gene. xix. Genesis xix. tells of the punishment of the Sod- omites and the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah. Lindsay describes this event in full, 3382-3529.

61-63. Matthew xxiii . . . Luc. xiii. In Matthew xxiii. 34-39, and Luke xiii. 31-35, Christ foretells the destruction of Jerusalem. Lindsay describes the capture of Jerusalem by Titus, the son of Vespasian, in the Monarche, 3952-4125. Christ’s prophecies are in continuation of the pre-Christian prophecies, as that of Jeremiah, Jeremiah xiv. 13-22; xv. 1-9; and Isaiah li. 17-23. Lindsay uses as his general authority for this stanza the conversation between Jeremiah and God, Jeremiah xiii.-xv., especially xiv. 12, “ I will consume them by the sword, and by the famine, and by the pestilence.” 72. Than God sail slak his bow. The idea that God uses a bow and arrows against wrongdoers is biblical. Cf. Psalms vii. 11-12, "God judgeth the righteous, and God is angry with the wicked every day. 8. If he turn not, he will whet his sword ; he hath bent his bow, and made it ready.” I do not find in the Bible an exact parallel for lines 71-72.

82-90. Lindsay has in mind the first destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians and the captivity of the Jews. His authority is Jeremiah xv., a chapter which appears to have an irresistible attraction for religious reformers of all ages. He applies its example to the state and condition of Scotland in the years in which the poem was written. The miseries of Scotland are the result of God's punishment for the manifold sins of the Scottish people. Just as the Jews were punished by the Babylonians as the instrument of God, so Scotland is punished by England, an allusion to the almost constant fighting and repeated NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 253 invasions of Scotland by the English after the death of James V. But just as Isaiah promised the Jews that the instrument of their affliction should be itself destroyed, so Lindsay assures Scotland that after its repentance the English will be swept away. The author of The Testament and Tragedie of Vmquhile King Henrie Stewart (1567), Satirical Poems of the Time of the Reformation, S.T.S., 2 vols., I. 39, lines 46-48, also acknowledges God’s use of England as a scourge for Scotland : Ingland I left, and help was away ; God maid hir scurge to plaigue me for ay : Be war the scurge he cast not in the fyre. Cf. also, Ane Ballat of y* Captane of the Castell (1571), Satirical Poems, I. 174, lines 77-80 : As wicked scourges hes bene seine Get for pe scourgene hyre. When synneris repentis from pe splene. The scourge cast in pe fyre. Cf. Complaynt of Scotland, E.E.T.S., p. 27, on God’s use of the English as scourges, and the author’s prayer that God will allow another nation to scourge them in turn. In Leviticus xxvi. 24, Deuteronomy xxviii. 15-68, Judges ii. 13-23, iii. 1, &c., God threatens the Jews with manifold plagues, wars, and captivity as the punishment for sin, disobedience, and idolatry. These chapters furnish a general background for these passages. The Prophet quoted in line 86 is Isaiah, Isaiah li. 21-23. [22]. " Thus saith thy Lord the Lord, and thy God that pleadeth the cause of his people. Behold I have taken out of thine hand the cup of trembling, even the dregs of the cup of my fury ; thou shalt no more drink it again. 23. But I will put it into the hand of them that afflict thee ; which have said to thy soul, Bow down, that we may go over : and thou hast laid thy body as the ground, and as the street, to them that went over.” In the next chapter Isaiah tries to inspire the Jews to take courage. They had previously been oppressed by the Egyptians and the Assyrians, but God had brought them out of captivity, as he would do again. This chapter was allegorised by the translators of the Author- ised Version.

91-93. Psalme c.xvii. Psalm cxvii. is a psalm of two verses only. ” 1 • O Praise the Lord, all ye nations : praise him, all ye people. 2. For his merciful kindness is great toward us : and the truth of the Lord endureth for ever. Praise ye the Lord.” Psalm cvii. might be considered more appropriate. In this psalm the wicked are exhorted to place their faith in God, as in verse 28, " Then they cry unto the Lord in their trouble, and he bringeth them out of their distresses.” 94-95. Than neid thai not to charge the realme of France With Gounnis, Galayis, nor other Ordinance. 254 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

In the Lambeth Palace MS. these lines read ' Than neid you nocht to dreid ye greit outtrance Off Innemyis with aufull ordinance. The reference in the quarto is to the military aid received from France in the years following 1546, partly to defend Scotland against England, but partly to maintain civil order within Scotland, as during the campaign against the Protestant rebels in St Andrews, 1546-47. Chalmers, III. 179, says, on this passage, “ The meaning, I presume, is : If they repent, and trust in God, they need not be obliged to France, for any ordnance : The allusion here is to the campaigns of 1548, and 1549, when the French auxiliaries fought the battles of Scotland against England.” During 1548 the English made a deliberate attempt to conquer Scotland permanently. The Scots offered little resistance. In April 1548, Lord Grey who had seized the town of Haddington, used it as a base for operations in the country surrounding Edinburgh, and burned Dalkeith Castle, Musselburgh, and Dunbar. In June assistance came to the Scots from France, a French fleet arriving in the Forth with 6000 men, commanded by Andre de Montalembert, Sieur d’Ess6, and Leo Strozzi, who had already fought at St Andrews against the Protestants. Haddington was first besieged by a combined army of French and Scots, while at a meeting of Parliament held in the Abbey of Haddington, about a mile outside the town, the French Ambassador, D’Oysel, demanded that the Queen of Scots should be sent to France for safety, there to be married to the Dauphin, while the French king guaranteed the security of Scotland. These terms were accepted, and at the end of July Mary left for France, arriving on August 13. Troubles in England prevented the English Protector, Somerset, from giving effective aid to the troops in Scotland, and after prolonged sieges, most of the towns and castles in English hands were forced to surrender through starvation, although the English in Haddington held out until September 1549, more than eighteen months after its capture. By the treaty of Boulogne, signed between England and France on March 24, 1550, the English agreed to evacuate the remaining portions of Scot- land which they still retained. But Scotland, freed from the English, now found herself dominated by France, and trouble ensued. D’Esse was killed in a street fight between the citizens of Edinburgh and the French soldiery, and the Scots complained bitterly that the French had done as much damage to Scotland as the English. It is really not possible to decide which of the couplets was written first. The change from a general consideration of the English as the enemies of Scotland (Lambeth MS. version) to the definite reference to the loan of troops from France (Quarto version) suggests that the former was the original version, but I do not wish to press this. Cf. Sat. 4564-67, and note.

100-117. These stanzas contain yet another form of the conventional modesty of the mediaeval poet.

104-105. Idolatouris, I feir, sail with the flyte. The poem which follows is a denunciation of that form of “ idolatry " maintained by the Roman NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 255

Catholic Church. Cf. One Exclamatioun aganis Idolatrie, Mon. 2397-2708 in particular. Although Lindsay has dedicated his work to the archbishop of St Andrews, lines 27-28, he realises that it must be condemned by the Church. The Prologe. 118. Musing And maruelling on the miserie. Occleve begins The Rege- ment of Princes in similar fashion : Musyng vpon the restles bisynesse Which that this troubly world hath ay on honde. That othir thyng than fruyt of byttirnesse Ne yeldeth nought, as I can vndirstonde. Occleve tells how, unable to sleep one night in the inn where he lodged, Chester Inn in the Strand, he lay till dawn thinking over his own anxieties, the uncertainty of Fortune, and the fall of Richard II., and feared that Fortune might bereave him of even his small estate. He ponders over the saying of Boethius, “ maximum genus infortunii est, fuisse felicem,” and vows not to strive against Fortune. At dawn, after a sleepless night, he rose from his " vnresty bed,” and walked forth into the fields. After walking for about an hour he was accosted by “ A poore olde hore man,” who insisted on getting into conversation, and, of course, gave the poet the advice he so sorely needed. At the end of their long conversation [2016 lines], once more heartened, Occleve went home, and on the morrow took pen, ink, and parchment, and began to write. One origin for this type of commencement to a poem appears to have been sought in the first verse of Psalm xxxvi. [Vulgate, Psalm xxxv. 2]. A verse translation of the Psalms, believed to have been done by Arch- bishop Matthew Parker, The Whole Psalter translated into English Metre (London; Day, 1567), thus presents the "translation” of that verse : Musing vpon the variable busines. That thys troubly world haunth by sea & lande My hart geueth me that sinne and wyckednes, Suggestth to the wycked that he may stand, Wythout any feare safely of Gods hand. For no feare of hym is in all hys sight. Of Gods law he is bereaued the shyning lyght. The verse [Psalm xxxv. 2, in the Vulgate] reads : " Dixit injustus ut delinquat in semetipso ; non est timer Dei ante oculos ejus.” Some- thing has been borrowed from the rubric, which reads, “ Miratus in impio nullum Dei esse metum. . . But there is more than " translation ” here. The two first lines are much too close to those of Occleve to have been independently composed. Occleve's poems were not printed until the end of the eighteenth century, when an edition edited by G. Mason appeared (1796). The De Regimine Principium was published for the Roxbroughe Club in i860, and the complete works were published by the E.E.T.S., Extra Series, 17, 18, 61 (1872-92), an additional part appearing in 1924 (Extra Series, 73). Individual poems have been published at various times. The 1532 Chaucer contained 256 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

The Letter of Cupid. John Stowe, the Elizabethan antiquary, possessed a manuscript of Occleve’s poems, and made a copy, from another manuscript, of verses which had been torn away. William Browne of Tavi- stock, the poet, also possessed a complete manuscript, from which he translated the Tale of Jonathas, which he included in his Shepheards Pipe (1614) (Muses’ Library edn., II. 91-116), followed by a pastoral appreciation of Occleve’s work. Ibid., 116-119. Parker’s borrowing from Occleve has not been previously noted.

136. Lyke aurient peirles on the twistis hang. Laing, III. 181, “ Like aurient peirles : So in the earlier editions ; aurient in the later ones was changed to orient, the East, as used by English poets.” Chalmers, II. 327, “ Like orient perlis, on the twistis hang. Lyndsay preceded Shakespeare in the use of the elegant figure of the orient pearls : The liquid drops of tears, that you have shed, Shall come again, transform’d to orient pearls. [Richard III., IV. iv. 322.] And Milton [Paradise Lost, IV. 238] thus :— the crisped brooks Rolling on orient pearl [and sands of gold].” Orient was used of pearls as coming in former times from the East. The epithet is used more than once by Shakespeare. Cf. Midsummer Night’s Dream, IV. i. 59-60 : And that same dew, which sometime on the buds Was wont to swell, like round and orient pearls . . . Antony and Cleopatra, I. v. 39-41. Alexas to Cleopatra, describing Antony’s emotions after his parting from the Egyptian Queen : Alex. Last thing he did, dear queen, He kiss’d—the last of many doubled kisses— This orient pearl. The quotation from A Midsummer Night’s Dream illustrates the use for purposes of effecting simile. Not only is the dew likened to an orient pearl, but also a tear, as in Venus and Adonis, 979-982 : Whereat her tears began to turn their tide. Being prison’d in her eye like pearls in glass : Yet sometimes fall an orient drop beside. Which her cheek melts, . . . Twistis: twigs. Cf. Papyngo, 138-39 : The balmy droppis of dew Tytane vpdryis, Hyngande vpone the tender twystis small.

139. Phebus, that king etheriall. The epithet etheriall, ethereal, was formerly much used in poetry in the sense of celestial, of the heavens.

146. Quhose donke impurpurit vestiment nocturnall. The prosody is correct, impurpurit being trisyllabic only: im-pur-purt. Nocturnall NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 257 is an amphibrach ; so also aurorall, in line 148, where the prosody is secured by the trisyllabic nature of regioun : reg-i-oun. 149-150. Quhilk on hym watit quhen he did declyne Towarte his accident palyce vespertyne.

Laing, III. 181, “ The words are nearly synonymous with lines 6299, 6300 [6304-6305] at the conclusion of his Dialog :— [Behald quhow Phebus dounwart dois discend Towart his palyce in the Occident.]

Vespertine is from the Latin Vespertinus, of, or in the evening, as in Cicero, ‘ turn Vespertinis temporibus turn Matutinis.’ These words have a reference to the motion of the planet Saturn, where Cicero says,— ‘ In quo cursu multa mirabiliter efficiens, turn antecedendo, turn retardando, turn Vespertinis temporibus delitescendo, turn Matutinis rursum se aperiendo,’ &c.—(De Natura Deorum, Lib. ii., 20.) But Horace uses vespertina regio for the Western part of the Earth : Hie mutat merces surgente a sole, ad eum quo Vespertina tepet regio. (Sat. I. iv. 29.) ”

153. Bot Synthea, the hornit nychtis quene. Laing, III. 182, " The later editions and more correctly have Cynthia, a classical name given to the Moon, ‘ the horned Night’s Queen.’ ” Henryson, Testament of Cresseid, 253-259, may be used to illustrate Lindsay’s description of the Moon : Nixt efter him [Mercury] come Lady Cynthia, The last of all, and swiftest in hir Spheir, Of colour blak, buskit with hornis twa. And in the nicht scho listis best appeir. Haw [dull] as the Leid [lead], of colour nathing cleir ; For all hir licht scho borrowis at hir brother Titan, for of hir self scho hes nane uther. The moon is described as black because she has no light of her own : Lindsay’s description “ dirk and paill ” in the morning light of the sun means “ obscure, dim (rather than dark), wan, as opposed to the silver brightness of the moon at night.” Cf. The Dreme, 386.

158-160. Venus . . . lupiter, Mars, and Mercurius. See notes to The Dreme, 383-488. The epithet Intoxicat applied to Saturn probably means stupefied, or, alternatively, maddened, angry. The first is possible because of the intense cold from which Saturn was supposed to suffer : the second, because he was hostile to man. It is he, for example, who is made by Henryson to pass the dreadful punishment on Cressida, Testament, 309-322. Cf. Henryson’s full description of Saturn, Testament, 151-168. 165-167. The Pole artick, wrsis, and sterris all Quhilk situate ar in the Septemtrionall, Tyll errand schyppis quhilks ar the souer gyde. 258 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Laing, III. 182, “ That is, the Polar Star, the Ursis (or Bear), and other Northern Constellations, were reckoned in early times, the only sure guide to seamen.” Chalmers, II. 329, states that instead of " quhilks ar the souer gyde ” the editions of " 1574, I592, 1597. and others ” read " that ar without al gyde.” I have not checked this, but Laing, III. 182, confirms it for “ The edit. 1582 and later copies.” Septemtrionall: septentrional, northern, here, however, as substantive formed from the adjective, and meaning north. L. Septentrionalis. The constellation of the Great Bear is also known as the Septentrion, from the Latin septentrio, the singular of septentriones, originally the two words septem triones, the seven stars of the Great Bear. Cf. Complaynt op Scotland, E.E.T.S., pp. 48-49.

168. The stromye nycht. For a parallel with this form of stromye, cf. The Dreme, 80, " With stalwart stromes ” (see note to this line).

169. Within thare frostie circle, did thame hyde. This line continues the description of " The Pole artick, wrsis, and stems all,” of line 165. 170- 171. Howbeit that sterris haue none vthir lycht Bot the reflex of Phebus bemes brycht. This couplet is borrowed from The Dreme, 389-390 : For, of hir self, scho [the moon] hes none vther lycht Bot the reflex of Phebus bemes brycht. Cf. Dunbar, Eneados, Prologue, Bk. iii., Works, II. 116. 1-2 : Hornyt Lady, paill Cynthia, nocht brycht, Quhilk fra thi broder borrowis all thi lycht. The second line is coupled afresh in Mon. 4140-4141 : For, siclyke as the snaw doith melt in May Throuch the reflex of Phebus bemys brycht. Cf. Dunbar, Goldyn Targe, 33, “ Throu the reflex of Phebus visage brycht.” In line 170 " sterris ” is dissyllabic.

171- 172. “ That day no stars dared to appear until the sun had completed his day’s journey across the heavens.” The poem opens at dawn, and closes with a description of sunset, lines 6304-6333. The conversation between Experience and the Courteour is intended to occupy a full day. 185. Neptune, that day, and Eoll held thame coye. Chalmers, according to Laing, III. 182, remarks, “ In other words, the Waves and the Winds were quiet.” The interpretation is an excellent one, but it is not in Chalmers. The sea does not enter into the description presented by Lindsay, for the setting of the poem is a park. As I understand it, Lindsay employs this method of describing universal peace. Held thame coye : held, or kept, themselves quiet, coye : F. coi, O.F. quei, L. quietus. The phrase is used earlier in Lindsay, " perturband spretis causyng to hauld coye," Papyngo, 135. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 259

188-194. The build of this stanza is peculiar. The list of birds enumerated in lines 188-192 is really a detailed enlargement of the birds referred to in lines 186-87, " Quhose noyis did to the sterrye heuin redounde.” Lines 193-94 constitute a separate sentence, and it is only the song of the nightingales which redounds through the mountains, meads, and vales. For parallels with the alliterative epithets applied to the birds here catalogued, see Papyngo, 207, note. 217-222. The names in this stanza are a medley of those of muses and divinities; the alliterative groupings will be observed : 217 Minerua, Melpominee; 219 Cleo, Caliopee; 221 Proserpyne, A-pollo; 222 Ewterp, lupiter, luno. Minerua : Minerva, Roman goddess of wisdom, thought, and inventive power. Melpominee : Melpomene, muse of tragedy. Cleo : Clio, muse of history. Caliopee : Calliope, muse of epic poetry. Proserpyne : Proserpine, goddess of the underworld. Apollo : Apollo, god of the sun, but also god of song, music, and prophecy, delighting in the organisation and administration of civil affairs. Ewterp : Euterpe, muse of lyric poetry. lupiter : Jupiter, father of heaven, and god of rain, thunder, lightning, and storms. luno : Juno, wife of Jupiter and queen of heaven. The choice of these muses and divinities, nine in number, and Lindsay can hardly have thought they were the nine muses, was probably dictated by the desire for alliteration. 220. Marde Musis. This amusing onslaught finds a companion in line 235, “ mischeand Musis.” In both cases the abuse is alliterative. 226. Pernaso : Parnassus. The form is common in Scottish poetry. 228. Ennius : Ennius, Roman poet, B.c. 239-169. Fragments only of his work remain, but Cicero called him " summus poeta noster,” and Virgil borrowed expressions and ideas from his work. He was the author of an epic history of Rome, Annalium Libri XVIII., and of numerous tragedies, imitated, adapted, or translated from the Greek. 229. Hysiodus : Hesiod, an early Greek poet, living about a century later than Homer. Four works are attributed to him. Works and Days, Theogony, Catalogue of Women (lost), and The Shield of Achilles. 235. Mischeand Musis. See note to line 220. Lindsay applies the epithet to Sardanapalus, “ this myscheant Man " [3377]. O.F. mes- cheant, wicked, wretched. Malmontrye : Mahometry, here meaning paganism, heathenism. The -1- in the first syllable is not pronounced. Cf. malkin, mawkine. 237. Raueand Rhammusia. Raving Rhamnusia, another touch of alliterative abuse of classical deities. Rhamnusia was one of the names 26o THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

of the Greek goddess Nemesis, taking that name from Rhamnus, situated on a small peninsula on the east coast of Attica, Greece, where was a famous temple of Nemesis, with a statue carved from a single block, ten cubits high. Lindsay describes her as goddes of dispyte because Nemesis avenged both undiscovered crimes and those which human justice left unpunished. 244-246. Be quhose wysdome al maner of thing bene wrocht. The heych heuinnis, with all thair ornamentis, A nd without mater maid all thing of nocht. Cf. Mon. 2183-84 : Tyll hym quhilk wes of kyngis king. That hewin and erth maid of no thing. and Satyre, 81-82 : Quha, be great micht, and hailing na mateir Maid heauin and eird, fyre, air and watter cleir. and Satyre, 3009-10, and Monarche, 2406-2407. The theme is a common one in mediaeval theology, though not of biblical origin. Chapter I. of the Historia Libri Genesis, the first book in the Historia Scholastics of Peter Comestor (f 1178), describes the creation of the empyrean and the four elements. In it occurs the sentence, “ Empyreum autem et sensibilem mundum, et sublunarem regionem creavit Deus, id est de nihilo fecit; hominem vero creavit, id est plas- mavit.” ..." Epicurus [dixit] . . . et in principio natura quosdam atomos solidavit in terram, alios in aquam, alios in aera, alios in ignem. Moyses vero solum Deum aeternum prophetavit, et sine praejacenti materia mundum creatum." The idea of God having made all things of naught is an expansion of ideas contained in John i. 1-6, which Peter Comestor uses as the introduction to his work on Genesis. Another form of it appears in the Athanasian Creed, verse 8, " Increatus Pater, increatus Filius, increatus Spiritus sanctus.” With all thair ornamentis : cf Genesis (Vulgate) ii. 1, " Igitur perfect! sunt caeli et terra, et omnis ornatus eorum.” The latter portion is translated in the Authorised and Revised Versions, " and all the host of them.” Aelfric’s English translation preserves the direct sense, “ and eall hiera fraetwung.” Peake, Commentary on the Bible, 136, states that nowhere is “ Scripture committed to the doctrine of absolute creation. Basilides the Gnostic [early second century] was perhaps the first to teach it.” 247. Hell in myd Centir of the Elementis. Cf. Dreme, 162-63, " Doun throw the eird ... in to the lawest hell.” Hell was not only in the centre of the earth, but the centre of the universe, which was believed to revolve round the earth. The line is rather forced into the stanza.

249. Hi. Re. in. : 3 Regum iii. In the Vulgate 1 and 2 Samuel are also called 1 and 2 Kings [Liber primus (secundus) Samuelis quern nos primum [secundum) Regum dicimus], and the books of the Authorised NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 26l

Version called 1 and 2 Kings are, in the Vulgate, 3 and 4 Regum [Liber Tertius (Quartus) Regum]. In Lindsay’s marginal references " Re ” therefore indicates one of the four books of Kings, not Revelations. The point is an interesting one, because it proves that although he possessed an English Bible at the time of his death [Appendix I., No. 174, about the middle, “ ane byble in Inglis ”] he was more familiar with the Vulgate, and used it for The Monarche. Lindsay, however, frequently translates the titles of the books of the Bible : cf. 250, 253. The marginal reference applies to line 249. “ The quhilk gaif sapience to king Salomone.” 1 Kings [Authorised Version] hi. 9. “ And Solomon said . . . Give therefore thy servant an understanding heart to judge thy people, that I may discern between good and bad.” Cf. 2 Chronicles i. 10, " Give me now wisdom and knowledge . . . And God said to Solomon, 12. Wisdom and knowledge is granted unto thee ; and I will give thee riches, and wealth, and honour, such as none of the kings have had that have been before thee, neither shall there any after thee have the like.” Cf. Vulgate, 2 Paralipomenon i. 10, “ Da mihi sapientiam et intelligentiam.”

250. Psalme.lxxxix. Psalm Ixxxix. 19-37, in which the psalmist praises God for his favour to David. Grace, however, is not mentioned.

250. luges xiii. In Judges xiii. 24 we are told of the birth of Samson to the barren wife of Manoah, and in Chaps, xiv.-xvi. of his life and death.

251. Mat. iiii. Matthew iv. 18-20, in which Christ called Peter and Andrew to be his disciples.

253. Actis. ix. Acts ix. describes the conversion of Saul [Paul] on his way to Damascus. Lindsay describes him as " creuell Paule,” because before his conversion he was the chief agent in the persecution of the Christians, bringing them before the high priest in Jerusalem.

258. Luc. i. Luke i. tells of the conception and birth of Christ.

259-260. These lines are a memory of the Creed. “ . . . qui conceptus est de Spiritu sancto, natus ex Maria virgine.”

261. It is probable that the marginal reference above has greater application to this line. Cf. Luke i. 67-79, called “ The Prophecy of Zacharias concerning Christ and John.” Zacharias recalls the ancient prophecies of the Saviour. Cf. esp. verses 70-72. 263-64. Luc. xxiii. Luke xxiii. tells of the trial and crucifixion of Christ.

266. Balyall: Belial. Lit. the worthless and lawless one—i.e., the Devil. Most of the biblical references to Belial are contained in 1 and 2 Samuel, but there is one New Testament reference to him, in 2 Cor- inthians vi. 15, " What concord hath Christ with Belial ? ” VOL. III. S 2&2 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

In the Middle Ages Belial was one of the regular names given to the Devil. Milton describes him. Paradise Lost, I. 490-505 : Belial came last, then whom a Spirit more lewd Fell not from Heaven, or more gross to love Vice for it self : To him no Temple stood Or Altar smoak’d ; yet who more oft then hee In Temples and at Altars, when the Priest Turns Atheist, as did Elys Sons, who fill’d With lust and violence the house of God. In Courts and Palaces he also Reigns And in luxurious Cities, where the noyse Of riot ascends above thir loftiest Towrs, And injury and outrage : And when Night Darkens the Streets, then wander forth the Sons Of Belial, flown with insolence and wine. Witness the Streets of Sodom, and that night In Gibeah, when hospitable Dores Yielded thir Matrons to prevent worse rape. 270. Hebr. ix. Hebrews ix. 11-12, " But Christ being come an high priest of good things to come ... by his own blood he entered in once into the holy place, having obtained eternal redemption for us.” The chapter tells of the inferiority of sacrifices of the blood of animals to the dignity and perfection of the blood and sacrifice of Christ.

275. That moist fresche fontane. The idea of the blood flowing from Christ’s side at his crucifixion, becoming the streams of life which flow through the world, is a Christian development of the idea of the four rivers flowing from the earthly paradise in Genesis iii. 8-14.

27G-T7. “ That source of Helicon [= poetical inspiration], which was both deep and wide, my heart may not forbear to seek.”

278. Iho. xix . . . Longeous. John xix. 34 does not give the name of the soldier who pierced Christ’s side with his spear: “ But one of the soldiers with a spear pierced his side, and forthwith came there out blood and water.” The tradition arose that the soldier was a blind centurion, named Longius, or Longinus, whose sight was restored to him after he had wounded Christ, by drops of Christ’s blood falling on his eyes. The legend of the name, which first appears in the apocryphal gospel of Nicodemus, appears to have been developed from this description in St John’s gospel, where, in the Greek versions, is used the word \6yxv, lance, spear. The common mediaeval source, however, was the Legenda Aurea, xlvii., of Jacques de Voragine. Cf. R. P. Wiilcker, Das Evangelium Nicodemi in der Abendldndischen Literatur. 1872. Laing, III. 183, ” In the Pseudo-Gospel of Nicodemus, we read ' Accipiens autem Longinus miles lanceam, aperuit latus ejus, et continue exivit sanguis et aqua.'—Jo. Alb. Fabricius (Codex Apoc- ryphus Novi Testamenti, vol. i., p. 259) in a long note on these words adds: ‘ Sic, et in Martyrologio Romano (xv. Martii) aliisque plurimis vocatur iste perfossor, cujus nomen reticet Johannes, xix. 34. . . . NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 263

Alias Latinorum fabulas de Longino isto vide sis apud Martinum Polo- num[,] lib. 3, Chron. p. 113. Graecis quibusdam non hie lateris Christi percussor \oyxo

In line 306 hew means " form, appearance,” not “ hue, colour.” O.E. hiew, hiw, form, appearance, figure. Lindsay does not mean, therefore, that the angels are clothed in blue, for they wear white. The meaning of the lines is, “ His dress, in appearance, was like that of an angel, and in colour was blue like the sapphire.”

316. For 1 wes werye for walking. The natural modern rhythm of this line catches, quite accidentally, the rhythm of Piers Plowman, A. text, Prologus, line 7, " I was weori of wandringe.” The scansion of the line is governed by that of the next line, which concludes with an amphibrach, “ in talking.” Unless therefore we allow, what was in practice occasionally done, a false iamb to rhyme with this amphibrach, we must make “ werye ” trisyllabic : x/,x I xx x / x For I | was wer| ye | for walking . . . x I x I x I x [ x Than we | began | to fall | in talking. 328-338. There is no doubt, I think, that Lindsay here summarises his own life as courtier and state official. 329. Sen I could ryde, one Courtiour. To understand this line fully we must remember the sixteenth century definition of a gentleman, one who by birth had the right to ride his horse. Cf. Spenser’s restriction of the right, and even ability, to ride to those born of gentle blood. Faerie Queene, II. iv. 1 : In braue pursuit of honorable deed. There is I know not what great difference Betweene the vulgar and the noble seed, Which vnto things of valorous pretence Seemes to be borne by natiue influence ; As feates of armes, and loue to entertaine. But chiefly skill to ride, seemes a science Proper to gentle bloud . . . Lindsay’s idea is based on the same conception of chivalry, that conception which was responsible for the derivation of the word Chivalry from Fr. cheval, horse, instead of O.F. chevalerie, It. cavalleria, Sp. cah- alleria, from L. caballerius, knighthood, horse-soldiery.

350-351. These lines are repeated from The Complaynt, 503-04, and appear again in The Monarche, 4998-99, slightly altered.

354. Sen euerilk Court bene variant. Cf. Papyngo, 196, 363, 421. The Monarche may be regarded as an elaboration of the theme that the earthly life, especially as personified by courts and empires, is unstable and transitory, whereas the spiritual life, personified by the heavenly court, is eternal.

363. The Cantpe of Damassene. Cf. Peter Comestor, Historia Scholas- tica, Genesis xiii., " Remansit homo in loco ubi factus est, in agro scilicet Damascene ? ” Campe, L. campus, plain, field. The word NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 265

“ campe ” may have come through French. Cf. Cronica Cronicarum abbrege, f. 2, Paris, 1532, “ Ceste creation fut faicte au champ nomme le champ Damascene, qui est de la terre Debron / pres / hierusalem.”

369. Job. vii. Mennis lyfe bene bot battell. Job vii. (Vulgate) 1, " Militia est vita hominis super terram,” adopted by Charteris as one of the two mottoes on the title-page of 1568, and used in all subsequent editions of Lindsay to 1776. The Authorised Version converts the statement into a question, " Is there not an appointed time to man upon earth ? ”

372. lournelly: journally, diurnally, daily, O.F. journal, from L. diurnal-em.

373. A traps : Atropos, personification in Hesiod of the fate which cannot be avoided. The other two fates are Clotho, who spins man’s destiny, on a spindle or distaS, and Lachesis, who assigns man his particular fate. Atropos is depicted with a pair of scales, or a sun-dial, but most frequently a pair of shears with which she cuts the thread of life spun by Clotho.

381. Synaturis: senators, councillors, statesmen, the chief men of the realm, next to the prince, king, or governor.

382. Princis and Potestatis : princes and powers, a glance at the earthly equivalent of the “ Principates ” and “ Potestates ” of the second hierarchy of angels. Cf. the diagram illustrating The Dreme, 512-609.

383. In non estatis. There were three estates: Nobility, clergy, and commons. The meaning is, " In no degree or walk of life.” The theme of these lines is an expansion of the complaint against the insecurity of life and happiness on earth. Cf. The Testament and Tragedie of King Henrie Stewart, in Satirical Poems of the Time of the Reformation, S.T.S., I. 39, lines 169-171 : Quhat warldlie toy in earth may lang induire ? Or quhat estate may heir him self assuire For to conserue his lyfe in sicernes ? These are a variant of the familiar complaints against the instability and uncertainty of Fortune, the goddess herself not being named. Cf. Gavin Douglas, Eneados, Prologue, Bk. II., Works, II. 67. 23, “ All erdly glaidnes fynysith with wo”; Ibid., Prologue, Bk. IV., II. 171. 27-28 : By the [Dido] will I repeit this vers agane, Temporall joy endis with wo and pane. Ibid., Prologue, Bk. V., II. 222. 12, " Sen erdlie plesour endis oft with sorrow.” I have already discussed the theological fondness for the comparison of the transitoriness of the earthly life with the eternality of the spiritual life [Papyngo, 196, 363, 421, &c.]. The sentiment regarding mortality is pagan in origin, but it was adopted by the mediaeval church. Seneca and Cicero were probably the two classical authors 266 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY most responsible for the propagation of this melancholy philosophy. Cf. Seneca, Agamemnon, ioo-ioi [Loeb] : Quidquid in altum Fortuna tulit ruitura levat. Also Seneca, Octavia, 377-380 [Loeb] : Quid me, potens Fortuna, fallaci mihi blandita vultu, sorte contentum mea alte extulisti, gravius ut ruerem edita receptus arce totque prospicerem metus ?

This philosophy bore early fruit in English religious literature. The 49th homily, credited by some editors to Wulfstan, Bishop of Worcester and Archbishop of York [fl. 1002-1023], contains a long passage on the dangers of greatness in this world. The passage is too long to quote in full. " yEghwilc heah ar, her on worulde, bid mid frecnessum ymbseald ; efne swa da woruldgedyngda beod maran, swa da frecnessa beod swidran [analogies follow]. Swa da hean mihta, her on worulde, hreosad and feallad [cf. Seneca, CEdipus, 11. ‘ Imperia sic excelsa Fortunae objacent'] and to lore weordad, and disse worulde welan weordad to sorge, and das eordlican wundor weordad to nahte. . . . Beah-de da mihti- gestan and da rlcestan haten him reste gewyrcean of marmanstane, and mid goldfrsetwum and mid gimcynnum call astSned . . . hwaedre se bitera dead daet todSled call [cf. Seneca, Octavia, 624 : licet extruat marmoribus atque auro tegat superbus aulam . . . desertus ac destructus et cunctis egens.] ’’

In the latter, the words of the ghost of Agrippina on the actions of her son Nero, who has murdered her, are applied to a general moral problem. It may not be, of course, that Wulstan himself read Seneca, and I do not suggest this. The example of the marble tomb must have been a common one in homilies long before Wulfstan’s day. The extract will illustrate, however, the adoption by Christian writers and preachers of pagan philosophy. The direct influence of Seneca on the Church is traceable through the Middle Ages, while his influence on literature was enormous, ending with the adoption of his tragedies as models for one kind of Eliza- bethan tragedy, thus affecting all kinds. Many of the sententious sayings ascribed to him in the Middle Ages were not his work. A pseudo- Seneca existed, fully believed to have been his work. Many other sayings attributed to him were the work of Publius Syrus [fl. 45 b.c.], a slave at Rome, and mimographer. Syrus began the compilation of moral sayings now called the Publii Syrii Sententice, drawn from various sources and expanded by other hands. These sententice are of the Stoic school of philosophy, and many examples of their favour are to be found in Chaucer, especially in The Tale of Melibeus, Chaucer ascribing them to Seneca. One which is referred to by Chaucer [Melibeus, 2640] will establish the relationship with Seneca. Chaucer there expands the saying of Syrus, Sententice, 189, “ Fortuna vitrea est, et cum splendet. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 267 frangitur,” into “ Senec seith, ' The moore cleer and moore shyning that Fortune is, the moore brotil and the sonner broken she is ; trusteth nat in hire, for she nys nat stidefaste, ne stable, for whan thow trowest to be moost seur and siker of hire helpe, she wol faille thee and deceyve the.' ” The sententice of Syrus were in early use as a school-book. The mediaeval church was not slow to make capital out of the survival of the Stoic philosophy in this fashion, and tried to gain adherents by offering the joys and permanence of the eternal life. But at least one person listened unwillingly to a recital of the moral sayings of " Senec." Januarie, in The Merchant's Tale [E. 1566-69], will have none of it: “ Wei,” quod this Januarie, " and hastow sayd ? Straw for thy Senek, and for thy proverbes ! I counts nat a panyer ful of herbes Of scole termes ...” In this connection, however, the enormous influence of Boethius's De Consolatione Philosophies must not be forgotten.

394-395. Lindsay here applies to ordinary life a charge which he was fond of levelling against the clergy. Cf. Dreme, 295-98, where it is levelled against women, and Tragedie, 50-56, 66-67, where Cardinal Beaton is made to confess his desire for riches, rents (large incomes), and dignities. There is, however, a borrowing, slightly altered, as usual with Lindsay, from Mon. 7-9 : Warldlye Peple wyll haue at the dispyte, Quhilk fyxit hes thare hart and hole intentis On sensuall Luste, on Dignitie, and Rentis. 398-99. Cf. Mon. 5115, " Bot, ay, the houre of deith vneertane,” and Satyre, 4482-4485, partly based on Matthew xxiv. 42, "... for ye know not what hour your Lord doth come,” partly on similar sentiments in late Stoic philosophy.

406-407. Marrowis in trybulatioun / Bene Wracheis consolatioun. Pro- verb. Another form of it appears in Spenser, Daphnaida, 67, " Griefe findes some ease by him that like does beare.”

416-423. A repetition of the theme that God sends the punishments of war, disease, hunger, plague, for sins committed. Cf. the particular case of the sins of Scotland being punished by God through the in- strumentality of England, dealt with in the note to lines 82-90.

435. Felicitite. This is probably a misprint for felicite or felicitie. Either word, however, makes a clumsy scansion. 437. Gen. in. Genesis iii. tells of the deception of Eve by the serpent, and the consequent casting of Adam and Eve out of the earthly paradise. Lindsay describes the fall of man in greater detail in lines 857-1122. Cf. also the apostrophe to Adam in The Deploratioan, 8-14.

446-449. Rom. v. Cf. Romans v. 12-21. Cf. line 470. 268 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

450. i Joh. i. i John i. 10, " If we say that we have not sinned, we make him a liar, and his word is not in us.” 450-451. Quho wyll say he is no Synnar, Christ sayis he is ane gret tear. i Joh. i. The two lines are formed from two different verses of this chapter, Lindsay having, doubtless through confusion of memory, combined the two. i John i. 8, “ If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. ... io. If we say that we have not sinned, we make him [Christ] a liar, and his word is not in us.” The Vulgate reading agrees with that in the Authorised Version. Lindsay slightly misinterprets the passage.

454. Efter his qualytie. It is not clear whether his refers to Adam or to all in the next line. If to the former it means that because we are all like Adam in temperament we are all inclined to sin. If to the latter it means that we are all inclined to sin, each after his own manner, temperament, and social degree. Probably the former is intended.

462-469. A combination of several biblical passages. Cf. i John iv. 9-10, “ In this was manifested the love of God toward us, because that God sent his only begotten Son into the world, that we might live through him.” i Peter i. 19, " But with the precious blood of Christ.” Revelation i. 5, ” And washed us from our sins in his own blood.” This latter is probably the reference intended by Lindsay’s marginal reference, Apocal. ii., which should be amended to Apocal. i.

470. The marginal reference, Rom. v., applies, like the previous reference, to line 469. Romans v. 8, " But God commendeth his love toward us, in that, while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us.”

472. Hebre. x. Hebrews ix.-x. deal with the futility of the sacrifices of animals. Only the blood of Christ saves sinners. 479. loh. in. 5. The reference is slightly incorrect. John iii. 15, “ That whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have eternal life. 15 . . . whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life." 482. Hebr. xi. Hebrews xi. discusses the meaning of faith, and offers many examples, but the chapter does not discuss its relationship to hope and charity. St Paul does this in 1 Corinthians xiii. 13, " And now abideth faith, hope, charity, these three ; but the greatest of these is charity.” In the next portion of his poem, 485-501, Lindsay continues his discussion of faith, based on the chapter from Corinthians.

489. Do none Iniure nor villanie, / Bot as thow wald wer done to the. A repetition of “ do ” must be understood to control the second line : " Bot [do] as thow wald wer done to the." Cf. Matthew vii. 12, " There- fore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 269 even so to them,” and Luke vi. 31, " And as ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise.” Chalmers, II. 344, “ So, Gawin Douglas, more tersely: ‘ Do to ilk wicht, as done to thou wald be.’ [Eneados, Prologue, Bk. IX., Works, III. 205. 13.] Laing, III. 184, notes that Lindsay repeats the quotation in line 662, “ [Gyf] ilk man do as he wald be done to.”

490. laco. ii. James ii. 14, 17. " 14. What doth it profit, my brethren, though a man say he hath faith, and have not works ? Can faith save him ? 17. Even so faith, if it hath not works, is dead, being alone.”

496. Cf. James ii. 19, " The devils also believe, and tremble.” Lindsay converts the passage to apply solely to the Devil.

498-499. A return to x Corinthians xiii. 1-3, especially, perhaps, verse 3, “ And though I bestow all my goods to feed the poor, and though I give my body to be burned, and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing.”

504-509. This passage is a combination of passages from St Paul, especially Romans v. 17, " For if by one man’s ofience death reigned by one ; much more they which receive abundance of grace and of the gift of righteousness shall reign in life by one, Jesus Christ.” Also 1 Cor. xv. 21-22, “ For since by man came death, by man came also the resurrection of the dead. 22. For as in Adam all die, even so in Christ shall all be made alive.”

515. All thyng sail than cum for the best. Cf. Satyre, 1462-63 : Bot all comes for the best. Til him that louis the Lord. Cf. Romans viii. 28, " All things work together for good to them that love God.”

530. Syndrie cunnyng Clerkis. Perhaps the paraphrase, “ various learned theologians," would best convey Lindsay’s meaning. He refers to the vast number of mediaeval cosmographies beginning with the creation of the world as told in the Bible, and the large number of treatises and biblical histories intended to clarify the Jewish story of the creation, but also containing a percentage of later tradition and theological commentary. Of the latter the most influential work was the Historia Scholastica (c. 1169-1175) of Peter Comestor, but it cannot be said, I think, that Lindsay has made direct use of this famous work. Much of its material was absorbed into the works of the later mediseval historians, and Lindsay probably used these exclusively. It will appear in the notes which follow that Lindsay began his history of the world by making use of a French adaptation of Orosius by Claude de Seissel, called Le Premier [and Second] Volume de Orose. He acknowledges this debt to “ Orosius ” in several places [Oroce 1644 ; Orocius 3484 ; Pauli Orose 1240; Orotius 1745, 1815] and his indebtedness to " The translatour of Orotius ” [1747]. 270 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Ane Exclamatioun to The Redar, Twycheyng the wryttyng of Uulgare and Maternall Language.

538. Gentyl Redar, haif at me non dispyte. Cf. Mon. 7, “ Warldlye Peple wyll haue at the dispyte.” Chalmers, II. 346, “ This apology, for writing in the maternal language, was also made by Chaucer, and Lydgate, by Gawin Douglas, and Wedderburn, the author of The Complaynt of Scotland, 1549.” Laing, III. 184, adds, " Lyndsay not only urges on Prelates the propriety of allowing the people to pray and read the Scriptures in a language they could understand, as necessary for salvation, but likewise, that for the benefit of the Commonwealth, the Laws of the kingdom should be made accessible in the vulgar tongue. Various changes in this respect took place in the course of time, in the proceedings of civil as well as ecclesiastical courts, registration of deeds, &c., by adopting the common vernacular language. One instance may be noticed. In the Register of Burgesses admitted in Edinburgh, commencing at the end of the fifteenth century, on the 15th of March 1560-61, it was ordered, ‘ That all Actis, &c., in this Book be written and extracted in cure awin maternall toung.’ ” The “ excuses ” or “ reasons ” for writing in the vernacular are as old as King Alfred, whose translations, both those by him, and inspired by him, established a sound tradition in English. As Latin continued to be the official language of the church, it survived as the language of international scholarship, necessitating, down to the seventeenth century, frequent apologies, or explanations, by those who did not intend their work to have international repute. As the “ universal ” church gradually lost its imperialist pretensions through the successful opposition of nations to the abolition of frontiers, national interests, and with them, the vernacular languages, began to come to the fore. The gradual overthrow of the imperial dominion of the church over Europe, inherited from the old Roman empire, and with it the decline of Latin scholarship, and the formation of individual countries with separate vernaculars, is the history of mediaeval Europe.

548. Smith, Specimens, 306, " A favourite simile with Lyndsay.”

550, 551. Diraclit . . . lactit. Smith, Specimens, 306, " lactit (= ' lackit —i.e., blamed, condemned) is purely scribal. ‘ -ct ’ meant ‘ -ck,’ and scribes had a fancy for spelling the rhyme-words alike, in defiance of etymology.” Smith draws parallels with Satirical Poems of the Time of the Reformation, S.T.S., I. 387, 1017, ” geathis ” (= gaes, goes) rhyming with “ cleathis ” (claes, clothes).

557. Exo. xx. The ten commandments were given by God to Moses on Mount Sinai, as described in Exodus xix. to xx., but God then continued with further laws, detailed in the succeeding chapters of Exodus. We are not told until chapter xxxi. 18 that the laws of God were engraved by their maker on “ two tables of testimony, tables of stone, written with the finger of God." Cf. also chapter xxxii. 15-16, " And Moses turned, and went down from the mount, and the two tables of the NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 271 testimony were in his hand : the tables were written on both their sides ; on the one side and on the other were they written. 16. And the tables were the work of God, and the writing was the writing of God, graven upon the tables.” We are not told what language was used. That they were written by God in Hebrew is the invention of theologians, for Hebrew, as a language, does not seem to be mentioned in the Old Testament.

564. Sawrles. This form is an interesting scribal acknowledgment of the elision, or silencing, of -v- between vowels, when necessary. Savourless.

567. Philosophie. The word is here trisyllabic, with the stress falling on the medial syllable : phil-soph-ie.

573. Wrait nocht in Caldye language, nor in Grew. Caldye language : the language of Chaldea. Grew : Greek. The form Grew was practically confined to Scotland after the fifteenth century, but it appears in English from the thirteenth century onwards. O.F. griu, L. graecum. The last appearance recorded in O.E.D. is 1560, Holland, Court of Venus, I. 181 : Thus was he clad, and with letteris of grew In fine Scriptour, I saw it writtin new.

575. The naturall language of Hebrew. Hebrew is described as the ” natural language ” because, following the biblical statement in Genesis xi. 1, that " the whole earth was of one language, and of one speech,” it was believed that it was the original language spoken by Adam and Eve and their descendants until the time of the " diversity of tongues,” the punishment sent by God on the builders of the tower of Babylon, or Babel, for their presumption in endeavouring to reach heaven. The belief that there was an " original ” tongue of divine origin was widespread throughout early and mediaeval times. Hero- dotus, II. 2, tells of an Egyptian king, Psammetichos, who, desirous of finding out whether the Egyptians were a more ancient nation than the Phrygians, endeavoured to discover the " natural ” language, or that which would be spoken by two children isolated from babyhood, by causing two infants to be set apart. On reaching the age of two, they were found to speak the Phrygian word for bread, and the Egyptians were thus compelled to admit the greater antiquity of the Phrygians. The same story is recorded of James IV. of Scotland, who set two infants, in the charge of dumb nurses, on Inchkeith. On reaching the age of speech they were found to speak good Scots. In this case the king seems to have been suspicious of priestly interference, and not to have accepted this “ proof ” of the divine origin of his own tongue. Frederick II. of Sweden also tried this experiment. For an indication of the late mediaeval belief in the efficacy of such experiments see the conclusion to the first paragraph in the extract quoted as note to lines 709-737. There is still a kind of belief that some languages are more sacred than others ; Church Latin and Arabic (for Mohammedans) are examples. For the late mediaeval belief in the divine origin of Hebrew, and in 272 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY the efficacy of the experiments on children, see the end of the first paragraph in the note to lines 709-737. The Book of Jubilees, III. 28, states that all beasts spoke the natural language before the expulsion from Paradise. This was to explain the serpent’s conversation with Eve. Josephus, A ntiquities, 1. 40, repeats this belief.

580. Romance. Another example of a scribe’s or a compositor’s desire to make his rhymes match by eye as well as by ear, Romance (Romans) : auance. There are many such example^ in this poem. Lambeth MS. 332 gives the correct plural forms.

587-588. Gene. xi. Genesis xi. 1-9 tells the story of the building of the tower of Babel “ in the land of Shinaar,” and of the diversity of tongues. In former times it was believed that the extensive ruins at or near Babylon represented the attempt to reach heaven by means of a great tower, and hence arose the confusion between Babel and Babylon. Lindsay himself associates Babel with Babylon (589), and describes the building of the tower in lines 1617-1888. See note to line 1628. 588. Maledictioun : Malediction, L. malediction-em, but borrowed by Lindsay from the Vulgate, which uses this one word to translate four Hebrew words for “ curse,” the Hebrew endeavouring to distinguish kind and degree.

591-592. Cf. Genesis xi. 1, “ And the whole earth was of one language, and of one speech.” See note to line 575. 593. Of toungis . . . thre score and twelf. Lindsay’s authority, if not common knowledge, may have been the Liber Chronicarum (1493), f. x8a. “ De Turri Babyl vel Babilonie. Nembroth gigas manu for- tissimus. Noe proauo suo vita functo libidine dominandi succensus apud bablionios imperium vsurpauit. Cuius regni principium in campo Senaar incepit, in quo conuentionem habuit vir audacissimus et elo- quentissimus vt homines a dei timore reuocaret eis persuasit vt lateres facerent et igni coquerent et turrim edificarent ex^celsam. Cuius cacumen vsque ad celum pertingeret tanquam ascensuri per earn in celum. Quam cum edificarent magna eorum superbia se contra deum erigentes. Edificantium temeritatem dominus hac sola animaduersione percussit. vt gentes due et septuaginta quem ibi conuenerant: et descenderant ex tribus filijs Noe quibus vna erat lingua totidem linguarum confusione superinducta. vt alter alterius vocem non intelligeret. Ilia conspiratio sic dissoluta est : vt super omnem terre faciem spargentur.” This is not quite what Lindsay says. The Liber Chronicarum says that seventy-two nations, all speaking one language, gathered at Babylon to build the tower, and that when they were dispersed the nations could not understand each other’s languages. The a priori deduction is that seventy-two languages were created when the dispersal of the peoples took place. This calculation was based on the generations of Noah, Genesis x., through his three sons, Shem, Ham, and Japheth. Cf. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxxvii., “ Redit Moyses NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 273 ad principium genealogias Noe dicens : Hce sunt generationes filiormn Noe (Gen. x.), et incipit a Japhet minori, ut ultimo loco ponatur Sem, cujus successionem texere intendit. Texuntur autem ex eis septuaginta duce generationes, quindecim de Japhet, triginta de Cham, viginti septem de Sem.” This calculation was early transferred to the languages. The beautifully illustrated Book of Hours done in France, 1423-1430, for John, Duke of Bedford, now in the British Museum, Add. MS. 18850, contains a large illustration on f. I7b, of the building of the Tower. The title of the picture forms the heading of the succeeding chapter : " Comme en edifia la tour de babiloine. et le languege fust mue en .Ixxij. languegues. et les anges la despecerent.” The calculation appears still earlier in the Cursor Mundi, 2269-2270, but the number in all four principal texts of that poem is sixty-two : j?e first [speche] bot an was and nama, Now er pax speches sexti a[nd] tua.

Lindsay may have found the statement in the Cronica Cronicarum abbrege, “ Et la langue hebraique qui auoit este seulle depuis la creation du monde iusques a ce temps fut diuisee en .Ixxii. langues.” Seissel [see note to “ The Creation of Adam and Eve,” line 685], f. i2b. “ Et en ceste confusion de langaiges icy furent prins soixante et douze manieres de parler / et pour ceste cause fut nommee da tour de babel / que selon ysidore vault autant a dire comme tour de confusion on que ne peult estre consommee / et est celluy lieu appelle babilione ouquel la cite que depuis a tant eu de renom fut fondee.” Modern scholars do not accept the calculation. " In relating the nations to each other, each is represented as summed up in a corresponding eponymous ancestor. . . . The nations and tribes existed : and imaginary ancestors were afterwards postulated for the purpose of exhibiting pictorially the relationship in which they were supposed to stand towards one another. An exactly parallel instance, though not so fully worked out, is afforded by the ancient Greeks. The general name of the Greeks was Hellenes, the principal subdivisions were the Dorians, the Aeolians, the lonians, and the Achaeans ; and accordingly the Greeks traced their descent from a supposed eponymous ancestor Hellen, who had three sons, Dorus and Aeolus, the supposed ancestors of the Dorians and Aeolians, and Xuthus, from whose two sons. Ion and Achaeus, the lonians and Achaeans were respectively supposed to be descended ” [Driver, The Book of Genesis, 112].

598. That I am nocht of that sorte sore I rew. Lindsay’s statement that he knew no Latin, Greek, or Hebrew, has been accepted at its face value, but it is another example of the modesty convention. Lindsay certainly knew Latin, for he used the Vulgate for his biblical authority in the present poem, and quotes from it in Latin in A ne Satyre. More- over, he could not have been an ambassador without a knowledge of Latin. Greek he may well not have known, and I think it is certain that he knew no Hebrew. He also knew French, and used a French translation of Orosius for the early portion of the history of the world narrated in this poem. 274 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

601. Actis. ii. In Acts ii. we are told how the Apostles "were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and began to speak with other tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance.” Lindsay has again used the Vulgate, as is shown by his translation of “ Spiritus sanctus ” as " Holy Spreit ” (602).

614. Thame. This refers back to the “ Nunnis & Systeris ” of line 609.

616. Vncuth : uncouth, unknown, strange, foreign. O.E. uncup.

617. Mumland thair matynis, euinsang, and thare houris. Mnmland: mumbling. Cf. Kitteis Confessioun, 43, " And mekle Latyne he did mummill.” Matynis : Matins, one of the canonical hours of the Church, properly sung at midnight, but sometimes at daybreak. Down to about 1549 it seems to have also been a term for the public service preceding the first mass on Sunday. M.E. matines, L. matutinus. Euinsang : Evensong, the church service celebrated shortly before, or about, sunset. Now, in the Reformed Churches, the evening service. Houris : hours, the canonical hours, or hours prescribed by canon law for the celebration of the seven services of the day, matins (with lauds), prime, terce, sext, none, vespers, and compline.

618. Thare Pater Noster, Aue, and thare Creid. Pater Noster : paternoster, the Lord’s Prayer, so called from O.E. onwards from the first words of the Latin text, " Pater noster, qui es in caelis, &c.” Aue : Ave, short form of Ave Maria, originally the angel’s salutation to the Virgin, Luke i. 28, “ Et ingressus angelus ad earn dixit: Ave, gratia plena; Dominus tecum ; benedicta tu in mulieribus,” later developed into the prayer to the Virgin Mary as mother of Christ, “ Ave Maria, gratia plena : Dominus tecum : Benedicta tu in mulieribus, & benedictus fructus ventris tui Jesus. Sancta Maria, mater Dei, ora pro nobis peccatoribus nunc, & et in hora mortis nostrae.” This prayer was aided by borrowing from the words of Elizabeth to Mary, Luke i. 42, “ Benedicta tu inter mulieres, et benedictus fructus ventris tui." Creid : Credo, Creed, so called from the opening words of the Christian declarations of faith, whether Apostolic or Nicene, " Credo in Deum.” The Athanasian Creed begins " Quicunque vult,” " whoever will be saved,” but it is equally a confession of Christian faith. 620-621. God haue mercy on me . . . Miserere Mei, Deus. The first words of Psalm li. (Authorised and Revised Versions) or Psalm 1. (Vulgate Version) verse 3, “ Miserere mei, Deus, secundum magnam misericordiam tuam ; Et secundum multitudinem miserationum tuarum, dele iniquitatem meam.” “ Have mercy upon me, O God, according to thy loving kindness : according to the multitude of thy tender mercies blot out my transgressions.” Psalm li. (1.) is one of the seven penitential psalms. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 275

622. Sand levome : St Jerome. For full details see Index of Biblical and Theological References.

628. Yrische. An early Scottish form of Irish, used by the lowland Scots for Highland Gaelic : erse. Smith, Specimens, 307, " Yrische. Here a monosyllable [iirsh].”

629-634. 1 Cor. xiiii. Lindsay again combines different portions of a chapter of the Bible. 1 Cor. xiv. 19, “ Yet in the church I had rather speak five words with my understanding, that by my voice I might teach others also, than ten thousand words in an unknown tongue.” Lindsay may possibly here have used a translation or a commentary. The word “ edification ” [631] comes from an earlier part of the same chapter, verse 3, " But he that prophesieth speaketh unto men to edification, and exhortation, and comfort.” In strange langage : Cf. the Authorised Version’s “ unknown tongue,” the Vulgate’s “ lingua.”

635. I thynk sic pattryng is not worth twa prenis. Chalmers, II. 350. “ pratling, in ed. 1597 : pattering means reciting rapidly : To patter, to make a noise, like the quick steps of many feet; as in Dryden : ' Patt'ring hail comes pouring on the main.’ ” Cf. Gavin Douglas, Eneados, Prologue, Book VIII., Works, III. 145. 28-29 : Preistis, [who] suld be patereris and for the peple pray, To be Papis of patrimonie and prelatis pretendis. O.E.D. differentiates between (1) Patter, to mumble prayers, from Pater-noster, and (2) Patter, succession of pats, from the verb pat-\-ox.

637. The Euangell: that portion of the Gospels, the Evangel, used in the Liturgy.

639. Bot as ane Bell quhen that thay heir it roung. Lindsay means that on holy days the common people understand nothing of what the priest says or sings, and only know that something is going on when they hear the bell ring. Owing to the closing in of choirs and chancels it was impossible for the worshippers to see when the host was elevated, and a bell was rung at the altar, as a sign for the people to kneel in adoration.

656. To treit thir men of law. Treit: treat, deal with, fee. O.E.tretier, L. tractare, trahere.

662. Lindsay bears in mind his quotation from Matthew vii. 12. See note to line 489.

676-677. Smith, Specimens, 307, makes the unsympathetic comment, " Note that Lyndsay makes no plea for the vernacular in secular literature." This perverts Lindsay’s meaning. In his day only that secular literature which the commons would not have read was written in Latin ; the commons were adequately provided with vernacular literature from all sources but that which had become most necessary, the religious. 276 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

685. Warton, III. 238, quotes, as continuous lines, 685-690, 699-702, 707-718, and remarks, “ Some of these nervous, terse and polished lines need only to be reduced to modern and English orthography, to please a reader accustomed solely to relish the tone of our present versification.” Warton, thus claiming that Lindsay’s octosyllabics are excellent from an eighteenth century point of view, adds, as further illustration of Lindsay’s use of the measure, lines 4030-4032, 4036-4049, 5556-5561, 5568, 5569, 5572-558i. This portion of the poem, 685-973, was cast into stanza form by Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington. It appears in Appendix VI. Genesis i. is noted in the margin as the authority for lines 685-706. This tells the story of the creation of the universe, man, all living things, and food. There are no parallels with Le Premier Volume de Orose.

687. The sterry heuin and Christellyne. The spheres of the fixed stars and the Crystalline Heaven. See notes to The Dreme, 490-497, 513. 689. The planetis, in thair circlis round. The planets in their spheres. See notes to The Dreme, 383-489.

690. Quhirling about with merie sound. The " Music of the Spheres ” is here referred to. See note to The Dreme, 510. 691-692. Off quhome Phebus was principals luste in his Lyne EclipticcUl.

The ” Lyne Eclipticall ” is the Ecliptic, the great circle of the celestial sphere which is the orbit of the sun. It is so called because eclipses can only take place when the moon is at or near this line. The first quotation for “ Ecliptic ” in O.E.D. is dated 1556, four years later than Lindsay’s use of the word.

The Creatioun of Adam and Eve.

For much of the early portion of his history of the world Lindsay made use of a French adaptation of Orosius. In the dark ages heathen writers argued that the increased misery of the world was due to the spread of Christianity. To refute this the African bishop, Aurelius Augustine, induced his friend, Paulus Orosius, to write, in 416, a universal history on Christian principles, especially directed against the arguments of the pagan writers, and intended, by showing them the real origin of the misery of the world, to convert them. Hence the history of Orosius was entitled De Miseria Mundi, a title which Lindsay borrows for his own work, translating it, “ Off the Miserabyll Estait of the Warld.” When Augustine proposed this work he had already planned and begun his own De Civitate Dei, wherein the same principle is adopted. Orosius’s history is a history of the calamities of mankind, but it is by no means a compilation of “ tragedies ” or “ falls of princes,’’ since it bases its conception of history on the theory of a god guiding humanity through misery and sin to salvation. To this principle was due the NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 277 enormous popularity of Orosius’s work throughout the Middle Ages, the earliest translation into English being that of King Alfred. The editio princeps is that of 1471, and a large number of editions and translations succeeded it. Orosius began his history with the story of the world until its division between the three sons of Noah, this leading to a geography of the world, which his adapter reproduces in an enlarged and modernised form. This Lindsay omitted, as he had already compiled such a geography in The Dreme (631-749). All early writers, as was natural, adopted from the Bible the conception of an immaculate creation, the temptation of Adam and Eve, their fall from grace, and the consequent introduction of sin and death, labour, pain, and misery into the life of man, which he must suffer until the judgment day. The mediaeval attitude towards religious history was thus set by Orosius, and it forms the main argument of Lindsay’s poem. Lindsay did not use a pure text of Orosius, either in Latin or in translation. He used a work which was issued in France under the title of Le Premier [and Second] Volume de Orose, believed to have been the work of Claude de Seissel, or Seyssel, successively Bishop of Marseilles and Archbishop of Turin. Seissel was the natural son of a Savoyard gentleman, and was born, c. 1450, at Aix, in Savoy. He studied Law at Pavia, and from 1487 he taught at Turin. When the University of Turin was closed, following a French invasion of Italy, he came to Paris, on the invitation of Louis XII., at whose court he remained for several years, engaged as diplomat, historian, and scholar. After heading an embassy to Henry VII. in 1508, he entered orders, and was made Bishop of Marseilles in 1509, but remained at court, and did not enter his diocese until after the death of Louis XII. in 1515. In his capacity as bishop, however, he attended the Diet of Treves in 1512 and the council of the Lateran in 1514. In 1517 he was appointed Archbishop of Turin, holding this see until his death at Turin on 31st May 1520. His literary work is of two kinds. He is perhaps principally remembered in France as the historian of the reign of Louis XII., and the French have acclaimed him as the first modern French prose writer. But his work for culture is of equal value. He is one of the most important of a long series of translators of the classics into the vernacular, but only one of his translations was published during his lifetime. Arranged in alphabetical order of authors, since there seems to be no guide as to dates of completion, these translations are as follows: (1) Appian : Des Guerres des Romains livres xi. 1544 fol. ; 1560 8° : (2) Diodorus Siculus : L'Histoire des successeurs d’Alexandre le Grand, extraicte de Diodore Sicilien, together with some lives of Plutarch. 1530 fol.; 1545 160 : (3) Eusebius: L'Histoire ecclesiastique. 1532 fob: I533 8° : (4) [Orosius :] Le Premier [and Second] volume de Orose. 1509 fol. : 1526 fol. : (5) Thucydides : L’Histoire de Thucydide. 1527 fol. : 153° fol.: 1534 40 : 1545 16° : 1555 8° : (6) Trogus Pompeius : Les Histoires universelles du Troge Pompeii. 1539 fol.: (7) Xenophon: Histoire du voyage que fist Cyrus. 1529 fol. : (8) A translation of Justin, published in 1559. (9) Seneca : Senecque des mots dores des quatre vertus en francois. 1509 fol. : 1525. These works acquired European fame. Henry VIII. himself possessed VOL. III. T 278 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY the copy of the 1509 edition of Le Premier volume de Orose which is now in the British Museum, press-mark 582.1. 6. The translation of Diodorus was translated into English in 1560 by T. Stocker, and the translation of Thucydides was translated into English in 1550 by T. Nicolls. The French translation, or rather, adaptation, of Orosius by Claude de Seissel which Lindsay used, as the following notes will indicate, appeared in folio in 1509, and again in folio in 1526. There is no direct evidence that Seissel was the translator, but evidence of style points to him. It appeared in two parts : Le Premier Volume de Orose and Le Second Volume de Orose. The colophon of the 1509 edition, on f. 12711 of Part II., is as follows : Imprime a pans ce Aiie. tour de iuning mil cinq cens et neuf pour Anthoine verard libraire demourant deuant la rue neusue no sire dame a lymage sainct Jehan leuangeliste ou au pallais en la grant scdle au premier pillier deuant la chapelle ou on chante la messe de messeigneurs les presidens. I have used the 1509 edition in the British Museum, instead of the 1526 edition, because of the greater convenience of not having to transfer my materials to the North Library. There seems to be no essential difference between the editions. Part I., consisting of 228 folios, tells the history of the world from the creation to the death of Alexander the Great. It includes (i) biblical and pseudo-biblical stories of the creation, the family of Adam, Noah and the Ark, Nimrod and the Tower of Babel, (ii) The regions of the world, (iii) The story of Ninus of Assyria, (iv) The stories of Abraham, Sodom and Gomorrah, Jacob, Esau, and Joseph, (v) The history of Thebes, Oedipus, Tydeus, Jocasta, and the war between Thebes and Greece, (vi) The history of Greece, Hercules, Jason, and the Trojan War, (vii) The story of Aeneas, the founding of Rome, and the early history of Rome, (viii) The history of Persia, Cyrus, Tomyris, Nebuchadnezzar, Holofernes, and Darius, (ix) The later history of Greece, Philip of Macedon, Alexander the Great, and the successors of Alexander. Part II., consisting of only 127 folios, details (i) The history of Rome and Carthage, the life of Hannibal, and the destruction of Carthage, (ii) The history of Rome, Pompey, and Mithridates, ending with the return of Pompey in triumph to Rome. This brief list of contents will at once suggest that Lindsay may have been indebted to Seissel’s work for more material than the early history of the world in The Monarche. From it Lindsay may have taken the material for his lost poems dealing with Alexander, Pompey, Jason, Hercules, the sieges of Thebes and Troye [vide The Dreme, 33-45], the reference to Tydeus [Squyer Meldrum, 1310-1313], the victorious return of Pompey [Deploratioun, 75-76], and many other allusions to classical history and legend. If he did so he must have used the 1509 edition. Seissel’s work is not a mere translation of Orosius. It contains, certainly, matter translated from Orosius, but these are accompanied by additional matter by the translator himself. Some portions are usually headed “ Le translateur.” The additions contribute pseudo- biblical stories current in the Middle Ages to expand the very brief biblical matter contained in Orosius. Others are bold insertions, as the whole of the cycles of Thebes and Troy. Others are Seissel’s insertions of additional notes from Peter Comestor, Josephus, and others, though these seem rather to have been derived from second-hand sources, for. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 279 like a good late mediaeval theologian, Seissel seems not to have known his Bible at first hand. More than once he accredits a statement for which there is direct biblical authority to an intermediate religious historian or commentator. Seissel declares his aim at the beginning [f. 2b], " Mais pour ce que orose en pou de parolles latines traicta son livre et en pou de langage comprint grande substance / il est req^ que en ceste present translation faicte du latin au francois Nous adiouxtons plusieurs choses recueillies et extraictes des liures anciens Pour plus amplement desclarer les parolles et intentions de orose.” Lindsay’s debt to Seissel is not easy to define briefly. Lindsay used his material most intelligently, and had no hesitation either in adopting additional matter, or in departing from Seissel when fuller material was to be found elsewhere. The following summary may be found useful as a guide. From line 685 to line 2278 Lindsay’s principal authority is Seissel, but additional matter is drawn from the Vulgate, and the Cronica Cronicarum abbrege [see note to line 5283]. Seissel is Lindsay’s chief authority therefore for the early history of the world from the creation to the building of the Tower of Babel, and the invention of war and the worship of fire by Ninus. Diodorus Siculus then becomes his authority for the reigns of Ninus, Semiramis, and Sardanapalus [lines 2709-3381]. Then Lindsay returns to Seissel for the description of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah [lines 3382-3517]. From Seissel also Lindsay borrows the swift outline of world events down to the Christian era [lines 3518-3825], with an occasional glance at Carion. The next section of the poem [lines 3826-4125], describing the destruction of Jerusalem, is taken not from Josephus, as Lindsay says, but from the anonymous poem Titus and Vespasian, with plentiful borrowings from the Vulgate. The next section, describing the Papal Mon- archy, is drawn from various sources, Eusebius, Justin, and Carion being the chief, but notes appear from the Fasciculus Temporum, the Cronica Cronicarum, and the Liber Chronicarum. For the remainder of the poem, picturing the Day of Judgment, Lindsay is indebted to other authorities, no one of which can be cited as chief. Lindsay acknowledges his debt to “ Orosius ” on five occasions [Oroce 1644; Orocius 3484; Pauli Orose 1240; Orotius 1745, 1815] and to Seissel once [" the translatour of Orotius ” 1747]. Seissel is not mentioned by name, as Le Premier Volume de Orose was published anonymously. Portions of his work, it may be stated here, were used in another French history of the world, the Cronica cronicarum abbrege, which Lindsay himself was acquainted with [see note to line 5283]. Both works are again allied to the Liber Chronicarum seu Nurembergensis Chronicon of 1493, and to this work also Lindsay seems to have been slightly indebted, though perhaps more to the woodcuts it contains than to its letterpress. 697. Lindsay here has either forgotten to insert a verb, or he intends “ had maid ” in line 685 to govern these lines, forgetting that he had used a second verb " gaue ” in line 693. 697. The heuin Impyre. The Empyrean Heaven. See notes to The Dr erne, 512-602. 28o THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

697-698. The four elements : earth, water, air, and fire. Genesis records the creation of earth, i. 9-10, and water, i. 6-7, but not air and fire.

703-708. See note to lines 244-246.

709-737. Lindsay here adopts Seissel as his authority. I quote within square brackets the numbers of those lines of Lindsay which seem to me to owe a debt to this work. Folio 3b : [709] Finablement crea nostre seigneur le premier homme pour auoir presidence et seigneurie de toutes les creatures dessus-dictes / lesquelles estoient toutes faictes de riens et sans matiere precedente / mais en la seulle parolle de dieu. [710] Fors le premier homme fut cree de la plus ville fraelle et instable chose qui fust / cest du limou de la terre / par quoy Ihomme na cause de sen orgueillir / comme sil eust este compose [713] dor / dargent / de pierres precieuses / de boys daulcune matiere forte et stable ... [719] Quant cestruy homme fut fait ainsi que dit est [720] nostre seigneur le regarda en la face [721] luy donna esperit de vie [727] Le print par la main et le leua de terre / puis le nomma adam / [731] et luy monstra toutes les creatures quil avoit faictes ausquelles [733] adam imposa leurs noms / [737-38] quilz ont encore en langaige ebrieu / car adam toute sa vie parla hebrieu / pour ce disent aucuns sages que qui mettroit vng enfant nouueau ne en vng lieu on il nouyst point parler iusques en laage de quinze ans / puis fust mis dehors et interrogue des autres il parleroit ebrieu plus que autre langaige. Nostre seigneur eut fait adam comme di[t] est / [757] mais il estoit seul et [758] nauoit point d[e] compaignie / [759-760] Parquoy nostre seigneur voyant que compaignie luy estoit conuenable et necessaire / [761] il lendormit / [764] et en dormant [765] luy osta du coste vng os dont il tira vne femme / a laquelle il donna vie / puis esueilla adam luy monstra sa femme et luy Dist quil la nommast comme il vouldroit / [773] et la nomma virago [774] cest a dire de homme faicte / [775] et nous disOns maintenant eue / [791] et deuons noter [791] selon loppinion des docteurs que adam et eue [792, 797] furent les Deux plus beaulx personnaiges [794, 798] les mieulx proportionez en nature / les plus assouffis des dons de graces qui depuis furent ne feront en nature humaine fors [795] iesucrist et sa mere marie [796] ausquelz ne doit estre comparaison aucune [.] Et la raison pourquoy adam fut si excellent Cest pour ce que le souerain maistre le fist a sa plaisance [.] [959] Il estoit bien plus beau que Absalon [957] plus fort que sanson [Samson] dont les hystoires parlent / plus eloquent que vllixes [959] Plus saige que Salomon a qui nostre seigneur donna sapience excellente / plus legier et isnel que ne fut'asael. . . . Tel fut adam nostre premier pere et plus encores quon ne le peult descripre. Ainsi doncques quant nostre seigneur dieu eut fait Lhomme et la femme si beaulx et si excellens il les mist en vng lieu plain de toutes delices fertille et habondant en toutes plaisances et beaultez / [730] nomme par excellence paradis terrestre / car ainsi que supercelestielle- ment il nest lieu plus excellent que le paradis de nostre seigneur sem- blablement en terre nest aucun lieu plus beau / plus delectable / ne meilleur que celle region ou furent adam et Eue premierement mis / et pour ce est le lieu iustement appelle paradis terrestre car la region NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 28l

est souuerainement delectable / plains de tons biens Delicieux comme fruitz / fleurs et verdures qui y sont en toutes saisons / qui pour ges[l]e ne froidure ne mauuais temps ne peuent perir ne amortir / pourete / maladie / tristesse ny furent oncques sentues. . . . [849] Du parmy de celle noble region est vne belle fontaine dont leaue est tresclere et saine / laquel le fontaine se depart en quatre ruisseaulx courans tant quelz deuienne grans fleuues et merueilleux / Dont plusieurs terres sont plantureusement arrousees.

710. Off most vyle erth to mak the man. Cf. Genesis ii. 7, " Formavit igitur Dominus Deus hominem de limo terras.” Cf. Seissel, “ Fors le premier homme fut cree de la plus ville fraelle et instable chose qui fust / cest du limou de la terre.” The Authorised Version says " the dust of the ground.” L. limus, mud, slime, mire.

715-716. God maid him thus. That man sulde nocht be glorious. An extra-biblical explanation. Cf. Seissel, “ par quoy Ihomme na causa de sen orgueillir / [the following Lindsay has placed earlier, 711-714] comme sil eust este compose dor / dargent / de pierres precieuses / de boys daulcune matiere forte et stable.”

720. God in his face did hym behald, Brathand in hym ane lyflie spreit. Lindsay cites Genesis ii. in the margin. Cf. Genesis ii. 7, “ et [Dominus Deus] inspiravit in faciem ejus spiraculum vitae.” The Authorised Version says, " and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life.” Seissel, “ nostre seigneur le regarda en la face luy donna esperit de vie.” 723. He maid man, to his simylitude. Cf. Genesis i. 26, “ Et [Deus] ait : Faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram.”

724. Precelland in to pulchritude. The tradition of Adam’s great beauty is extra-biblical, and is based on the biblical statement that God created Adam in his own likeness. Precelland : excelling, surpassing. O.F. preceller. L. praecellere. Pulchritude : beauty, excellence. L. pulchritudo.

727-730. Lindsay follows the Bible story more accurately than does Seissel. In Genesis i. 26-27 God creates man, and in the later verses of that chapter God gives man dominion over the living things of the earth. This creation of man takes place on the sixth day [31]. In Genesis ii. 6-7 the story of the creation of Adam is again told, and this time it is supposed to have taken place after the seventh day’s rest [3], God immediately placing Adam in the Garden of Eden [8]. This twofold biblical account of the creation of Adam explains the various mediaeval attempts to make a consistent story. Furthermore, the story in Genesis i. 27 tells of the creation of Eve as well as Adam on the sixth day, whereas in Genesis ii. Eve is not created until after Adam has been placed in Eden, and has lived there for some time. This, then, explains why Seissel makes the creation of Adam and Eve come before Adam is 282 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

taken to the Garden of Eden, while Lindsay makes it come alter: Seissel follows Genesis i., while Lindsay follows Genesis ii. While, therefore, Lindsay owes the main outline of his story to Seissel, as his use of the extra-biblical legends and traditions shows, he was most careful to make use of the Vulgate Bible as well, especially for the details of the Bible account, or accounts, of the creation of man. His borrowing of words from the Vulgate is clear proof of this. Throughout this section of his poem the two authorities run side by side. The corresponding passage of the Bible for these lines is Genesis ii. 8, “ Plantaverat autem Dominus Deus paradisum voluptatis a principio ; in quo posuit hominem quern formaverat." For the corresponding passage in Seissel, see extract from that work, in note to lines 709-737. para. 3. 731-738. Cf. Genesis ii. 19-20, “ Formatis igitur, Dominus Deus, de humo cunctis animantibus terrae, et universis volatilibus cash, adduxit ea ad Adam, ut videret quid vocaret ea; omne enim quod vocavit Adam animae viventis, ipsum est nomen ejus. 20. Appellavitque Adam nominibus suis cuncta animantia, et universa volatilia caeli, et omnes bestias terrae.” Seissel, f. 3b, says that after Adam was created God “ le print par la main et le leua de terre / puis le nomma adam / et luy monstra toutes les creatures quil auoit faictes ausquelles adam imposa leurs noms / quilz ont encore en langaige ebrieu.” Lindsay, in stating that the animals, &c., still possess the names which Adam gave them, forgets to specify “ in Hebrew."

739-745. Lindsay does not doubt the truth of the myth of the two trees, which are mentioned in Genesis ii. 9, ii. 17, iii. 3-6. Cf. Frazer, Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway, and The Worship of Nature, I. See note to lines 750-756.

746. The biblical story of the serpent in the garden in no way connects the serpent with the Devil. The allegory of the Devil is a later and erroneous interpretation.

749- 750. These lines are repeated, as part of Eve’s reply to the serpent, 917-918. 750- 756. That tre. Lindsay does not say which tree, but he means the tree of the knowledge of good and evil. See note to lines 939-944.

757-760. Cf. Genesis ii. 18, “Dixit quoque Dominus Deus: Non est bonum esse hominem solum ; faciamus ei adjutorium simile sibi."

761-774. This passage is taken directly from the Bible. Genesis ii. 21-23. " 21. Immisit ergo Dominus Deus soporem in Adam ; cumque obdormisset, tulit unam de costis ejus, et replevit carnem pro ea. 22. Et aedificavit Dominus Deus costam, quam tulerat de Adam, in mulierem ; et adduxit earn ad Adam. 23. Dixitque Adam : Hoc nunc os ex ossibus meis, et caro de carne mea ; haec vocabitur Virago, quoniam de viro sumpta est.” NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 283

The line " Fairar of forme wes neuer none ” has no biblical authority. It is an interpretation derived from the biblical statement that man was made in the image and likeness of God. Sapour : borrowed from the Vulgate, see above extract, verse 21. L. sopor, deep sleep. Authorised Version, " And the Lord God caused a deep sleep to fall upon Adam." An emendation of sapour to sopour is necessary, to prevent confusion with L. sapor, taste. 774-776. Quhilk is, Interpreit, maid of man. The first portion, " Quhilk is, Interpreit," is a borrowing from the Gospels, where the phrase, " which is, being interpreted,” occurs seven times : cf. Mark v. 41, “ Talitha cumi, which is, being interpreted, Damsel, I say unto thee, arise.” Lindsay’s phrasing is a translation of the Vulgate, “ quod est interpretatum. ” Uirago . . . Maid of man : The Vulgate says. Genesis ii. 23, "vocabitur Virago, quoniam de viro sumpta est,” which Wycliffe translated accurately, “ This schal be clepid virago, for she is takun of man.” The Hebrew word is " Isha ” or “ ’isshah,” formed from " ’ish," man. Josephus, Antiquities, I., says, “ Whereupon Adam knew her, when she was brought to him, and acknowledged that she was made out of himself. Now a woman is called in the Hebrew tongue Issa, but the name of this woman was Eve : which signifies the mother of all living.” The Latin word Virago meant (i) a man-like woman, (ii) a female warrior, (iii) a heroine, and was derived from Vir, man. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xviii., explains, " Et imposuit Adam uxori suae nomen tanquam dominus ejus, et ait : Hac vocabitur virago (Gen. ii.), id est a viro acta, et est sumptum nomen a viri nomine, ut materia de materia sumpta fuerat. Etiam denominatio in Hebrseo est. Is enim vir dicitur, unde denominatur ista, ut a vir virago : hoc nomen proprium illius mulieris fuit, nunc omnium est commune.” Peter Comestor goes on to explain that the name Adam was fitting for the first man, because, according to Josephus, Adam means “ ruddy, made of red earth.” It was a fitting name in another way, for blood is red in colour, and blood is the symbol of sin, with which the name of Adam must be for ever associated. Eve acquired her second name after the expulsion from the Garden of Eden. Genesis iii. 20, “ Et vocavit Adam nomen uxoris suae, Heva, eo quod mater esset cunctorum viventium.” Peter Comestor, following Josephus, says that Eva means " living.” From that writer descended the belief that the first sound made by male children was a, the first letter of the name of Adam, and by female children e, the first letter of the name of Eve. The name Eve was formed from the Hebrew Chavah, living. The Vulgate uses the form Heva, but Eva was common, in mediaeval times, especially after it had been discovered that when the three letters of Eva were transposed they formed Ave, the first word of the “ Ave Maria.” Thus developed the tradition that Eva was sent into the world to bring man to sin and death, until such time as the Aves to the Virgin should redeem the world. Lindsay uses the form Eva [775, 797] and Eve [1075, 1160]. 777-778. Cf. Genesis i. 27-28, "... masculum et feminam creavit eos. 28. Benedixitque illis Deus, et ait : Crescite, et multiplicamini.” 284 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

779-784. Cf. Genesis ii. 24, “ Quamobrem relinquet homo patrem suum et matrem, et adhasrebit uxori suae ; et erunt duo in carne una."

801-804. Lindsay here cuts another knot of mediaeval controversy. According to Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxv., Adam and Eve did not “ know ” each other in Eden, because they were in a state of innocence, and without sin. Most writers have argued that their children were not born until after they had left Eden, but Peter Comestor argued that it was possible in such a state to have children without intercourse, as the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary bears witness. Lindsay does not subscribe to either theory, since [777-778, 839-842] God had commanded Adam and Eve to increase and multiply.

805-848. The whole of this description of the Garden of Eden is a later development of the simple passage in Genesis ii. 8, “ Plantaverat autem Dominus Deus paradisum voluptatis a principio.” On this Peter Comestor notes, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xiii., “ Quasi quasreret aliquis : Remansit homo in loco ubi factus est, in agro scilicet Damascene ? non. Ubi ergo translatus est ? in paradisum quern Deus die tertia plantaverat, id est plantis aptaverat, herbis scilicet et arboribus insitum, a principio creationis, scilicet cum apparuit arida, et germinare terram fecit: vel a principio, id est a prima orbis parte. Unde alia translatio habet, paradisum in Eden ad orientem. Eden Hebraice, Latine delicia interpretatur. Ergo idem est paradisum voluptatis quod paradisum in Eden, id est in deliciis. Sed a principio, idem est quod ad orientem. Est autem locis amcenissimus longo terras, et maris tractu a nostra habitabili zona secretus, adeo elevatus ut usque ad lunarem globum attingat. Unde, et aquae diluvii illuc non pervenerunt.” The Authorised Version reads, “ And the Lord God planted a garden eastward in Eden.” The next verse does mention the beauty of the trees. “ Produxitque Dominus Deus de humo omne lignum pulchrum visu ” : “ And out of the ground made the Lord God to grow every tree that is pleasant to the sight." The beauty of the garden attracted the inspiration and invention of many poets, the last of any importance being Milton, Paradise Lost. Lindsay had attempted a description of the garden in The Dreme, 757-784, from which there are three survivals in The Monarche : Dreme, 769, And loyis, of that Regioun deuyne, Mon. 728, To ane regioun repleit with loye. Dreme, 761, Fresche holesum fructis Indeficient. Mon. 847, Quhow fructis Indeficient. Dreme, 763, The temperat air serene, Mon. 846, the temperat air serene.

Yet the parallels are too scattered to suggest that Lindsay was borrowing from his own work, as he does elsewhere, and I suggest that the similarity is due to an original work used by Lindsay as his authority for both descriptions. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 285

849. Nor of the Fontane, nor the fludis. The fountain is the river which flowed through Eden. Genesis ii. 10, " Et fluvius egrediebatur de loco voluptatis ad irrigandum paradisum, qui inde dividitur in quatuor capita.” The four heads became the four great rivers of earth : 11. " Nomen uni Phison ... 13. et nomen fluvii secundi Gehon ... 14. Nomen vero fluminis tertii, Tygris. . . . Fluvius autem quartus, ipse est Euphrates.” The Authorised Version names the third “ Hid- dekel.” The Phison was identified with the Ganges ; Gehon with the Nile, or with the Indus, which was supposed to be the upper portion of the Nile, and rose in Caucasia. Cf. The Dreme, 775. Seissel, f. 4a, offers a full description of the rivers.

855. The tyme wes schorte. There were various calculations as to how long (1) Adam lived before the creation of Eve, (2) Adam and Eve dwelt together in Eden. Commenting on Genesis iii. 22, " et sumat etiam de ligo vitae, et comedat, et vivat in aeternum,” Peter Comestor says, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxiv., Additio x, “ Quod dictum est vivat in (sternum, ad opinionem hominis trahendum est, quasi dicat, et comedat hac opinione, ut vivat in aeternum, vel esternum accipitur pro multo tempore. Quidam tradunt eos fuisse in paradiso septem horas.” The calculation is derived from The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, xxxi., “ And Adam was five and half hours in paradise.” The Book of Jubilees, iii. 17, says seven years after the creation of Eve. The basis of this period of seven hours is rabbinical anti-feminism. The Welsh bard Taliesin, inspired by these details, is more explicit: “ The king caused Taliesin to be brought before him, and he asked him to recite concerning the creation of man from the beginning; and thereupon he made the poem which is now called ‘ One of the Four Pillars of Song.’ ‘ The Almighty made, Down the Hebron vale. With his plastic hands, Adam’s fair form :

And five hundred years, Void of any help. There he remained and lay Without a soul.

He again did form. In calm paradise. From a left-side rib, Bliss-throbbing Eve.

Seven hours they were The orchard keeping, Till Satan brought strife, With wiles from hell . . . The Mabinogion, Trans. Lady Charlotte Guest. 286 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Of the Miserabyll Transgressioun of Adam. 865. Plasmatour : Maker, Creator. Gk. ■n-Xaa/j.a, aros, thing formed or moulded . irKatrafiv to form, mould. Cf. Douglas, Virgil, Prologue to Book X., line x, " Hie plasmatour of thingis vniuersall.”

866. The Heuin Imperiall: the Empyrean Heaven.

867-872. It was believed, from very early times, that when God created the Heavens on the second day, he created also the angels. On that day therefore was Lucifer created. Peter Comestor, cap. iv., says, " Tradunt enim Hebrsei, quia hac die angelus factus est diabolus Satanael, id est Lucifer.” Little is heard of Satan in the Old Testament, but the story of his revolt in heaven is told by Isaiah, Isaiah xiv. 12-15. The story had been much developed before it reached Lindsay, who does not borrow from Isaiah. Seissel, f. 4b, says, " Pour auoir euidente cognoissance de la trans- gression adam et eue Nous deuons noter que nostres seigneur Dieu qui auoit cree les anges premierement les auoit fais beaulx clers et luysans sus toutes choses. Mais lung dentreulx nomme luciabel presumptueux de sa beaulte et innumerable refulgence Auecques plusieurs siens colleges et complices sans aucun instigateur de propre mallice voulut surmonter et se coequaliser a sa souueraine mageste de dieu.”

893. The Serpent wes the subtellest. Gene. in. Cf. Genesis iii. 1, " Sed et serpens erat callidior cunctis animantibus terrae quae fecerat Dominus Deus.”

895-896. Than Sathan . . . Did enter in to that Serpent. This is not in the story told in Genesis iii., but is a later interpretation, much favoured in New Testament times, and, of course, throughout the Middle Ages to modern times.

907-910. These lines supply an introductory question which is wanting in the Bible story. 911-934. Cf. Genesis iii. 2-6. Eve’s expression of fear, line 916, has no biblical authority. Lines 917-918 are repeated from lines 749-750.

935-936. These lines record a conversation between Eve and Adam which Genesis does not mention. 939-944. Adam’s motives are dwelt on at length by mediaeval theologians, probably for the reason that the Bible does not record them, although it does Eve’s. In Genesis ii. 6 Adam, to all intents and purposes, meekly accepts the fruit which Eve offers to him. Innumer- able interpretations of his conduct were attempted. Peter Comestor suggested that Adam, seeing that Eve had not died after eating the fruit, thought that he could eat too, as he felt that perhaps God had merely been trying to frighten him. But this interpretation depends entirely on the assumption that Adam and Eve ate the fruit of the tree NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 287 of life. Which tree they ate the fruit of is quite uncertain, for just as the writer of Genesis combined two slightly different accounts of the creation, and two slightly different genealogies of Noah, and possibly two different versions of the Flood story, so he seems to have combined two different accounts of the temptation. Genesis ii. 9 mentions two trees, {a) the tree of life in the midst of the garden, (6) the tree of the knowledge of good and evil. In ii. 17 only the latter is mentioned, but it is also given the properties of the former : in iii. 3 the former is indicated : and in iii. 6 the latter again. In ii. 17 the two trees have been interpreted as one tree which possessed the attributes of both, and this appears to be accepted by theologians. Hence, therefore, the charge against Adam that by his disobedience he introduced both death and evil into the world. Josephus distinguishes between the two trees, Antiquities, I. 37, 40, 42, and he makes it clear that the serpent took Eve to the tree of wisdom, and their eating of the fruit of that tree explains why they so quickly realised their sins of disobedience and carnal intercourse. The tree, says Josephus, I. 44, " served to quicken their intelligence.” If we examine the Bible story very carefully we find, I think, that, though the details are confused, the serpent takes Eve, as Eve takes Adam, only to the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, for the reason advanced in Genesis iii. 24, for their being driven out of Eden, and the mounting of the Cherubims, armed with flaming swords, as guards over it, was to protect the tree of life. This, therefore, is direct evidence in favour of Adam never having touched that tree, since it had to be so carefully guarded. Therefore Genesis ii. 17 is incorrect in attributing to the tree of knowledge the power of life and death. Perhaps the rational explanation is that there were originally two separate stories of two trees, each with peculiar properties, and that according to one story the serpent led Eve to the tree of life, and according to the second story to the tree of knowledge. The tree of knowledge of good and evil is easy enough to understand, and it is easy to see how a legend which would explain this knowledge to a primitive people might grow up. The origin of the second legend regarding life itself is similarly explicable. Why did life go on even through the certainty of death ? Many primitive peoples to this day ridicule the possibility of any connection between sexual intercourse and reproduction, and preserve not dissimilar legends of a source of life over which they have no control. If this is an explanation of the origin of the legend of the tree of life, then Adam did not expect eternal life in the Garden of Eden. The tree of life represents life in the abstract, not mortal life, and the specific measures taken to protect it from harm were devised to prevent its destruction— that is, to prevent the destruction of life itself, a very different thing from its partial despoliation introducing into the world death as the termination of mortal life. Had Adam eaten the fruit of the tree of life he would have destroyed not only himself, but life.

945-980. The apostrophe to Adam disappears, in the last five or six lines, into narrative without proper change of construction. The address, employing the second person, goes on to line 972, and then Experience continues in the third person, the two parts being con- 288 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY nected by “ quhilk.” Cf. the apostrophe to Adam in The Deploratioun of the Deith of Quene Magdalene, 8-13.

957-965. Seissel, f. 3b : “ II [Adam] estoit bien plus beau que Absalon [ / ] plus fort que sanson [Samson] dont les hystoires parlent / plus eloquent que vllixes [ /] Plus saige que Salomon a qui nostre seigneur donna sapience excellente / plus legier et isnel que ne fut asael. . . . Tel fut adam nostre premier pere et plus encores quon ne le peut descripre. Lindsay rejects some of the parallels, and introduces those of Aristotle [961], Virgil {963], Cicero [964]. The parallels were common in mediaeval religious poetry. Cf. The Pncke of Conscience, 8925-9050, where the righteous in heaven are compared for beauty with Absalom, for strength with Samson, for speed with Asahel, for wisdom with Solomon, for freedom with the emperor Augustus, for health with Moses, for age with Methuselah, for friendship with David and Jonathan, &c.

969. Fre wyll. The question of man’s free will, the Liberum arbitrium of the scholastic philosophers, is probably the most important problem of religion, philosophy and psychology. Readers will remember the passage in The Nonne Prestes Tale, 468-484 [B. 4424-4440], when Chaucer muses for a moment on free will and conditional behaviour. Quoting St Augustine, Boethius, and Bishop Bradwardine, all of whom discussed this problem, Chaucer states the three main views of man’s behaviour in relationship to God’s divine foreknowledge of all events on this world. (a) Lines 477-79. God foreknows and foreordains all things. Man is therefore compelled to obey God’s commands and desires without realising it. This is called “ simple necessity." (b) Lines 480-82. God foreknows, but man is granted free choice to do a thing, or not to do it. Whatever man does, or declines to do, God foreknows. (c) Lines 483-84. God foreknows, but instead of " simple necessity " for man to do a thing there is " conditional necessity." There seems to be little distinction between the last two. Chaucer bases his main arguments on the discussion of this theme in Book B. of Boethius, where Philosophy maintains that though God foreknows all things He has left room for free will. Boethius challenges this theory by saying that it " seemeth to be altogether impossible and repugnant that God foreseeth all things, and that there should be any free will ” [Prosa, III.]. Philosophy replies that his difficulty is due to man’s inability to appreciate the nature of divinity, the superior intelligence of which embraces and absorbs the inferior intelligence of man. Man’s life is conditioned by things over which he has no control, like death, and by things over which he has apparent control, like going for a walk. The first is called “ simple necessity ” ; he must die. The second, " conditional necessity,” contains an element of free will, since the decision to walk or not to walk is left wholly to man’s reasoning faculties, but whatever the man ultimately decides to do in this respect was known beforehand to God. Religious historians, like Lindsay, blame Adam for his misuse of his NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 289 free will, in deliberately deciding to eat of the tree which he knew would bring evil and misery into the world. But if God foreknew what Adam would do, can Adam be blamed, even supposing that he, and not Eve, were originally responsible ? We are really not told enough in Genesis about Adam to be able to decide why he followed Eve’s example : Milton's main view is that he made the decision to eat of the fruit deliberately, fully realising what it meant for himself and his posterity, but considering that he was doing a finer thing in preferring fidelity to his mate, Eve, to allowing her to die alone. Lindsay’s view is the coarser theological view of the Middle Ages. It will be realised, of course, that the case of Adam’s exertion of free will is peculiar to himself, for he had been commanded by God in person not to eat of the fruit. He was thus guilty of disobedience, or of exercising his free will in a manner which historical man has never experienced, since divine injunctions are not made in person. Such a distinction appears to be indicated by Article X. of the Articles of Religion of the Church of England, in which the position of man after the fall of Adam with regard to free will is laid down. Lindsay may also have known of the discussion of free will in Le Roman de la Rose, lines 17905- 18410.

985. And maid thame Breikis of leuis grene. Laing, III. 185, “ In the English reprints of Lyndsay breikis is changed to breeches ; and this word occurs in all the editions of the Geneva translation of the Bible. In the first edit., ‘ Printed at Geneva by Rouland Hall, 1560,’ in Gen. iii. 7, we have : ‘ And they sewed fig-tree leaves together, and made themselves breeches,’ with this marginal gloss :—‘ Ebr. Thinges girde about them to hide their privities.’—We frequently hear of a copy of the Breeches Bible, as something of wonderful rarity and value, upon the supposition that the phrase was peculiar to one edition. The Genevan version in which it occurs was so often reprinted between the year 1560 and 1615, or even down to 1640, that it would be no easy matter to reckon them. . . . Bassandyne’s Bible at Edinburgh in 1576, and Hart’s in 1610, have breeches as in the Genevan and English copies. In Coverdale’s earlier version, 1537, &c., the word employed is apurns, being only a variety of spelling aprons, in our present author- ized translation.” The Vulgate version of Genesis iii. 7 reads, " . . . et fecerunt sibi perizomata.” Gk. aros, that which is girded about one ; underclothing ; an apron. The translation breeches had appeared at least twice in English before it appeared in the Genevan Bible of 1560, in which John Knox is reported to have assisted. It appears in the Wycliffite versions, " Thei soweden togidre leaves of a fige-tree, and maden hem breches,” and in Caxton’s edition of The Golden Legend, “ The History of Adam,” " And thenne they toke fygge levys, & sewed them togyder for to cover their membres in the manner of breches.” Bassandyne’s Bible, Edinburgh, 1576, reprinted the text of the Genevan Bible, reading " and they sewed figtre leaues together, and made them selues breeches. [In margin] Ebr. things to girde about them to hide their priuities.” The word “ breeches ” is possibly an attempt to translate the Latin 2go THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

braca, although the word is derived from O.E. brec, plural of fem. * bv6c. Cf. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap xxiii. : " Tunc fecernnt sibi perizomata (Gen. iii.), id est succintoria, quasi bracas breves, ut campestria.” Liber Chronicarum, f. i8b : “ et esse gratia spoliates perizomata id est succintoria siue bracas de folijs ficus vt se cooperirent et defenderent.” Seissel, f. 15“ : “ Et se prindrent a cueillir des feuilles de figuier qui sont larges pour assembler ensemble et faire des suc- cintoires et des brayes pour couurir leurs natures et lieux honteux.” At all events, it is clear that, since Wycliffe, popular belief held that Adam and Eve wore breeches, and the Genevan Bible of 1560, commonly called " The Breeches Bible," as if its reading were unique, although it occurs in the many later editions of that work, simply adopts a rendering already accepted.

987. The stait of Innocence. This is perhaps most familiar to us as the title of Dryden’s " operatic ” version of Paradise Lost, but Dryden, like Lindsay, borrowed it from the writings of the Fathers. Cf. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xx., title. He statu innocentice eorum ante peccatum.

991. In ane busk. Cf. Genesis iii. 8, “ abscondit se Adam et uxor ejus a facie Domini Dei in medio ligni paradisi.” Authorised Version, "... amongst the trees of the garden.”

992-1016. This is a fairly close following of Genesis iii. 8-15.

1017-1028. With the exception of lines 1020-1021, which are borrowed from Genesis iii. 15, this passage represents a later interpretation.

1033-1037. The assumption from Genesis iii. 14, "... super pectus tuum gradieris . . ." is that the serpent before the fall was a quad- ruped. Cf. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxi, “ . . . Et hoc per serpentem, quia tunc serpens erectus est ut homo, quia in maledictione prostratus est, et adhuc, ut tradunt, pharcas erectus incedit,” and Josephus, Antiquities, I. 51, “ He [God] further bereft him [the serpent] of feet and made him crawl and wriggle along the ground."

1038. The answer is now given to the question asked in lines 1029-1032. 1042. CommounLaw: Common Law. The general law of a community, in England, the unwritten law of England, based on ancient national usage, and embodied in legal commentaries and reports of cases. It is so called in opposition to statute, ecclesiastical, admiralty, and military law. It also means the law administered by the King’s ordinary judges, Lambeth MS., 332, reads “ cannoun law,” which, I think, must be the correct reading. " Canon Law is the assemblage of rules or laws relating to faith, morals, and discipline, prescribed or propounded to Christians by ecclesiastical authority. The words ‘ or laws ' are added to the definition, lest it be thought that these rules are only matters of publication and persuasion, and not binding laws liable to be enforced by NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 29I

penalties. The definition shows that the object of canon law is ' faith, morals, and disciphne ’ ; and nothing but these is its object . . . the ' by ecclesiastical authority ’ serve to distinguish canon law from the systems of law imposed by the civil authority of States.”—Catholic Dictionary : Canon Law.

1043-1046. Conuickit for bewgrye : convicted of buggery, or sodomy. Fr. bougre, L. Bulgarus, originally applied to a heretical sect from Bulgaria, and later applied to heretics and sodomists alike. The punishment was the same for both offences, death by burning. " In France persons were actually burned for it in the middle and latter parts of the eighteenth century. In England it was punishable by death until 1861, although in practice the extreme punishment was not inflicted ” [Westermarck, Three Essays on Sex and Marriage. London: Macmillan, 1934, p. 69; Westermarck, The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas. London : Macmillan, 1908, 2 vols., II. 480-483]. The Roman Catholic Church still suggests that the Albigenses and other mediaeval heretical sects practised unnatural intercourse, and that the persecution to which they were subjected was due more to their supposed civil crimes than to their religious con- victions, but a bad dog may be given any name. Lindsay appears to accept the orthodox view of heresy. In The Monarche, line 5730, “ All pertinat wylfull Arratykis ” are linked with murderers, fornicators, and usurers. The burning of the beast, although “ Innocent ”—that is, a passive agent, not possessing an adult human mind, and unable to distinguish between right and wrong—was carried out after condemnation of the principal. Trials of animals and birds for offences against human laws are still carried out in some Continental countries. Pigs, for example, have been condemned to death after trial in proper form of law, with counsel for the defence, for smothering or eating their offspring.

1051-1060. Cf. Genesis hi. 16, " Mulieri quoque dixit: Multiplicabo aerumnas tuas, et conceptus tuos : in dolore paries filios, et sub viri potestate eris, et ipse dominabitur tui.”

1031-1076. Cf. Mon., 3233-3242.

1075-1076. The lines recall Chaucer’s The Wife of Bath's Tale, and how the bewitched lady taught the knight the answer to the question, " What thyng is it that wommen moost desiren ? " The knight answered the queen, who had sent him on the quest: " My lige lady, generally,” quod he, " Wommen desiren have sovereynetee. As wel over hir housbond, as hir love. And for to been in maistrie hym above. This is your mooste desir, thogh ye me kille. Booth as yow list, I am heer at youre wille.” In al the court ne was ther wyf, ne mayde, Ne wydwe, that contraried that he sayde, But seyden he was worthy han his lyfe. 2Q2 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

And as the indomitable Wife of Bath concludes : And eek, I praye Jhesu to shorte hir lyves That nat wol be governed by hir wyves; And olde and angry nygardes of dispence, God sende hem soone verray pestilence ! But Lindsay finds no humour here in the ancient legend. Too many centuries of ecclesiastical opposition to women, on biblical grounds, militated against any other view in a religious poem.

1077-1092. Cf. Genesis iii. 17-20.

1093-1095. Cf. Genesis iii. 21, where there is no explanation of the purpose of the clothing.

1096-1104. An expansion of Genesis iii. 22, " Et [Deus] ait: Ecce Adam quasi unus ex nobis factus est,” but the reason given by Lindsay is erroneous. The Bible says “ sciens bonum et malum."

1103. This wracheit vaill of sorrow. Cf. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxv, Additio 1, “ Locus in quo luxerunt dicitur vallis lachrymarum juxta Hebrom." Lindsay applies the name to the world. 1105-1114. Genesis iii. 22-24 says that Adam was cast out of Eden lest, having already tasted the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, he should eat of the tree of life, and so live for ever. Therefore God sent him forth from Eden, and placed at the east of the garden Cherubims, " and a flaming sword which turned every way, to keep the way of the tree of life.” Lindsay says “ ane Angell of lerubin ” : he may not have known that " Cherubim ” is plural, but he may have been mainly influenced by the woodcut in the Nuremberg Chronicle, f. 7a, where only one is depicted. One only is also depicted in the small woodcut of this scene in the Cronica Cronicarum abbrege.

1115-1116. Cf. The Dreme, 783-84 : And of that place tynte the Possessioun, Baith frome hym self and his Successioun. 1138-1142. In Mamber, in that lusty vaill. Mamber : Mamre. This is not mentioned in Genesis as the abode of Adam. In Genesis xiii. 18 Abraham goes to live in Mamre, " which is in Hebron," after his separation from Lot, who goes to live near Sodom. Hebron was near Jeru- salem. Peter Comestor, commenting on Genesis iii. 23, “ emisit eum Dominus Deus de paradiso voluptatis, ut operaretur terram, de qua sumptis est,” says Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxiv., " in agrum scilicet Damascenum, de quo sumptus fuerat, in quo Cain Abel suum fratrem interfecit (Gen. iv.), juxta quern Adam, et Eva sepulti sunt in spelunca duplici.” Seissel remarks, " En ceste maniere que dicte est pecherent adam et eue / et furent mis hors et forbaine de paradis NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONAKCHE) 293 terrestre / et leur conuint labourer et trauailler pour auoir leur vie veste- mens et au[l]tres necessitez. Et selon loppinion daucuns docteurs vindrent demourer en vng val assez pres de iherusalem nomme ebron.”

1143-1144. That Adam suffered remorse after the expulsion is the assumption of rabbinical commentators. Cf. the apocryphal Vita Adae et Evae, i. i, “ When they were driven out from paradise, they made themselves a booth, and spent seven days mourning and lamenting in great grief.” When they began to look for food and found it not their lamentations increased.

1145-1146. Cf. Genesis iv. 1-2.

1147-1152. Cf. Genesis iv. 3-15.

1153-1156. The birth of Seth to Adam and Eve after the slaughter of Abel is recorded in Genesis iv. 25. His supposed fairness of face, and likeness to Adam, is recorded in Genesis v. 3. Lindsay describes him [1156] as “ gratious and gude.” In Sirach xlix. 16 Seth is linked with Shem as “ glorified among men.” A heretical Jewish sect, calling themselves " Sethites,” later believed that Seth was the Messiah, and some later Gnostics held that Christ was a reincarnation of Seth. Cf. lines 1199-1200, and see note to lines 1221-1239.

1157-1158. Nor qnhow blynd Lameth, raikleslye. Did slay Cayn, vnhappelye. Genesis does not say that Lamech slew Cain. In Genesis iv. 23 Lamech boasts before his two wives, Adah and Zillah, that he has slain a young man, but no name is given. In Genesis iv. 15 God commands that " whosoever slayeth Cain, vengeance shall be taken on him sevenfold. And the Lord set a mark on Cain, lest any finding should kill him.” Cain’s safety in the lawless desert was thus assured. Genesis iv. 23-24 are thought to have been originally a sword-song. Lamech is boasting that he avenges himself seven and seventy-fold for wrongs done to him. He is celebrating the code of blood revenge, and his personal ferocity before his womenfolk is a trait common among many races. Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, ' Cain,’ says that “ the tradition that Cain was slain by an arrow from the bow of Lamech, who mistook him for a wild beast, and thereafter killed his youthful son who had misled him, is a fanciful structure raised by the same hands [the Jewish rabbis] on the foundation of Lamech’s wild song.” In ‘ Lamech ’ Hastings suggests that in his song Lamech is celebrating the new- forged weapons of Tubal-Cain [Genesis iv. 22]. The story of Lamech’s supposed slaughter of Cain is told in great detail by Seissel, f. yh, who quotes Peter Comestor as his authority. Lamech was extremely wicked, and the first “ qui congneut plaisir dune femme adultere et de qui premierement vint bigamie ” [to explain Genesis iv. 19, where it is stated that Lamech took two wives]. He was an archer and hunter, but became blind. He continued to hunt, taking with him a servant, who carried his bow and fitted an arrow whenever VOL. III. U 294 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

a beast was seen, Lamech shooting the arrow according to the directions of the servant. When Cain was very old [Lamech was seventh in descent from Cain] his wanderings brought him to where Lamech was wont to shoot, near Mount Carmel, and he sat down under a bush. Lamech’s servant saw the leaves quivering, and thinking that there was a beast hiding there, directed Lamech's aim. Cain was killed, and when the body was recognised Lamech struck his servant dead. The story is briefly told by Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxviii.

1159-1162. Adam . . . begat . . . Off men Childryng thretty and two, And of Dochtens alyke also. Genesis does not record the number of children Adam had by Eve. Cain, Abel, and Seth are recorded by name, and in Genesis v. 4 we are told that “ he begat sons and daughters.” Details are not given by Seissel, but the Cronica Chronicarum, a2b-a3s, says, " Et (comme recite Jacques Philippe de Bergamo en son supplement de croniques) [Adam] engendre en elle [Eve] quinze ans apres la creation deux enfans ensemble filz et fille. Cestassauoir Cayn et Calmana. Et quinze ans apres qui est lan de la creation .xxx. engendra encores filz et fille ensemble: cestassauoir Abel et Delbora [Seth born later] . . . Adam (comme recite ledit Jacques de Bergamo) sans Cayn Abel / Seth et leurs seurs eut aultres trente enfans.” This goes back to Peter Comestor, cap. xxv., " Et anno creationis Adam decimo quinto natus est ei Cain, et soror ejus Chalmana. . . . Post alios quindecim annos natus est ei Abel, et soror ejus Delbora. . . . Tunc natus est ei Seth trigesimo anno primae chiliadis, id est primae aetatis.” He does not appear to mention the thirty or thirty-two other children. In according to Adam thirty- two sons and thirty-two daughters, Lindsay seems to have used another source or tradition, one descending from the apocryphal Vita Adae et Evae, xxiv. x, and the Apocalypsis Mosis, v. 1, which both state that after the death of Abel, Adam begot Seth, and thereafter thirty sons and thirty daughters, in all sixty-three children [Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigraphia of the Old Testament, II. 139]. Lindsay mentions Delbora by name in line 5666.

1167-1168. Adam leifit . . . nyne hundreth and thretty %eir. Cf. Genesis v. 3-5, " And all the days that Adam lived were nine hundred and thirty years : and he died."

1177-1184. Authority for this not traced. The period which the patriarchs are supposed to have remained in hell varies considerably. The Gospel of Nicodemus says 5500 years ; the Knight de la Tour Landry, 5000 years ; the Coventry Miracle Plays, 4604 years ; the Towneley Plays, 4600 years; Lindsay, 3000 years. His calculation is made by deducting 930 (approx. 1000), the lifetime of Adam, from 4004 at which date before Christ the Creation is supposed, according to Genesis, to have been completed. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 295

Quhov God Distroyit all Leueand Creature in Erth for Syn, And Drownit thame, be ane Terribyll Elude, in the tyme of Noye. 1197-1202. Adam issues no such command. Seth was not born until after Cain’s departure to the land of Nod, on the east of Eden. The marginal authority, Gene, vi., is also in error, and probably Gene. iv. is intended. Verse 16 of this chapter describes how Cain leaves Hebron at God’s command. Cf. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxxi., " Mortuo Adam, Seth separavit cognationem suam a cognatione Cain, quae redierat ad natale solum. Nam et pater vivens prohibuerat ne commiscerentur, et habitavit Seth in quodam monte proximo paradise. Cain habitavit in campo, ubi fratrem occiderat.”

1203-1208. It is not at Adam’s command that Cain goes to the east, but at God’s. Cain’s wife, in mediaeval times called Calmana, was supposed to have been born with him, fifteen years after Adam and Eve had left Eden. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxv., " Et anno creationis vitae Adam decimo quinto natus est ei Cain, et soror ejus Chalmana.” The oldest authority was the Book of Jubilees, iv. 1. 8, which names the daughters ’Awan and ’Azura. Josephus, Antiquities, I. 52, mentions only daughters. Carion, trans. Lynne, f. 2a, says, “ Cain after that he fled hys fathers sight, he began to buylde the citye called Enoch.” He does not mention Calmana, nor does Lindsay mention the building of Enoch. Seissel, however, does : f. 5b, " Et en ce lieu [Hebron] selons aucuns furent quinze ans puis engendrerent vng filz et vne fille ce fut cayn et Calmana. Les autres docteurs et hystoriographes disent quil y ent trente ans . . . et puis eurent deux aultres enfans cestassauoir abel et sa seur delbora . . . [f. 7b. states that Cain was so pleased with his first-born, whom he named Enoch, that when he built the first city in the world he called it after his son’s name].”

1208. The Montane of Tarbane. Not mentioned in the Bible. Genesis iv. 16, " Egressusque Cain a facie Domini, habitavit profugus in terra ad orientalem plagam Eden.” Authorised Version : "... and dwelt in the land of Nod, on the east of Eden.” Josephus, Antiquities, I. 60, " After long travels Cain settled with his wife in a place called Nais, where he made his abode and children were born to him [older versions read ‘ Et multam peregrans terram cum vxore sua Chalmana, collo- catus est in loco, qui Nayda nuncupatur in quo ei etiam filii nati sunt].’ ” Peter Comestor quotes this version, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxvii., and adds, “ Hieronymus tamen dicit: ' Non est terra Nayda, ut vulgus nostrum putat, sed habitavit in terra Nod.’ ” Hebrew, Nod : Sep- tuaginta, Nai'5. Carion does not mention Tarbane. See note to lines 1491-1494. Seissel states, f. 8a, " les filz et les filles de seth desirent les filz et les filles de Cayn Laquelle chose adam en son viuant leur auoit deffendue et prohibe signantement que les filz de seth ne prensissent point les filles de cayn ne les filles les filz Laquelle prohibition fut gardee tant que cayn dura. Et pour ceste cause furent premierement mys 2g6 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

les enfans de Cayn a demeurer vers la partie orientalle en la montaigne de Tarban Et les enfans de la lignee seth demouroient an pres de damas.” The lines which follow are a versified form of Seissel’s narrative. It continues from above, “ Mais ceste obseruance apres la mort de cayn fut rompue,” and goes on to discuss the reasons why God destroyed Cain’s posterity by the Flood. The description of the wickedness of Cain’s children came earlier in Seissel, and was based on Methodius. 1209-1212. Seih . . . with Delbora, his prudent wyfe, Quhilk wes his Syster, glide and fair. Cf. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxv., “ Post alios quindecim annos (after the birth of Cain and Calmana) natus est ei Abel, et soror ejus Delbora.” Their brother Seth was born after Cain’s departure for the land of Nod. The name of Seth’s wife is not given in Genesis v. 3-8. Seissel, f. yb, “ Seth le tiers filz adam lequel eust a femme sa seur delbora qui auoit este nee quant et abel. En laquelle il engendra vng filz nomme Enos.” 1221-1239. There is no biblical authority for the belief that the descendants of Cain were evil, and those of Seth good. Genesis vi. 2 and 4 distinguish, however, between " the sons of God ” and " the daughters of men,” who were “ pulchrae ” [1222], fair. The marriages between them brought into the world “ mighty men which were of old, men of renown.” The Bible then goes on to say that God saw the wickedness of man, and repented that he had made him. The authority for distinguishing between the descendants of Cain and those of Seth is Jos- ephus, Antiquities, I. 53, " Cain, on the contrary [to Abel], was thoroughly depraved and had an eye only to gain . . . I.60. His punishment [for the murder of Abel], however, only served to increase his vice, even if it entailed outraging his companions ; he increased his substance with wealth amassed by rapine and violence ; he incited to luxury and pillage all whom he met, and became their instructor in wicked practices ... I. 66. Thus, within Adam’s lifetime, the descendants of Cain went to depths of depravity, and inheriting and imitating one another’s vices, each ended worse than the last ... I. 68. [Seth] after being brought up and attaining to years of discretion, cultivated virtue, excelled in it himself, and left descendants who imitated his ways. These, being all of virtuous character, inhabited the same country without dissension and in prosperity." Cf. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxviii., “ Et ait Josephus, quia rapinis, et violentia opes congregans, suos ad latrocinia invitabat, et simplicitatem vitae hominum, adinventionem, et inaaqualitatem permutavit, mensurarum, et ponderum, et ad calliditatem, et corrup- tionem produxit. Terminos terrae primus posuit. Civitates munivit sive muravit, et timens quos laedebat, ob securitatem suos in urbibus collegit.” 1231. As holy Scrupture dois rehers. Holy Scripture says little about it. 1240. All that Pauli Orose doith indyte. The appeal to the authority of Paulus Orosius is unwarranted by anything that writer says. Lindsay is really appealing to the authority of Seissel’s Le Premier Volume de Orose. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 297

1254, 1257. Probably line 1254 should end with a comma, and line 1257 with a period.

1263-1264. I traist {quod he) that wyckitnes Generith, throw sleuthfull ydilnes. See note to Papyngo, 967-68.

1275-1300. In line 1275 Experience says he must draw on his " Im- aginatioun.” He does so, too well, forgetting that man has already been condemned to earn his living by the sweat of his brow. The Bible and all other authorities simply describe the spread of “ vice ” among men, through the marriage of the “ son of God ” with the " daughters of man,” the latter being responsible for the spread of corruption of all kinds. Josephus, Antiquities, I. 73-74, explains that " many angels of God now consorted with women and begat sons, who were overbearing and disdainful of every virtue, such confidence had they in their strength ; in fact the deeds that tradition ascribes to them resemble the audacious exploits told by the Greeks of the giants. But Noah, indignant at their conduct, and viewing their counsels with displeasure, urged them to come to a better frame of mind and amend their ways ; but seeing that, far from yielding, they were completely enslaved to the pleasure of sin, he feared that they would murder him, and, with his wives and sons and his sons’ wives, quitted the country.” Genesis v. 29 specifically refers to the curse which the Lord laid on earth between the time of Adam and Noah, forcing man to labour. See lines 1327-1364, where Lindsay endeavours to explain the discrepancy. 1290. Four famous Fludis of Paradyce. Cf. line 849.

1299. Ay findand new Inuentionis. The inventions were: (1) tents, by Jubal, Genesis iv. 20 ; (2) the harp and organ, by Jubal, Gen. iv. 21 ; (3) the working of brass and iron, by Tubal-Cain, Gen. iv. 22. Ship- building must also have been known for Noah to be able to construct the ark. Tradition stated that Cain invented weights and measures, how to fix boundaries, and build cities fortified with walls (Josephus, Antiquities, I. 61-62) ; Jubal invented music [Ibid, I. 64) ; Tubal-Cain invented the forging of metal, weapons, and introduced war on earth (Ibid, I. 64); the descendants of Seth discovered the science of astronomy (Ibid, I. 69).

1301-1326. The general authority is again Seissel [f 8b]. “ Et pource que nostre seigneur congneut les voulentes et condicions de son peuple ainsi desordonnees [following the marriages between Cain’s descendants and Seth’s] / il ordonna par sentence diffinitive quil destruiroit tout par deluge lequel fut vniuersel. Auquel toutes les creatures viuantes perirent fors noe et ceulx qui auecques lui furent reseruez dedens larche. Des enfans de Seth desquelz descendit noe parle Josephe et dit / que les enfans de seth furent tous bons iusques a la septiesme generation. Et pource dit monseigneur saint augustin que par le deluge il ne perit 2g8 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY aucun de la lignee seth / car ilz furent tous bons. Noe dont nous auons parle voyant les mauldictes operations et abhominables conuersations du peuple estoit moult deplaisant et chascun iour les prechoit et reprenoit de leurs iniquitez / mais ilz nen tenoient compte et estoient obstinez et du tout adonnez generalement on pou sen failloit a mal faire fors noe et les siens Pour ceste cause fut ire nostreseigneur et se apparut a noe xx. ans deuant et quil eust filz ne fille auquel il dist quil destruiroit tout par eau pour les grant pechez qui regnoient Et noe demanda a nostreseigneur quant ce seroit que le peuple periroit Nostreseigneur lui donna terme de .vi. vings ans durant les quelz Noe sans cesser preschoit chascun iour de penitence Et fist son arche ainsy que nostreseigneur luy auoit dit et deuise comme nous verrons en apres.”

1301-1305. Cf. Genesis vi. 5-7, where God, seeing the corruption in the world, repents that he has made man, and vows that he will destroy man and all created things, except Noah.

1304-1310. In Genesis vi. this conversation between Noah and God is not reported, nor does Josephus mention it. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxxi., states, “ Et tamen prius quam disperdam eum, dabo ei tempus poenitendum, scilicet centum et viginti annorum. Non enim intelligendum est de spiritu hominis, sed de Dei indignatione. Nec est terminus iste humana; vitae post diluvium, cum post diluvium inveniatur homo amplius vixisse, et dixit Dominus hoc ante annos viginti quam inciperet fieri area, ut dicit Hieronymus, quae facta legitur centum annis.” The basis of this discussion is Genesis vi. 3, " Dixitque Deus : Non permanebit spiritus meus in homine in sternum, quia caro est; eruntque dies illius centum viginti annorum.” But this is now taken to mean that God had perceived that the lives of men were too long, and determined that in future the normal span of life would be 120 years, not that God decided to allow man to live for another 120 years to see if he would reform. Yet, of course, the Flood could not have come immediately after God’s decision to destroy the world, because time would be needed for Noah to build the ark. See note to lines 1341-1364.

1313-1319. The authority for presenting Noah as one who endeavoured to reform the world during the time of waiting for the Flood is not in Genesis, but 2 Peter ii. 5, " [God] saved Noah the eighth person, a preacher of righteousness.” Cf. also Josephus, Antiquities, I. 75, “ God loved Noah for his righteousness ” ; and I. 74, “ Noah, indignant at their conduct, urged them to come to a better frame of mind, and amend their ways.” H. St J. Thackeray, translator of the Loeb Josephus, Antiquities, I. 35, note c, says, “ Book I. of the Sibylline Oracles (a work of mixed Jewish and Christian origin) devotes some fifty lines to two of his addresses. Genesis knows nothing of this.” Cf. Carion, trans. Lynne, f. 3b, “ For cause of these thynges did God threaten the worlde with the floude : and before the same should come he wylled Noe to preach it an hundred yeare before, that some beynge conuerted, mighte be saued.” Seissel, f. 8b, also describes Noah preaching to the wicked. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 299

1327-1340. Courteour has noticed the discrepancy between God’s vow to destroy the natural fertility of the world, so that man must labour to earn his bread, and Experience’s pretty picture of the fertility of the earth between Adam and Noah. Experience’s reply, 1341-1365, is a delightful example of a theologian inventing an explanation of his self- created difficulty. The rabbinical solution was that Adam and Eve starved for many days, but after their repentance God brought them seeds, spices, food, and water from Paradise.

1341-1364. Three reasons are advanced as proof of the delay of 120 years. (1) 1344-1352. Adam, although assured that death would be his punishment, did not die for another 900 [actually 933] years ; (2) JdSS-idbo. Although Isaiah said, Isaiah ix. 6, " For unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given,” Christ was not actually born, according to biblical reckoning, for another 740 years; (3) 136T-1362. Peter, 2 Peter iii. 8, “ One day is with the Lord as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day.” A fourth reason is advanced in lines 1391-1392 : the ark took 100 years to construct! Some early theologians explain this length of time as due to the fact that ships had never been built before, and Noah had to experiment. See note to line 1391.

1353-1356. Esay. ix. Cf. Isaiah ix. 6, " Parvulus enim natus est nobis, et filius datus est nobis; et factus est principatus super humerum ejus ; et vocabitur nomen ejus, Admirabilis, Consiliarius, Deus, Fortis, Pater futuri seculi, Princeps pacis." But Lindsay has really combined this with the words of St John, John iii. 16-17, “ • • • I?- For God sent not his Son into the world to condemn the world ; but that the world through him might be saved.” Chalmers, II. 381, records that 1597 reads “ bairne is to be borne.”

1361. ii. Pet. ii. The marginal reference is erroneous: read 2 Peter iii. 8, “ unus dies apud Dominum sicut mille anni, est mille anni sicut dies unus.”

1365-1390. Based on Genesis vi. 14-16. " 14. Make thee an ark of gopher wood ; rooms shalt thou make in the ark, and shalt pitch it within and without with pitch. 15. And this is the fashion which thou shalt make it of : The length of the ark shall be three hundred cubits, the breadth of it fifty cubits, and the height of it thirty cubits. 16. A window shalt thou make to the ark, and in a cubit shalt thou finish it above ; and the door of the ark shalt thou set in the side thereof ; with lower, second, and third stories shalt thou make it.” 1369. Off Pyne Ire maid. Genesis vi. 14, " de lignis levigatis,” Author- ised Version, “ of gopher wood.” Lindsay has obtained “ Pyne tre ” from Seissel, f. 8b, together with other details of the ark. Seissel says that the ark was made " le bois leger comme sapin ” [fir or pine], in shape an oblong quadrangular, 300 cubits long, 50 cubits broad, 30 cubits high. The entrance door, it continues, was on the left- hand side, “ au hault vng petite fenestre de cristalpour regarder [1384-85]. 300 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

En ceste arche tu feras six mansions / la celle de bas fera comme celle dun nauire [1382].” The actual meaning of “ lignis levigatis ” is uncertain, and some authorities think that " fine cypress ’’ is meant, but as this is the only mention of the timber in the Bible the meaning is uncertain. Some authorities suggest “ pitchwood," reverting to the earlier " pine wood.’'

1371. Nails are, of course, not mentioned in Genesis, but in the woodcut depicting the building of the ark in the Liber Chronicarum, two men are shown hammering nails, one into the hull, the other into the roof.

1374. Thre Chalmeris. Genesis vi. 16 says that there shall be three stories, " deorsum, ccenacula, et tristega facies in ea." See extract from Peter Comestor, in note to lines 1385-1386. Seissel gives a long description of the construction, but does not mention the nails, anchor, oar, or rudder.

1376. Withoutin anker, air, or ruther : without anchor, oar, or rudder. The absence of these is not mentioned in Genesis. The woodcut of the building of the ark in the Liber Chronicarum does not show them, nor masts, nor sails. See note to lines 1385-1386.

1377-1378. A ne rycht Cubeit, as I heir tell, Off misour now mycht be ane ell. The exact length of a cubit is not known, but it is believed to have been about 18 or 21 inches. The measurement was based on the length of the forearm from elbow to finger-tip, and was used primarily as a measurement for land. The measurement of Solomon’s temple seems to indicate the existence of two kinds of cubit, the " common cubit ” of 18-21 inches, and the " sacred cubit ” of about double that length. In x Kings vii. 2 we are told that the temple measured 100 cubits long and 50 cubits broad ; in 2 Chronicles iii. 3 that it was 60 cubits long and 20 cubits broad. Lindsay may have the “sacred cubit” in mind. The common cubit was also called the “ geometrical cubit.” Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxxii., “ Dicit Rabanus cubitos areas fuisse geometricos, alioquin tanta capere non valeret. Continet enim cubitus geometricus septem nostros, vel novem. Proprie enim cubitus pedem et dimidium habet." Cf. notes to The Dreme, 639, where is quoted the table of length found in editions of Sacro Bosco, Sphcera Mundi, “ Cubitus sesquipes est: palmos habens 6,” a palm being four inches in length. This would make the cubit twenty-four inches. Chalmers, II. 381, “ Lyndsay seems not to have had a distinct notion of the cubit. In the Scripture, the cubit is of two different lengths : The one, according to Dr Arbuthnot, is equal to 1 foot 9 inches of an inch English measure, being the fourth part of a fathom : The other cubit is equal to 1 ^/jj foot. The cubit, which was in use, among the ancients, was taken from the ordinary extent of a man’s arm, between the elbow and the tip of the hand. The Jewish cubit was equal to 1.8245 English feet, or 21.894 inches. See the table, in Calmet’s Diet. iii. p. 571.” NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 301

Size of original, 7J" x 9". Schedel (Hartmann). Liber Chronicarum sen Chronicon Nurembergensis, f. 6a, published at Niirnberg by A. Koberger, 12 July 1493, in large toho. The first edition is in Latin, and is illustrated by about 2000 woodcuts by Michael Wolgemuth and W. Pleydenwurfi. These were omitted in later editions. he od t e cts 1388.0I ^the° letter™ ^ ChronicarumP' exactly theappears type toof haveark which been oneLindsay of his describes authorities. in lines 1369- 302 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1385-1386. The specifications for the window in Genesis vi. 16 are a little obscure : “ A window thou shalt make to the ark, and in a cubit shalt thou finish it above.” Peake, Commentary, notes, “ Wellhausen puts the words ' to a cubit thou shalt finish it ’ at the end of the verse ; the reference is in that case to the ark, which is to be accurately finished off. MT [the Massoretic Text, that compiled by the Massoretes, or guardians of the Massorah tradition, in the seventh and eighth centuries a.d.] perhaps means that an opening for light, a cubit high, ran round the sides of the ark at the top.” In line 1384 “ rufe ” is a rendering accepted by several commentators of the Bible instead of " window,” though the generally accepted meaning is "an opening for light and air.” Lindsay accepts the popular idea of a window in the roof, a handy outlet later for the dove and the raven. The textual difficulties of the Bible at this place explain the widely different attempts to represent the ark pictorially. An engraving in the Genevan Bible, and the Bassandyne, represents the ark as an oblong box, built of planking, containing three stories, and with a flat roof. In one of the long sides is the window, a cubit long, beside it being the door for entrance. That in the 1493 edition of the Liber Chvonicarum seu Chvonicon Nurembergensis, which contains the woodcuts by Michael Wolgemuth and W. Pleydenwurff omitted in later editions, depicts the ark in process of construction. It portrays what is really the hull of a fifteenth century ship, complete with forecastle and poop, on the decks of which is being erected a superstructure of three stories, each divided into rooms. The upper story is shaped like the upper portion of a house between the ceiling and the roof, and is depicted as sloping downwards from the middle towards the bow and stern. On this floor are three rooms, in which live the animals, the human beings and the birds. On the middle floor are the “ apothecaria herbarum,” the “ stercoraria,” and the “ apothecaria specierum." The lower floor is not labelled. This is probably the kind of ark which Lindsay has in mind, though he does not describe it well. He says, however, that the ark was “ like a house with a roof on,” and a structure of this kind is depicted in this woodcut, which also shows a door in the lower story of the superstructure, and a square window in the middle of the second story. The design of the ark here depicted is based on the description in Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxxii., “ Fecit Noe, juxta praecep- tum Domini, arcam de lignis levigatis, id est politis, vel quadratis. Alia littera, vel bituminatis, longitudine trecentorum cubitorum, latitudine quinquaginta, altitudine triginta, ad modum scilicet humani corporis, in quo longitude sexies est major latitudine, et decies major altitudine. . . . Fuit ergo haec area in fundamento quadrata, sed in forma altera parte longiori ab angulis in arctum conscendens, donee in cubito summitas ejus perficeretur. Bitumine intus, et extra linita est, quod est gluten ferventissimum, quo ligna linita non dissolvuntur aliqua vi, vel arte, nec materia, vel maceria bituminata solvi potest, sine menstruo mulieris. In lacubus Judaeae supernatans colligitur. In Syria limns est a terra aestuans. Facta sunt in ea ccenacula, et tristega, id est distinctiones dictae a trita. Dicit alia translatio bicamerata, et tricamerata [cf. line 1374] ; habuit enim quinque cameras, quas NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 303

Augustinus etiam, prater sentinam, dicit ibi fuisse, dicens super tabu- latum sentinae fuisse bicameratam. Una enim camerarum erat stercoraria, altera apothecaria, et super banc mansionem erat alia tricamerata. Laterales camera erant una immitium, altera mitium animalium, media hominum, et avium. Et habuit ostium ubi bicamerata, et tricamerata jungebantur. Alii vero has quinque cameras in altitudine sola disponunt, inferioremque et sentina stercorariam dicentes ; secundam supra illam apothecariam, tertiam immitium animalium et serpentum, ubi hae junguntur ostium ponunt; quartam mitium animalium ; supre- mam hominum et avium. Josephus tamen dicit arcam quatuor cameras habentem, forte stercorariam vel sentinam non includens [Josephus, Antiquities, I. 77]. Fecit in ea Noe fenestram quam Hebrai crystallinam fuisse tradunt, quae in Hebrao vocatur meridianum, a Symmacho diluculum.” This description forms the basis of that in Seissel, f. 8b.

1391. Gene. viii. 1554 places this reference opposite the wrong line : it should appear opposite line 1393. Genesis viii. tells of Noah and his family going into the ark, and of the flood itself. There is no biblical authority for the statement in lines 1391-1392 that the building of the ark took one hundred years. This figure seems to have been derived from two statements. In Genesis v. 32 we are told that Noah was five hundred years old when he begat Shem, Ham, and Japheth. The next record of time appears in Genesis vii. 6, where we are told that Noah was six hundred years old when the flood began. But this does not mean that the intervening hundred years were occupied with building the ark, and the assumption that it does ignore the implied passage of years in Genesis vi. 1-2. The belief, however, goes back to St Jerome, and borrows from Genesis vi. 3 the mention of 120 years as that of the life of man, for which, as already explained [note to lines 1304-1310], there have been two interpretations : one that man’s life in the future was to be only 120 years long, the other that God said that the people then on the earth would only have 120 years more to live before they were destroyed by the flood. Lindsay accepts the latter belief, which was popularly received during the Middle Ages. Cf. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxxi., “ Nec est terminus iste humanse vitae post diluvium, cum post diluvium inveniatur homo amplius vixisse, et dixit Dominus hoc ante annos viginti, quam inciperet fieri area, ut dicit Hieronymus, quae facta legitur centum annis.”

1393-1403. Cf. Genesis vii. 1. " And the Lord said unto Noah, Come thou and all thy house into the ark. ... 2. Of every clean beast thou shalt take to thee by sevens, the male and his female : and of beasts that are not clean by two, the male and the female. 3. Of fowls also of the air by sevens, the male and the female : to keep seed alive upon the face of the earth. ... 7. And Noah went in, and his sons, and his sons’ wives with him, into the ark. 8. Of clean beasts, and of beasts that are not clean, and of fowls, and of every thing that creepeth upon the earth. 9. There went in two and two unto Noah into the ark, the male and the female, as God had commanded Noah.” Cf. also verses 13-16, where the three sons and their three wives are mentioned. 304 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1402. Of Fameill and of Maill. The spelling of Fameill is incorrect, and should be amended to Femaill. Fameill is the form of family. 1404. The picture of the tempest and flood is imaginary, since it has no biblical foundation, but the Cursor Mundi, 1761-98, and Milton, Paradise Lost, xi. 734-749, both present similar pictures, and there must have been a source which I have not traced. Peter Comestor says nothing, nor does Seissel.

1417. The fyreflauchtis flew ouerthorte the fellis. Cf. Gavin Douglas, Eneados, Book II., Works, II. 106, lines 15-18 : Ay sen the fader of goddis and king of men With thunderis blast me smate, as that ?e ken, And with his fyry lewyne me wmberauch [encompassed], That we intill our langage cleip fyirflauch. 1421. All Fontains frame the erth up sprang. Based on Genesis vii. 11, " rupti sunt omnes fontes abyssi magnae." Cf. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxxiv., “ id est aquae quae sunt in visceribus terrae.”

1422-1423. Cf. Genesis vii. 11-12, in continuation of above, " et cata- ractae caeli apertae sunt. 12. Et facta est pluvia super terram quadraginta diebus et quadraginta noctibus.”

1424-1440. With the exception of lines 1435-1436, this picture is imaginary. For the excepted lines, cf. Genesis vii. 19, " and all the high hills, that were under the whole heaven, were covered." 1441-1442. Aboue montanis that were moste hie Fifty Cubitis rose the see. Here is another example of confusion between fifty and fifteen [cf. The Dreme, note to line 642]. Genesis vii. 20 says, continuing the statement quoted in the note above that the hills were covered by the flood, “ Fifteen cubits upward did the waters prevail: and the mountains were covered.” Peter Comestor reproduces the figure correctly. Cap. xxxiv., " et super omnes montes excrevit aqua altior cubitis quindecim." Josephus states. Antiquities, I. 89, that “ the water poured down for forty entire days, insomuch that it rose to fifteen cubits above the surface of the earth. That was the reason why no more escaped, since they had no place of refuge.” Emendation to “ Fifteine " is therefore necessary. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxxiv., says, " et super montes excrevit aqua altior cubitis quindecim, ut ablueret sordes aeris, usqueque ascenderant opera hominum. Usque ad eumdem locum ascendet ignis judicii ob seris purgationem . . . et mortua est omnis anima vivens super terram.” Lindsay now continues his versification of Seissel, but the latter’s treatment of the flood is too long for quotation.

1462-1464. Cf. Genesis vii. 24, " And the waters prevailed upon the earth an hundred and fifty days.” Lindsay, however, states that it NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 305 rained for 150 days. The Bible seems to say that it rained for forty days and forty nights (Genesis vii. 12), that the water remained 150 days at its height (vii. 24), and that it took another 150 days to subside (viii. 3 : " post centum quinquaginta dies ”). The Authorised Version makes the latter period identical with the former period of 150 days. Josephus, Antiquities, I. 89, recognises three periods : (1) 40 days' rain ; (2) 150 days of only slight subsidence ; (3) a period, not specified, of more rapid subsidence. Lindsay accepts the obvious meaning of the Vulgate version, for he states, lines 1469-1470, that Noah was “ ane jeir compleit ” on the ark, the Vulgate duration being 340 days, as against the Authorised Version’s period of 190 days. Also Genesis vii. 6 states that Noah was 600 years old when he went into the ark ; and Genesis viii. 13, “ And it came to pass in the six hundredth and first year . . when Noah found the earth dry. Carion does not give details.

1476. Nor the flude no more ascendit. This line is prosodically incorrect, a syllable being wanting, and Lambeth MS. 332 ofiers the correct reading, " Nor ^it the flude no more ascendit.” Lines 1475-1476 also proved a stumbling-block to the printer of 155&, who ran the two lines together, and made the rain ascend, " So that the rane no more ascendit.” This is also the reading of the Edinburgh MS.

1478. He sent furth Corbe, Messingeir. Cf. Genesis viii. 6, “ Cumque transissent quadraginta dies, aperiens Noe fenestram areas, quam fecerat, dimist corvum.” Cf. Fergusson, Scottish Proverbs, S.T.S., p. 49, No. 596, " He is a corbie messinger ” (probably meaning a messenger who wanders about without ever reaching his destination). Fr. corbeau. L. corvus : raven.

1481-1482. Sum sayis the Rauin did furth remane. And cum nocht to the Ark agane.

Genesis viii. 7, “ [Noe . . . dimisit corvum] qui egrediebatur, et non revertebatur, donee siccarentur aquae super terram.” Authorised Version: ” And he sent forth a raven, which went forth to and from [Heb. in going forth and returning], until the waters were dried up from off the earth.” Josephus, Antiquities, I. 91, says that the raven “ found the whole land inundated and returned to Noah.”

1483-1490. Cf. Genesis viii. 8-12. Noah actually sends the dove three times, with an interval of a week between each sending forth. On the second occasion she returns with the olive branch; on the third she does not return.

1491-1494. Cf. line 1511. In Genesis viii. 4 it is stated that on the seventeenth day of the seventh month the ark rested “ super montes Armeniae,” which the Authorised Version translates " upon the mountains of Ararat.” Josephus, Antiquities, I. 92, states that “ The Armen- ians call that spot the Landing-place, for it was there that the ark came safe to land, and they show the relics of it to this day. This 3°6 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

flood and the ark are mentioned by all who have written histories of the barbarians. Among these is Berosus the Chaldsean, who in his description of the events of the flood writes somewhere as follows : ‘ It is said, moreover, that a portion of the vessel still survives in Armenia on the mountain of the Cordyaeans, and that persons carry off pieces of the bitumen, which they use as talismans.’ These matters are also mentioned by Hieronymus the Egyptian, author of the ancient history of Phoenicia, by Mnaseas, and by many others. Nicolas of Damascus in his ninety-sixth book relates the story as follows : ‘ There is above the country of Minyas in Armenia a great mountain called Baris, where, as the story goes, many refugees found safety at the time of the flood, and one man, transported upon an ark, grounded upon the summit, and relics of the timber were for long preserved.’ ” The mountain is usually named Mount Ararat. It was believed in mediaeval and even later times that this was the highest mountain in the world. It is a volcanic mountain in Armenia, 390 42' N., 44° 35’ E., with two peaks, Agri Dagh (16,925 ft.) and Allah Dagh (12,850 ft.). Other heights claim the distinction of being the resting-place of the ark. The Book of Jubilees, V. 28, says on “ Lubar, one of the mountains of Ararat.” The Babylonian ark rested on Mount Nizar. Lindsay takes his " Montane hye. Into the land of Armanye ” from Seissel, f. 9b, " larche . . . sarresta sur les mons de armenie.” 1495-1507. Cf. Genesis viii. 15-19, and [1505-6], ix. 7.

1509. Quhen Noye had maid his Sacrifyce. Cf. Genesis viii. 20, " And Noah builded an altar unto the Lord . . . and ofiered burnt oflerings . . .” The sacrifice is described by Seissel, f. ioa. 1511-1578. There is no biblical authority for this passage. Peter Comestor, Josephus, and Seissel are equally reticent. It is, of course, an attempt to rationalise the Bible.

1541. The sey wes all in to ane place. It was believed that the sea formed the perimeter of the earth, both before and after the formation of the continents. See line 1552. 1543-1546. The great geographical mystery was the Mediterranean, which resembled a valley specially flooded to separate Europe and Africa. Cf. line 1551.

1552. The gret Occiane : the great ocean, which surrounded all dry land. See note to line 1541. 1561-1578. Authority not traced.

1581-1590. Cf. Genesis v. 32 (Noah was 500 years old before he begat Shem, Ham, and Japheth) ; vii. 6 (Noah was 600 years old when the flood began) ; viii. 13 (Noah was aged 601 when the flood subsided); ix. 28 (Noah lived after the flood 350 years) ; ix. 29 (Noah was 950 years old when he died). NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 307

1593-1606. Cf. Genesis, ix. 19-27, x. 1-32. Seissel, f. iob, gives an account which agrees with Lindsay’s. The subject was one which invited illustration in universal histories. The Liber Chronicarum (1493), f. i5b, contains a vivid picture of the scene, portraying Ham’s laughter, and the anguish and horror of Shem and Japheth. Lindsay probably had this wood-cut in mind. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xxxvi., supplies a delightful explanation of Noah’s drunkenness: “ ignorans vim ejus inebriatus est." This is accepted by some modern theologians. It is based on the assumption that Noah invented wine, and knew not its potence.

1604. Gaue Cham his Maledictioun. Noah actually cursed Canaan [Genesis ix. 25, “ Cursed be Canaan ”], but the writer of Genesis pro- tected himself against inconsistency [ix. 18 and x. 8] by explaining that “ Ham is the father of Canaan.” Two explanations are possible. (1) The Canaanite descendants of Ham, intimately connected with the Hebrews, were hated and distrusted, and regarded as evil; (2) the narrative is not in its original form. There may have been two genealogies of Noah, one with Canaan as his grandson, the order in ix. 18 and x. 8, the other with Canaan as his son, the order in ix. 25. The com- piler of Genesis combined the two versions imperfectly. The theological interpretation is that " we are not deahng with individuals as such, but with individuals as representing nationalities ” [Driver, The Book of Genesis, 112]. It is safest to regard the original text as enumerating Shem, Japheth, and Canaan as the sons of Noah.

1607-1616. Cf. Genesis viii. 20-22, ix. 1-17. In Seissel and Genesis the story of the rainbow covenant comes immediately after Noah’s sacrifice to God. Seissel, f. ioa [God addressing Noah], “ et sachez que iamais ne detruiray ne vous ne les vostres par eaue Et pour certification de ce ie vous donneray vng signe infallible Cest que le ciel sera souuent de diuerses coulleurs [1612] et quant vous verrez le ciel ainsi diuers en coulleur vous congnoistrez que iauray recordation de vous et ne soiez en doutance de perir.”

The Secunde Part. The Beildyng of Babilone. 1620. Quho did first sched saikles blude. This is the first trace in the poem of the searches of Genesis for first happenings and inventions in the " history ” of the world. Adam and Eve were the first man and woman; they committed the first sin ; Cain committed the first murder; and Abel’s funeral was the first; the first tents were made by Jubal; the first musical instruments by Tubal-Cain; the first walled cities by Nimrod, &c., &c., the search for an eponymous ancestor of human affairs being endless. 1625. Nemrod. Vulgate, Nemrod : Seissel, Nembroth. Lindsay uses both forms. Nembroth : Mon. 1703, 1783, 1811, 1823, 1859, 1871, 3°8 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1964, 2003 ; Nemrod : Title of Bk. II. 1625, 1636-1650, 2887, 2891, Eusebius, Chronicon, Nembrotus. Gk. (Josephus and Septuagint), Nf/9paSS, this form being used by St Augustine, De Civitate Dei, XVI. iii., Nebroth.

1628. That beilder was of Babilone. The whole of this section of the poem depends on the interpretation of Genesis x. 8-10. " Porro Chus genuit Nemrod : ipse coepit esse potens in terra. 9. Et erat robustus Venator coram Domino. Ob hoc exivit proverbium : Quasi Nemrod robustus Venator coram Domino. 10. Fuit autem principium regni ejus Babylon, et Arach, et Achad, et Chalanne, in terra Sennaar.” The Authorised Version translates 10, “ And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel . . .,” noting in margin, " Gk. Babylon." Babylon was the capital of Babylonia, the greatest country, and possessing the highest civilisation, known to the Hebrews. Babylon was famous for its great ziggurat or temple, Sag-illa [" reaching to the clouds "]• At Borsippa [Birs-Nimroud] near Babylon may be seen the ruined temple of Nebo. Both temples were sacred to Bel-Merodach. Either of these may have originated the Babylonian tradition that Nimrod built the tower of Babel, or Babylon. The bilingual creation story definitely attributes the building of Sag-illa to him. He was known as a great builder, and several places in Mesopotamia, besides Birs-Nimroud, preserved the memory of his name. Babylon itself was of great antiquity, and its origin is shrouded in great obscurity. The first dynasty of Babylonian kings goes back to 2232 b.c., but there is no doubt that the city was then in existence. The name Babel was the Hebrew form of the name which the Greeks called Babylon. The Hebrews themselves associated the name with their own word bdlal, to confound, on this depending the whole story of the diversity of tongues supposed to have been created at Babel. This etymology is now regarded as incorrect, for the name written on the Babylonian inscriptions is Bab-Il, " Gate of God,” which it is impossible to derive from the Hebrew bdlal. Josephus, Antiquities, I. 113-121, tells a story similar to that in Genesis x. 1-9. It is clear that the writer of Genesis, perhaps borrowing from Babylonian tradition, sought to reconcile two unrelated facts : (1) the existence of an unfinished or ruined temple, in or near Babylon, attached to which was perhaps the tradition that some disaster had fallen on the country during the building; (2) the diversity of tongues throughout the races of the world. He made no attempt to account for diversity of races, or to associate language with race.

1636-1640. Genesis x. 1-8 does give the genealogy of Nimrod, but Lindsay’s complaint that it does not tell of his strength and courage is correct. See note to line 1653.

1644-1646. Oroce . . . Josephus. See note to line 1653.

1647-1650. Genesis x. 1. “ [The sons of Noah were] Shem, Ham, and Japheth. 6. And the sons of Ham; Cush ... 8. And Cush begat Nimrod.” NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 309

1653. [Nimrod]. He wes ane Gyane stout and strung. Orosius and Josephus have already been quoted as Lindsay’s authorities [line 1644]. Orosius : Historia, II. 6, 7, “ Namque Babylonam a Nebrot gigante fundatam, a Nino uel Samiramide reparatam multi prodidere. haec campi planitie undique conspicua, natura loci laetissima, castrorum facie moenibus paribus per quadrum disposita. murorum eius uix credibilis relatu per firmitas et magnitude, id est latitudine cubitorum quinquaginta, altitudine quater tanta. ceterum ambitus eius quadringentis octoginta stadiis circumueniter. murus coctili latere atque interfuso bitumine conpactus, fossa extrinsecus late patens uice amnis circumfluit. a fronte murorum centum portae aereae. ipsa autem latitude in consummatione pinnarum utroque latere habitaculis defen- sorum aeque dispositis, media intercapedine sui citas quadrigas capit. domus intrinsecus quatergeminae habitationis minaci proceritate mirabiles. et tamen magna ilia Babylon, ilia prima post reparationem human! generis condita, nunc paene etiam minima mora uicta capta subuersa est. ^' Josephus, Antiquities, I. 113-121, is the principal authority for the story that Nimrod built Babel, but his account is too long to quote in full. He says [I. 113] that " Nebrodes ” was “ an audacious man of doughty vigour," and that the tower was built through fear that another flood might be sent to destroy man. He does not give measurements, but says that its thickness was so great as to dwarf its apparent height. For measurements, see notes to lines 1731-1752. Lindsay has used neither of these authorities. He has again used Seissel, with borrowings from another source, which is derived from Peter Comestor. Quotations will be found as notes to relevant passages. The tradition that Nimrod was a giant is based on the belief that “ there were giants in the earth in those days,” the race of demi-gods born of the " sons of God ” and the " daughters of men ” [Genesis vi. 1-4].

1660. Ten Cubitis large he wes of hycht. Peter Comestor, cap. xxxvii, " gigas decern cubitorum.” Seissel, f. ub, gives a long description of Nimrod, “ de grande stature et corpulence . . . toutesfoix nembroth par excellence de grandeur estoit appelle geant . . .,” but does not give his exact height. Ten cubits gives a height of fifteen feet. Lindsay may have taken Nimrod’s height from the Fasciculus temporum [see note to line 5282], f. 4b, “ Iste Nemroth gigas .x. cubitorum cepit esse potens in terra et erat robustus Venator coram domino.” The Aramaic versions of the Old Testament interpret “ a mighty hunter before the Lord ” as a “ sinful hunting of the sons of men.” Cf. Milton, Paradise Lost, xii. 30, “ Hunting (and man not beasts shall be his game) ” ; and Pope, Windsor Forest, 61-62 : “ Proud Nimrod first the bloody chase began, A mighty hunter, and his prey was man.” 1663-1666. Cf. Seissel, f. nb, "Son amour intention et sa sollicitude principalle estoit de induire et admonester les autres a mal faire sans crainte de dieu. ... II disoit . . . que si dieu estoit maistre du ciel il seroit maistre de la terre et des hommes." VOL. III. X 3i° THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1664. So pry defull and presumptuous. See quotation from Seissel, in note to lines 1755-1782. The Hebrews regarded Nimrod as one in- curably rebellious, and derived his name from Marad, to rebel. Cf. Paradise Lost, xii. 36, “ And from rebellion shall derive his name.” Cf. line 1762, “ prydefull Presumptioun," and note to lines 1811-1846, “ Nembroth . . . qui tant fut mauuais et presumptueux.”

1669-1690. In Seissel, f. nb, Nimrod makes a set speech to his people, from which Lindsay borrows. “ Seigneurs nous deuons considerer nostre estat et pourueoir a ce qui nous est necessaire. Vous auez con- gnoissance comme dieu par aucune voulente ou ire quil a eue centre le peuple a enuoye le Deluge sur la terre. Ce na pas este longtemps au deuant de nous encore viuent noz peres qui ont ce veu par lequel deluge funest destruictes toutes creatures / mais ie croi a mon entdemenent que ce ne fut que pour la faulce improuision et induitore du peuple qui longtemps auoit este negligent de faire aucun habitacle de seurete pour soy retirer et garder contre les fortunes aduerses et ires de dieu / et pour ce que les aucuns nous dient que dieu de rechief nous pourroit ainsi faire / iay desir et affection de vous me croyez de pourueoir a vosftre] cas si bien que quant dieu nous vouluoit nuyre il ne pourroit / car mon intention est de faire vne tour si large si haulte / si espesse et si forte quelle tendra et fera resistente contre toutes fortunes. Ceste tour sera faicte de brique cest a dire pierre cuite et bien cymentee par dedans et par dehors affin que se le deluge deaue retourne sur la terre par eaue elle ne puisse entrer en nostre tour / car le cyment len gardera. Se le deluge vient par feu notre tour en amendera / car la pierre dont elle sera faicte toujours se cuyra,” &c., &c. Definite reasons for the building of the tower are not given in Genesis, but cf. xi. 4, “ And they said. Go to, let us build us a city and a tower, whose top may reach unto heaven ; and let us make a name lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the earth.”

1696. The plane feilde of Synear. Cf. Genesis xi. 2, " invenerunt campum in terra Sennaar.” Shin’ar was one of the Hebrew names for Baby- lonia. Peter Comestor, cap xxxviii. Addition 1, “ Chaldaea, Babylon, Sennaar, idem sunt."

1702. Sum holkit claye, sum brynt the tylde. Cf. Genesis xi. 3, “ Dixitque alter ad proximum suum : Venite, faciamus lateres, et coquamos eos igni” 1711. With brynt tylde stonis. Cf. Genesis, xi. 3, " Habueruntque lateres pro saxis.” Authorised Version, “ And they had brick for stone.” 1712-1713. That Towre thay rasit to sic hycht Abufe the airis Regioun. The allusion is to the region of the air, the world being believed to be surrounded with the three elements—water, air, and fire. There is probably a distant allusion to the account of the building of Babel in the Book of Jubilees, X, where we are told that the tower reached the second heaven. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 311

1715. With Syment maid of pyk and tar. Pyk : pitch. Cf. Genesis, xi. 3, " Habueruntque . . . bitumen pro casmento.” Josephus, Antiquities, I. 116, " It was built of baked bricks cemented with bitumen to prevent them from being washed away.” Neither the writer of Genesis nor Josephus mentions the fear of destruction of the human race by fire. Cf. Seissel, note to lines 1663-1666. It is generally agreed that the description of the “ tower ” given in Genesis is the work of a nomad people living in tents, and marvelling both at the height of the building, which they exaggerated, and at the materials used in its construction. In this exaggeration of the greatness of the building they saw in its ultimate ruin the vengeance of God. Where the Vulgate reads Bitumen, the Authorised Version reads slime. Heb. hemdr [in Genesis vi. 14, the foreign word kopher had been used]: Septuaginta, aapaXTis. Bitumen is still found in springs at Hit, on the Euphrates, 150 miles north of Babylon. C. Leonard Woolley, The Sumerians and Ur of the Chaldees, describes the materials used in Sumer and Babylonia for building, unbaked brick and baked brick " skins,” with bitumen as binding. 1731. Josephus. Josephus does not give a single measurement of the tower or city of Babylon, thus proving that Lindsay did not use the Antiquities as an authority here. The Antiquities were pillaged by the mediaeval theologians to fill out the defects in biblical history, and much was attributed to him which he never wrote. The principal authorities were the Sefer Yezirah and The Book of Jubilees, X. 5-8. See next note. 1733-1739. Lindsay’s measurements do not tally. The height he gives as 5174 paces. A mile is 1000 paces [1737], and thus he gives the height in miles incorrectly as ” sax mylis and ane half in hycht ” [1736]. Chalmers, II. 397, " ‘ Sax,’ in ed. 1552 and 1558 : ' Fyve,’ in ed. 1568, 1574, &c., must be the true reading: For, he mentions before, 5 thousand, 8 score and 14 large paces : There are only 1056 geometrical paces in a mile: So, this number would make only 4 miles, 7 furlongs, and nearly 8 poles.” Chalmers’s fine arguments are sometimes wasted. Lindsay himself asks for the mile to be taken as 1000 paces, an equation which agrees with that given in The Dr erne [see note to line 639], and this should rule out Chalmers’s 1056 geometrical paces and the calculation from them. But the original equation of 5174 paces to 6j miles is still incorrect, and either the distance in paces should be 6174 or the distance in miles should be 5 J, discounting the error in equating 174 paces as half a mile. Lambeth MS. 332 reads, “ Five mylis and ane half,” and this is clearly the correct reading. The alternative is to accept eight hundred “ large pasis ” [1733] to the mile, but this would require the emendation of line 1737. The Cursor Mundi, 2271-2276, gives measurements very similar to Lindsay’s. The following text is from the Cotton MS. : J>is tour was selli mad vpright, Fiue thusand steppes [it] had on hight. And aght scor als and fourti par-to, Sua made pair maumet pam to do, Ten mile compas al aboute, Als stori sais wit-vten doute. 312 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

This seems to verify Lindsay’s figure of five thousand eight score and fourteen paces. The third line in the above quotation from the Cursor Mundi is clearly incorrect. " als and ” is tautologous ; and the queer “ fourti ” is either an incorrect “ forty,” or else the scribe has begun to write " fourteen ” and then remembered his metre. Two of the other three principal MSS. read "four score and four,” but having omitted the offending " als,” neglected to secure the second syllable of " fourteen,” and so their measurement is both unprosodical and incorrect mathematically. For example, the Fairfax MS. reads, “and viij. shore and iiij. per-to.” The Trinity MS. attempts the emendation “ Also ” for “ And,” and reads, “ Also ei^te score & foure per to,” which amends the metre, to the final ruin of the measurements. None of these measurements appear in Genesis, Josephus, St Augustine, or Peter Comestor. The Liber Chronicarum, f. i8a, gives the height in paces as 1174, quoting the authority of Bede: “ Turris autem altitude M.clxxiiij. passuum a Beda fertur habuisse.” Bede, Hexae- meron, Lib. iii. [Patrologia Latina, XCI. 127], however, says 4000 : " Arx autem, id est capitolium illius orbis est turris quae post diluvium aedificata, quatuor millia passuum tenere dicitur.” The calculations are all based on those in The Book of Jubilees, X. 21, " Forty and three years were they building it; its breadth was 203 bricks, and the height of a brick was the third of one ; its height amounted to 5433 cubits and 2 palms, and (the extent of one wall was) thirteen stades (and of the other thirty stades).” This text has been emended. The height in paces is 1640, against Lindsay’s 5174. The Fasciculus temporum, f. 5b, says, “ Turris babilonie altitude ad .iii. M. passuus accedebat." The Sefer Yezirah (“ Book of Creation ”), probably written in the second century b.c., but dating back to the third or fourth century, says that 600,000 men were engaged on the work for forty-three years. The tower reached such a height that it took a year to hoist material to the top. Towards the close materials grew so scarce that if a brick were accidentally dropped the workers wept bitterly, while if a man fell they were indifferent. They reduced themselves to virtual slavery, the weak, sick, and even pregnant women being forced to work. After the confusion of tongues the workers could not understand each other, so that if one wanted mortar he was given stones. This caused quarrels among the builders. When God destroyed the tower, one-third of it was consumed by fire, one-third sank in water, and one-third remained standing. 3 Baruch, III. 5-8, adds something more. " These are they who gave counsel to build the tower, for they whom thou seest [now moving on the plain like dogs, but having feet of stags] drove forth multitudes of both men and women, to make bricks : among whom a woman making bricks was not allowed to be released in the hour of child- birth, but brought forth while she was making bricks, and carried her child in her apron, and continued to make bricks. And the Lord appeared to them, and confused their speech, when they had built the tower to the height of four hundred and sixty-three cubits. And they took a gimlet, and sought to pierce the heaven, saying. Let us see (whether) the heaven is made of clay, or of brass, or of iron. When NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 313

God saw this He did not permit them, but smote them with blindness and confusion of speech, and rendered them as thou seest.” The mediaeval tradition thus goes back to the Sefer Yezirah and to the Book of Jubilees.

1739-1740. The tower of Babel, says Lindsay, was ten miles in circumference. It was generally assumed that it was square in cross-section, with steps round the outside, and it was always depicted as such in mediaeval manuscripts. Lindsay’s calculation imphes that each side measured two and a half miles. The Book of Jubilees, X. 21, quoted in the note to lines 1733-1739, appears to be somewhat confused regarding the length of the base.

1725-1746. Genesis, Josephus, and Peter Comestor ignore measurements. These go back to Greek times, but the mediaeval authority may have been Pliny, Natural History, Bk. VI. Ch. 30 : “ Babylon, the capital of the nations of Chaldaea, long enjoyed the greatest celebrity of all cities throughout the whole world : and it is from this place that the remaining parts of Mesopotamia and Assyria received the name of Babylonia. The circuit of its walls, which were two hundred feet in height, was sixty miles. These walls were also fifty feet in breadth, reckoning to every foot three fingers’ breadth beyond the ordinary measure of our foot ” [trans. Bostock and Riley, Bohn edn., VI. 72]. It will appear in the notes to the lines which follow that Lindsay and his authorities have confused the measurements of the city of Babylon with those of the Tower of Babylon, or Babel.

1725-1730. Orosius gives the measurements of the city walls as " latitudine cubitorum quinquaginta, altitudine quater eius ” [Historia, II. 6, 7], and he is followed by the Liber Chronicarum, f. 24b, which cites Pliny as the authority : “ Murorum dixit amplitudinem fuisse sexaginta quatuor milia passuum. Crassitudinem quinquaginta cubitorum. Alti- tudinem vero quater tantum.” I do not know where Lindsay obtained his figure of 52 fathoms [312 feet]. Lindsay is quite willing to double this figure, for he says that one fathom in the days of Nimrod was probably equal to two modern fathoms. The fathom, as a measurement of length, is based on the measurements from tip to tip of the fingers of the outstretched arms. As Lindsay believes that there were giants in the earth in those days, this distance must then have been much greater. He tells us in line 1660 that Nimrod was about ten cubits high, about fifteen feet; hence his remark in lines 1729-1730 that one man then was taller than two are now, and that the ancient fathom was double our own.

1741-1744. Lindsay now gives the measurements of the town of Babylon. He says that it was 480 stages in circumference, or sixty miles. This calculation was derived from Orosius, Historia, II. 6, 9, " ceterum ambitus eius quadringentis octoginta stadiis circumueniter," Orosius having acquired it from Pliny, Natural History, VI. 30, “ The circuit of its walls, which were two hundred feet in height, was sixty miles ” 314 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

[ = 480 stadia]. The Liber Chronicanim, f. 24P, citing Pliny, says, “ Murorum dixit amplitudinem fuisse sexaginta quatuor milia passuum," but this would give a distance of sixty-four miles, there being one thousand paces to the mile. Pliny had taken his figure from Herodotus, I. 178, " The city stands on a broad plain, and is an exact square, a hundred and twenty furlongs in length each way, so that the entire circuit is four hundred and eighty furlongs. ... It is surrounded, in the first place, by a broad and deep moat, full of water, behind which rises a wall fifty royal cubits in width, and two hundred in height. (The royal cubit is longer by three fingers’ breadth than the common cubit.) ” [Rawlinson’s translation.] But the measurements given by Greek writers vary. Herodotus gives 480 stadia ; Ctesias, 360 ; Quintus Curtius, 368 ; Clitarchus, 365 ; Strabo, 385 ; Diodorus Siculus, according to authorities quoted, 360 or 365. A stadia and a furlong are each one-eighth of a mile. The Roman mile had 1000 paces, or about 1618 yards, and a stadium was one- eighth of this. The English mile has 1760 yards, but it has varied with different periods. The furlong was early regarded as equal to the Roman stadium. The difference in length between the stadium and furlong need not detain us, as there is no need to attempt an exact calculation of the size of Babylon. Diodorus Siculus gives the circumference of Nineveh as 480 stadia. There has clearly been some trafficking in measurements. See full note to lines 2709-2736.

174S-1746. Lindsay now cites the authority of Orosius for the number of city gates in Babylon’s huge walls. Lindsay says " fyue score of brasin portis ” ; Orosius, Historia, II. 6, 10, " a fronte murorum centum portae aereae ” ; Seissel, f. i2b, “ En chacun coste dicelle tour estoient assises .xxv. portes darain ou de cuiure pour entre et yssir.” The authority of Orosius was Herodotus, I. 179, “ In the circuit of the wall are a hundred gates, all of brass, with brazen lintels and side-posts.”

1747-1752. The translatour of Orotius. Lindsay cannot have used a translation of Orosius, as he attributes matter to Orosius which is not in the Latin or French texts of that writer. Lindsay undoubtedly refers to the French work, from which I have cited, Seissel’s Le Premier [and second] Volume de Orose. This is the only work which I have come across which gives the measurement of the length of the shadow cast by the tower of Babel at noon. On f. 126 of this work is the following : “ Et si treshaulte la continuerent que selon loppinion daucuns / quant le soleil luisoit a midy centre lung des costez de la tour lombre du soleil reffleschissant et precedant delle duroit trois grandes lieues de pays.” The point appears to be that the shadow would be at its shortest at noon, and yet was then more than six miles long. But Lindsay seems to have been quite unaware of the confusion between the sizes of the city and tower of Babylon. Such did exist during the Middle Ages. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 315

Quhov god maid the Dyuersitie of Languagis. And maid Impediment to the beildaris of babilone. The title of this section was traditional in mediaeval religious histories. Cf. St Augustine, De Civitate Dei, XVI. iv., " De Diversitate Linguarum principioque Babylonis,” and v. “ De Descensione Domini ad Confundendam Linguam aedificantium Turrem.”

1755-1782. These lines, except 1775-1778, are based on Seissel, B4b [f. I2b] : “ [1775-1760] Quant nostre seigneur dieu tout puissant duquel loeil voit toutes choses et deuant la face duquel aulcune chose tant soit secrete ne peult estre abscxscee [sic. ? abscescee] ou celee veit la [1765-66] folle entreprinse et presumptueuse entention et voulente de ces mauldis geyans / de la iustice diuine qui est infallible il enuoya sur les ouuriers de celluy ediffice vne si grande confusion de langaiges [1772] que lung nentendoit point ce que lautre luy disoit / et [1780-81] quant lung demendoit du quarreau on luy apportait du mortier ou du cyment tellement que force leur fut de cesser louuraige / car les maitres nenten- doient point les seruiteurs / ne les seruiteurs les maistres. . . The last portion perhaps formed the basis for lines 1783-1792.

1755. That wer, and is, and euir salbe. Borrowed from the vcrsicle sung at the close of Psalms, &c., " Gloria Patri, et Filio, et Spiritui sancto. Sicut erat in principio, et nunc, et semper, et in saecula saeculorum.” “ Glory be to the Father ... As it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be. . . .” Cf. The Dreme, 601-602 : that mychtie kyng of glore, Quhilk was, and is, and sail be euer more. In Mon. 1755 " euir ” is monosyllabic : x / x / x / x / That wer, and is, and e(u)ir salbe. 1759-1760. The hid secretis of mannis hart From his presens may not depart. Cf. Psalms (Vulgate) xliii. 22 (Authorised Version, xliv. 21), " ipse enim novit abscondita cordis,” “ for he knoweth the secrets of the heart.” Also 1 Corinthians, xiv. 25, " Occulta cordis ejus manifesta hunt,” “ And thus are the secrets of his heart made manifest.” Lindsay really borrows it from Seissel. See beginning of extract quoted in note to lines 1775-1782, ante.

1761-62. Ambitioun . . . prydefull Presumptioun. Cf. 1664, "so prydefull and presumptuous.” Cf. quotation from Seissel in note to lines 1811-1846. 1773-1774. Quhare wes bot ane Language affore, God send thame Languagis three schore. Lindsay has previously said seventy-two languages [lines 593, " three score and twelf ”], the figure generally accepted in his day. It would 3i6 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

be difficult to say why the round number is used in line 1774, and why " three score ” and not “ four score,” which would have been nearer the accepted figure. I now regard schore as a misprint for score, and suggest emendation.

1776. Grew : Greek. O.F. griu.

1777. Language Saraqyne : the Saracen language. Late Gk. Late L. Saracenus, pi. saraceni. O.E. Sarracene. The later Greeks and Romans so called the nomads of the deserts of Syria and Arabia, and in later times the name was given to the Arabs, and then to the Mohammedans, especially during and after the Crusades.

1779. The Maister men gan to go wylde : the master-builders began to go mad (with fury). Cf. 1784, where Nimrod is likened to a wild (mad, furious) lion, a common simile in Lindsay. Cf. Historic of Squyer Meldrum, 236, 629.

1788. Bot than thay thocht hym by his minde : but then they thought him out of his mind. The main later authority for the picture of the confusion which reigned at this juncture was Josephus, Antiquities, I. 117, “ He created discord among them by making them speak different languages, through the variety of which they could not understand one another." This is an expanded form of the biblical narrative. Genesis xi. 7, " Venite igitur, descendamus, et confundamus ibi linguam eorum, ut non audiat unusquisque vocem proximi sui,” and that in The Book of Jubilees and in the Sefer Yezirah. Milton, Paradise Lost, XII. 56-62, closes his description of the building of the tower with a similar picture : Forthwith a hideous gabble rises loud Among the Builders ; each to other calls Not understood, till hoarse, and all in rage. As mockt they storm ; great laughter was in Heav’n And looking down, to see the hubbub strange And hear the din ; thus was the building left Ridiculous, and the work Confusion nam’d. Milton has here borrowed the idea of the laughter of the gods from Homer, but even in Genesis xi. 7 it is possible to see the interpretation that those in heaven anticipated with amusement the results of the confusion.

1793-1795. No one, I imagine, could help smiling at Lindsay’s picture of the graciousness of God in not breaking the arms and legs of those who built the tower. The suggestion that God might have done so was derived from the tortures meted out to rebels during the Middle Ages, and Lindsay perhaps intends to distinguish between the mercy of God and the ruthlessness of earthly kings. But cf. Psalm x. 15, “ Break thou the arm of the wicked and evil man,” Psalm xxvii. 17, ” the arms of the wicked shall be broken,” and Ezekiel xxx. 21-25. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 317

1798-1804. Cf. Genesis xi. 9, " et inde dispersit eos Dominus super faciem cunctarum regionum.” Josephus, Antiquities, I. 120, “ From that hour, therefore, they were dispersed through their diversity of languages and founded colonies everywhere, each group occupying the country that they lit upon and to which God led them, so that every continent was peopled by them, the interior and the seaboard alike ; while some crossed the sea on shipboard and settled in the islands.” Seissel says, more simply, " et leur fut force de soy diuiser et de partir selon les langaiges quilz parloient.”

Of the first inuentioun of Ydolatrie. Quhow Nembroth COMPELD THE PePLE TYLL ADORE THE PYRE IN CaLDIA. This section continues the search for first events and inventions. It is largely a versification of Seissel, but introduces material from other sources.

1811-1846. Seissel, B5a [f. 13®] : “ Nembroth dont nous auons parle qui tant fut mauuais et presumptueux et qui fut cause motiue et inuentif de faire cest tour babel parla caldeen. Et apres la confusion des langaiges et [1812] quil vit quil ne pouoit parfaire son oeuure et [1811] quil estoit frustre de son intention / comme triste et dolent [1815] partit et haban- donna Babiloine [1816] et sen alia en la terre de perse [1817] la ou il fut aucun temps [1818] / depuis retourna en babiloine la ou il trouva aucuns de sa lignee qui nauoient point de loy ne faisoient point de sacrifice et nauoient souuenance daucun dieu. Ausquelz Nembroth bailla nouuelle loy et leur commander a adorer le feu en les persuadant par telle raison que le feu est cler et donne clarte et lumiere spirituelle aux hommes [1837]. Si que la nuyt obscure et tenebreuse par la diuine lumiere du feu ilz peuent veoir et discerner toutes choses [1843]. Pour- quoy [1844] ilz creurent que le feu estoit dieu / et ladorerent ainsi que nembroth leur enseigna [1845]. Et la fut commencee ydolatrie et faulse adoration depuis le deluge.” Genesis and Josephus do not relate this story. Milton refers to it in Paradise Lost, XII. 114-120. It is, however, connected with the causes of Terah’s departure from Ur of the Chaldees to Canaan. Hebrew tradition maintained that the departure from Chaldea was due to Terah’s firm belief in one God when the Chaldeans were making many, and to his astronomical discoveries which, formulating a new theory of the universe, aroused great opposition among the Chaldeans (see Josephus, Antiquities, I. 154-157, Josephus making Abram responsible). He therefore left Ur (cf. Genesis xi. 27-32, where no explanation of the emigration is offered). Rabbinical tradition also maintained that Abraham and Aram were thrown into the sacrificial fires of the Chal- deans, but that Abraham was miraculously saved. Lindsay refers to this in lines 1847-1882.

1815. /4 s Orotius doith rehers. Orosius does not narrate the story. Lindsay again means Seissel’s Le Premier [and Second] Volume de Orose. 3*8 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1833. Prosternit. L. prosier neve, to throw down, lie down, prostrate. First used by Caxton [O.E.D.]. 1841. Quhen mennis memberris sufferit calde. The change of tense is unwarranted. Lambeth MS. 332 reads “ sufferis,” which is correct. 1847-1882. After the description of Nimrod’s invention of the worship of fire, Seissel interposes an account of the six ages of the world, the descendants of Noah, and the geographical divisions of the world, covering from f. 13 to f. 17. When he takes up the historical narrative again it is to commence the story of Ninus, and thus there is no immediate authority for this portion of Lindsay’s poem. On f. 25b Seissel tells us that it was in the reign of Ninus that Thare [Terah] had three children—Nachor, Aram, and Abraham. On f. 26a Seissel begins the life of Abraham, and here tells the story of Abraham and Aram’s ordeal by fire, and this forms the basis of Lindsay’s description. “ . . . ainsy que le tesmoigne le scripture Nembroth le geant qui regnoit en caldee contraignant le peuple a ydolatrer et adorer le feu voiant aram et son frere abraham qui a ce contredisoient les fist prendre et mettre dedans le feu auquel feu aram rendit lesperit / mais abraham en eschappa ainsi quil est escript au .xve. de genese et au .xxe. de exode la ou nostre seigneur parlant a abraham dit Je suis celluy qui te ay amene de la terre degipte et diuinement mis hors du feu des caldeens. Par quoy a ce propos deuons noter que ce que aram perit et abraham eschapa fut pour ce que aram nauoit pas si grande ne si ferme credence comme abraham qui chascun iour reprouuoit leur ydolatrie par la grande science En leur disant que dieu tant seulement estoit faiseur et createur de toutes creatures / que toutes choses estoient faictes par son commendement ou permission et que les aduentures et fortunes venoient aux hommes bonnes ou malles selon quelz craignent et ayment dieu.” The belief that Abraham was saved by God is based on the words of God in Genesis xv. 7, “ And he said unto him, I am the Lord that brought thee out of Ur of the Chaldees.” The tradition was secured for the Middle Ages by Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., Genesis, cap. xli., “ Hebrsei Hur ignem dicunt, inde fabulantur, quod Chaldaei in ignem, per quern trajiciebant parvulos projecerant Abram, et Aran, quia nolebant ignem adorare, et Aran ibi exspirante, Abram Dei auxilio est liberatus. Unde dicitur : Ego sum qui eduxi te de Hur Chaldceorum (Gen. ii.). Thare ergo odio habens terram, propter luctum Aran, nec valens sustinere injurias quse fiebant ei, ut ignem coleret [Gloss : Quia Chaldeei ignem, et alii colebant, sic omnes erant idolatree prceter Abram cum sms'], statuit peregrinari.” This tradition, however, does not make Nimrod responsible for the invention of idolatry or the worship of fire, and as we shall see later there was another tradition, dating from Babylonian times, that Ninus invented idolatry, by inventing the worship of his father Bel us as the god Bel. The Book of Jubilees may be responsible for the order of the narratives. Chap. x. tells of the tower of Babel; Chap. xi. tells of the rise of war, the building of cities, walls, and towers, the foundation of monarches, and slavery. 'Or, the son of Kesed, built the city of 'Ara of the Chaldees. The Chaldeans then made molten images and graven NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 319 images. In that time Abraham was born, and from childhood believed in the one God, and tried to save men from their evil ways. Chap xii. tells how he tried to persuade his father Terah to cease worshipping idols, which Terah did to save his life. After the marriages of Abraham, Haran, and Nahor, and, when aged sixty, Abraham one night burned the house of the idols. In endeavouring to save their household gods Haran perished in the flames, and after his funeral at Ur, Terah took his family to Haran. This story has the virtues of consistency and of greater credibility than the one favoured in the Middle Ages.

1855, 1888. Habraham, and Aram his brother . . . With thare Father, callit Thaire. Cf. Genesis, xi. 25-32. Terah, Lindsay’s " Thaire,” son of Nahor, was descended from Shem, the eldest son of Noah. Terah had three sons: Abram, Nahor [Lindsay’s “ Nachor ” of line 1877], and Haran [“ Aram ”]. Haran died during his father’s lifetime “ in the land of his nativity, in Ur of the Chaldees.” After his death Terah took Abram and Haran to Canaan. Abram had then married Sarai, while Nahor had married Milcah, the daughter of Haran. Haran was also the the father of Lot.

1870. Quhose Ring induris euermore. Lambeth MS. 332 offers the better reading, " Quhose Ring induris for euermore,” of which I suggest the adoption.

1881. And dwelt in Tharan. Genesis xi. 31 says that Teran came to dwell in Haran in Canaan. Driver, Genesis 141, " Hclrdn (with the hard IJ, LXX. Xappav, quite different from the Haydn with the soft H of vv. 26, 31) ... in ancient times an important place, situated about 550 miles N.W. of Ur, on the left bank of the Belikh, a tributary which flows into Euphrates from the N., at about 60 miles from the confluence . . . [142]. Like Ur, Haran was also an ancient and celebrated seat of the worship of the Moon-god, who was known in N. Syria as Baal- Harran . . . What the source of the tradition connecting Abraham with Ur may have been we do not know : . . . nothing sufficiently direct has at present [June 1909] been discovered to prove definitely that the ancestors of the Hebrews had once their home in Ur.” C. Leonard Woolley, Ur of the Chaldees, appears to accept it as a fact that Abraham lived at Ur. The northern part of the country was definitely Semite. Nimrod’s country, however, was the traditional persecutor of the Hebrews. : cf. Micah v. 6, where Assyria is called ” the land of Nimrod.” Ur, 46 E. 30.7 N. ; Haran, 39 E. 37 N. Lindsay is right in locating Haran in Mesopotamia [1880].

Of the gret misere and Skaythis that cumis of Weris. And QUHOW KING NYNUS BEGAN THE FIRST WERIS, AND STRAIN THE FIRST BaTTELL. This new section, despite the reference to " Diodoras ” in line 1994, is mainly based on Seissel, f. 22b, but there are borrowings from Diodorus. These are quoted as note to line 1994 : Du commencement des miseres du monde en la seconde aage et speciallement des batailles. 320 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

" Pour venir a lintention de nostre docteur est desclairer les miseres du monde / nous deuons noter que ainsi que dit est seruitude commenca aux enfans et lignees de noe domination aussi proceda de magnanimite et de force / car ceulx qui estoient grans et fors comme les geans vouloient suppediter les foibles et mineurs desquelz fut nembroth filz de chus en la lignee de cham. Lequel [1969] nembroth engendra vng fils nomme bellus qui fut [1965] pere de ninus premier roy de assirie / aux gestes duquel commence nostre docteur en ce liure disant ainsi que en la partie dasie fut fondee [1968] vne cite la plus noble riche et sumptueuse que on scauroit ymaginer nommee niniue. Ceste cite selon que dit ionas le prophete duroit trois iournees grandes et planieres si que vng homme entrant par vne porte eust chemine ou cheuauche trois iournees deuant questre venu a lautre. Au long des murs de ceste cite passoit euffrates lung des fleuues de paradis terrestre. En ceste grande cite estoient tant et de si nobles et riches pallais que a peine les pourroit on descrire / et de ceste noble cite fut ninus filz de bellus le premier roy lequel espousa vne femme nommee semiramis / et obtint cestui ninus le royaulme par sa puissance et force / car grant estoit orgueilleux / her et puissant. Comme ninus / alia en la terre de babiloine. [Cf. lines 2003-2060.] Quant ninus eut fortifie sa cite de niniue voyant sa grande puissance sentant son cueur her et embrase de couuoitise delibera [2024] quil yroit en babiloine / dont son ancestre nembroth estoit party qui nauoit peu achever sa tour / et et fait vint apres toutes ses preparatoires faictes auec grandes multitude de peuple / mais cestoient gens qui ne vsoient que de leur force et vertu corporelle / car en ce temps nestoit encor escu ne haulbergon. Ceulx de babiloine sceurent que le roy ninus venoit contre eulx / pourquoy ilz firent leurs aliances au mieulx quilz peurent tant quilz vindrent a lencontre du roy ninus a lentree de leurs terres / et pour ce que de coustume ilz nauoient aucuns cheuaulx / mais combatoient a pied ilz auoient chariotz menez a quatre ou six roussis tournans sus roes sur lesquelz chariotz estoient hommes grans fors et puissans pour combatre / tirans de arcs et arbalestres / car en celluy temps ilz vsoient plus en guerre de traict que dautre chose Et estoit leur institution que quant aucuns fust dune part ou dautres (nauroit ou homme ou cheual qui conduisoit le chariot il estoit repute infame Quant ninus sceut que ceulx de babiloine estoient venus a lencontre de luy il admonesta ceulx de son ost de bien semployer a lassault en leur promettant dons et richesses se bien venoit a son attainte et quil eust la domination de ses ennemys En laquelle amonition ceulx de son ost prindrent couraige tellement quils approcherent de leurs ennemys qui auoient bonne voulente de bien soy deffendre Et quant ninus vit ses ennemys comme prompt et cheualereux fist sonner cors et trompettes affin des mouuoir ses vassaulx tellement que la meslee commenca dune part et dautre fort cruelle et merueilleuse. Quant lassault et la bataille eut ainsi este lequel dura iusques a la nuyt Les babiloniens soy voyans auoir du pire commencerent a fouyr et retirer vers leurs cite a garantie dont [2054] le roy ninus fut fort ioyeux et aussi furent les assiriens qui estoient auec luy / et leur creut et augmenta la voulente et la puissance aussi Et ce neust este la nuyt qui les departit les assiriens eussent destruit et mis a mort tous les babi- NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 321 loniens. Apres ce que les babiloniens virent quilz auoient du pire sen vindrent a refuge dedans leur cite Et speciallement en leur forte tour de Babel la ou estoient ceulx de la cite / femmes et enfans ausquelz ilz compterent leur grande desconfiture et necessite dont y eut merueilleuse lamentacion et douleur demenee Et considerans tous ensemble quilz ne pouoient resister a la grande puissance de ninus et des assiriens Ilz laisserent leur ville et sen fouyrent secretement toute la nuyt auec ce quilz peurent sauluer de leurs biens. Au matin enfuyuant le dessusdit roy Ninus et les souldars vindrent en armes entrer dedans ceste ville la ou ilz ne trouuerent aucuns contredisans / car tous sen estoient fouys. Finablement sans aulcun empeschement vint ninus auec toute sa cheualerie iusques a la tour de babel en laquelle ilz entrerent sans aucun contredit. Et moult furent esmerueillez tant pour la forteresse du lieu que la foble voulente des combatans qui garder la deuoient Car si forte estoit et si sumptueuse que se ceulx de dedans eussent este vaillans a peine les eust on conquis ne deuaincus iusques au iourduy.”

1889-1946. This passage is an expansion of one in Seissel, C8b, describing the first battle of Ninus : “ En ceste maniere que dit est commenca la premiere bataille en laquell furent infinies miseres particulieres ainsi que par experience chascun iour en voit comme guerre destruict toutes choses. Et pouons supposer que celluy temps ainsi que maintenant la guerre estoit cause de infinies miseres / comme de brusler eglises / villes / chasteaulx / et maisons. De sang espandre / meurdrir / pendre / noyer et patibuler hommes et femmes / defflorer vierges / et occire peti[t]s enfans innocens." Yet Lindsay’s description of the horrors of war is largely applied to a description of the war-area in Scotland after the death of James V. It is to be noted that the description is by the Courteour.

1908. Fulqeit. Chalmers, II. 404, " fulzeit properly means defiled ; but the sense here, as in other instances, sacrificed to the sound : a rhyme was wanted for spulzeit, or robbed ; and fulzeit was used in the meaning of trampled.”

1911. Off famous Sculis the Doctryne. Lambeth MS. 332 reads, “Off famous sculis the gret Doctryne.” Doctryne means learning, and the epithet gret is justifiable.

1921. Boucheouris : lit. butcher, but implying in Scots an executioner or slaughterer, the word flescheour implying the butcher by trade.

Heir followith ane Schorxe Discriptioun of the Four Monarchis. And quhow Kyng Nynus began the First Monarche.

1947-1948. Cf. Seissel, f. 22, “ Du commencement des miseres du monde en la seconde aage et speciallement des batailles.” 1951. Cayam : Cain. Cf. lines 1145-1152. Lambeth MS. 332 uses only this form of the name. 322 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

1962-1968. Cf. Seissel, f. 22, “ nembroth filz de chus en la lignee de cham. Lequel nembroth engendra vng filz nommee bellus qui fut pere de ninus premier roy de assirie / aux gestes duquel coinmence nostre docteur en ce liure disant aussi que en la partie dasie fut fondee vne cite la plus noble riche et sumptueuse que on scauroit ymaginer nommee niniue.” The genealogy in Genesis x. 7-11 gives Cush, Nimrod, and Asshur, who is recorded as having built Nineveh. The biblical apocrypha and pseudepigraphia do not mention Bellus and Ninus. These monarchs were apparently the invention of the Persians, who handed them on to the Greeks. When the Greeks came to write the history of the ancient world they found no written records of the Chaldeans, Babylonians, and Assyrians, and were lured into accepting the Egyptian belief that the creation of man took place on the Nile. Thus the universal histories began with the history of Egypt, and passed on to the " history ” of Assyria. Though Assyria was something more than a mere name to them, the Greeks could find little definite historical material regarding it, and they were compelled to say that although there were kings in Asia in very early times those kings performed no memorable actions. They traced the Assyrians back to a fictitious king named Ninus, whom they regarded as the founder of Nineveh, as a great warrior and the founder of the Assyrian empire. Their principal authority was Ctesias of Cnidus in Caria, a contemporary of Xenophon [fl. 424-357 b.c.). Ctesias was a private physician to Artaxerxes Mnemnon, whom he accompanied in his war against his brother Cyrus in 401 b.c. Ctesias was taken prisoner, but was taken into favour with Cyrus because of his medical skill, and lived at the Persian Court for seventeen years. While there he wrote a history of Persia in twenty-three books, using the Persian records. The first six books contained a “ history ” of Assyria according to the Persians, who are thus to be held accountable for the fictitious histories of the reigns of Ninus, Semiramis, and Sardanapalus. Ctesias left Persia in 398 b.c., bringing his history back to Greece. It does not now survive, but it was used four centuries later by Diodorus Siculus as the authoritative work on Assyrian and Persian history. Other writers also made use of it. From Diodorus Siculus its history passes into the keeping of the Latin writers, and later to the mediaeval theologians. Diodorus of Sicily lived in the times of Julius Caesar and Augustus. His history of the world from the creation to the beginning of Caesar’s wars in Gaul, written in Greek, was called the Bi0\ioOriK-ri imopiKri, or Historical Library, arranged in forty books divided into three sections. The first section, consisting of six books, treated of the mythical ages before the Trojan War, and comprised the histories of Egypt, Assyria, Ethiopia, and the mythical history of early Greece. Section Two, containing eleven books, narrated Greek history from the Trojan War to the death of Alexander the Great. Section Three, in twenty-three books, continued his history down to the beginning of Julius Caesar’s conquest of Gaul. The work is not now complete. Only Books I.-V. and XI.-XX. survive. Incom- plete as it was, this history became the standard history of the ancient world in use during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 323

The story of Assyria as narrated by Diodorus, on the authority of Ctesias, may be briefly summarised. The founder of the Assyrian empire was called Ninus, who founded Nineveh and pursued a career of conquest. His leading general was named Onnes, or Cannes, with whose wife, a very beautiful woman named Semiramis, Ninus fell in love. He took her from her husband, who obligingly died of grief. Ninus made Semiramis his queen, and on his death he left the empire to her, although they had a son named Ninyas. Semiramis proved a much greater monarch than even Ninus had been, and, being a woman of indomitable spirit and of extraordinary administrative abilities, built (not rebuilt) Babylon, endowed it with hanging gardens, built the great temple of Bel, and a great bridge over the Euphrates. Many other engineering achievements were due to her. She also extended the empire by invading Egypt, Libya, Ethiopia, and India, where disaster overtook her. She returned to Assyria, where she gave herself up to a life of dissipation. Ultimately her son Ninyas decided to seize the throne. Discovering his plot against her, she remembered the words of the oracle at the temple of Jupiter Ammon in Lybia, and, surrendering the crown to Ninyas, was transformed into a dove and flew away with a flock of doves which alighted at the palace. Another account says that she was slain by Ninyas while inciting him to commit incest with her, but the other was more generally accepted. Ninyas lived a life of sloth and dissipation, and so too all his successors for thirty generations, covering 1360 years. The last king was Sar- danapalus, equally corrupt, in whose reign the Median general, Arbaces, observing the wantonness of Sardanapalus, led a revolt against him. After a prolonged war Nineveh was captured, and Sardanapalus, gathering his treasures, wives, and concubines into his palace, set fire to the building, and threw himself into the flames. Such was the story of Assyria as compiled by Ctesias under Persian influence, a history which was not accepted as absolute genuine, and always linked with the admittedly fabulous stories from Grecian and Egyptian history (" very useful,” says Booth, " for the Understanding of Ancient Authors ”). It remained, however, until the deciphering of the Assyrian inscriptions, for the first time in over two thousand years, about ninety years ago. There never was, in short, any Assyrian king named Ninus. Ninus was invented as the eponymous builder of Nineveh, and his name may be the heroic form of the name Nineb, one of the protecting deities of the Assyrian kings. The name Semiramis was a Greek corruption, possibly through the Persian, of the Assyrian name Shammuramat, the queen of Raman-nirari HI., who reigned from 811 to 782 b.c., a grandson of the great Shalmaneser II., 860-824 B-c- Shammuramat is noteworthy because her name occurs with that of her husband in the dedication of some statues to the god Nebo. This mention of a wife’s name is most unusual in oriental countries, but she may have been a princess of Babylon, and a ruler in her own right. The name Shammuramat means " dove,” and this establishes a connection with the story of Semiramis being turned into a dove when her son Ninyas tried to seize the throne. Just as Ninus is a transformation of Nineb, so Semiramis herself became the human form of the goddess Ishtar, the double characteristics of Ishtar of Arbela, as goddess 324 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

of war, and Ishtar of Nineveh, as goddess of love, being combined in Semiramis, and thus explaining her warlike “ reign ” and her numerous love affairs. The legend of Semiramis, however, must have been created early, for her metamorphosis was celebrated in art in early times. The name Sardanapalus was a Greek transformation of the name of the last great Assyrian king, Asshurbanipal, who reigned 668-626 B.c., a man of war, a tyrant, a great builder, and the founder of a great library at Nineveh. The last years of his reign are still somewhat obscure, and though the names of his successors are known, the closing years of his reign saw the beginning of the rapid downfall of the Assyrian empire. The growth of these legends prove one thing most clearly, that the Persians and Greeks did not have access to the history of the Hebrews. There they would have found the alternative story of the creation of man in Babylon; they would have found the real names of some Assyrian kings, as that of Shalmaneser (2 Kings xvii. 3), Sennacherib or Sin-akri-irib (2 Kings xviii.-xx., &c.), and Nebuchadrezzar (also, incorrectly, Nebuchadnezzar), or Nabu-khuduruzzur (2 Kings xxiv., xxv. ; Jeremiah xxvii.-li., &c.), and others, all more or less correct forms of Assyrian names of kings. They might, despite encouragement from Persia and Egypt to the contrary, have obtained that view of the history of man which we hold to-day. But the early and mediaeval Church was in a similar difficulty. It held that the Bible story of the creation was the correct one, and thus had to forge genealogical links between the family of Noah and the history of the world as it had been written by the Greeks and by Diodorus. Hence that most suspicious genealogy : Noah, Sem, Cush, Nimrod, Belus, Ninus. The history of Diodorus was accepted by the early Christian chrono- logers. It is not the basis of the Chronicon of Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, Palestine (died c. 340). This tabular history of the world does not exist in its original form, but has come down to us as edited by St Jerome, as the Interpretatio Chronicce Eusebii Pamphili S. Eusebii Hier- onymi, but its main facts are not dissimilar. This was the standard history of the ancient world from the creation to the year 329 a.d. St Jerome added an appendix, bringing down the chronology to the year 381 a.d. This was further continued by Prosperus Aquitanicus to 4x9 a.d., and the whole chronology was later annotated and edited again by Arnaldus Pontacus, Bishop of Vasates in Acquitaine. Another historian to base his work on Eusebius was Matthaeus Palmerius of Florence : Eusebii Ccesariensis Episcopi Chronicon : quod Hieronymus presbyter diuino eius ingenio Latinum facere curauit, et vsque in Valente, Ccesarem Romano adiecit eloquio. Ad quern et Prosper et Matthceus Palmerius, et Matthias Palmerius complura addidere, with the history brought down to 1518 by its printer, Henri Stephan, Paris, 1518. Lindsay quotes the authority of Eusebius in line 3377, and of Palmerius in line 4557 ; and Laing considers, HI. 199, that the 1518 edition of Eusebius was “ probably the one which Lyndsay possessed.” In the early Renaissance period Diodorus himself attracted the attention of lay scholars. His historical work was translated into Latin by Poggio Bracciolini, who died in 1459. This Latin translation was first printed in 1472, and many times in later years, and was used NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 325 by the compilers of universal histories from 1475 onwards. Claude de Seissel, Bishop of Marseilles and Archbishop of Turin, the author of Le Premier [and Second] Volume de Orose, of which Lindsay made such considerable use, translated the later portion as L’Histoire des successeurs d'Alexandre le Grand, extraicte de Diodore Sicilien, to which Seissel added several lives from Plutarch. Seissel’s translation appeared in 1530, and was itself translated into English by T. Stocker, as A righte noble history of the successors of Alexander taken out of Diodorus Siculus, 1569. One of the copies of SeisseTs French translation now in the British Museum, like the 1509 copy of SeisseTs Orose, was possessed by Henry VIII. Both bear his autograph monogram HI. Lindsay could not have used SeisseTs partial translation of Diodorus, since a later period only was dealt with. There did exist, however, a French translation of the first three books of Diodorus, Les Trois premiers liures de Vhistoire de Diodore Sicilien . . . translatez de latin [of Poggio] en francoys par maistre Anthoine Macault, Paris, 1535. In I554 Jacques Amyot, the gifted French translator, published Sept liures des histoires de Diodore Sicilien nouuellement traduyts de Grec en francois, but this appeared too late for use by Lindsay, unless he had access to a manuscript copy. The question therefore arises whether Lindsay used a copy of the Latin text or the French translation of Macault. The problem hinges on one word, the spelling of “ Ctesias ” in line 3029. 1554 incorrectly prints “ Ethesias,” and Laing, III. 196, considers this as proof that Lindsay used one of the Latin texts, in which this very error appears [see note to line 3029]. The error does not, I find, appear in Macault’s French translation, where the correct spelling “ Ctesias ” is used. This therefore points to the use of a Latin text, which one is unknown, though Laing, III. 198, stated that the edition used was “ probably the edition printed at Basel in 1530, 4to.” It is perhaps needless to say that there is no proof of this. There is no Basle 1530 edition, though there is one of 1531, but this contains the correct spelling " Ctesias.” The last to print “ Ethesias ” was the Paris edition of 1518. But Diodorus is not Lindsay’s sole authority for the “ history ” of Assyria. The account of the early part of the reign of Ninus, his attack on Babylon, and his “ invention ” of idolatry comes mainly from Seissel. The accounts of the building of Nineveh by Ninus and his wars with Zoroaster come from Diodorus, and also the accounts of the reigns of Semiramis and Sardanapalus, but these are modified or added to by borrowings from Palmerius’s recension of Eusebius. 1966. [Ninus] Off Assinia the secund king. Seissel and Diodorus both say the first king. Lindsay counts Bellus, the father of Ninus, as the first king, but in line 1970 states that Ninus began the first monarchy. Cf. also line 2007, " This Nynus, quhilk wes secunde kyng.”

1985-1990. It must be remembered that Lindsay is only discussing the four principal monarchies of the past. Cf. 1. 1980. One “ monarchy ” which attracted much attention in the later Middle Ages was the Turkish. Carion numbers four principal monarchies, as does Lindsay, but the greater part of his history is an exposition of the patriotic view that the VOL. III. Y 326 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Roman Empire, after passing into the Holy Roman Empire, passed on its glory to Germany. Whatever Lindsay owed to Carion, he evidently did not share this view, but it is interesting to see that the author of The Complaynt of Scotland [E.E.T.S., Extra Series, 17, p. 21] did.

1993-94. The auld Greik Historitiane Diodorus. See note on Diodorus, lines 1962-1968. Diodorus’s account of the war against Babylon is given below. This extract is taken from the Paris 1531 edition printed by Simon Colin. This work is printed in italics, Colin being the first French printer to use this type. His italic is larger and bolder than that of Aldus Manutius of Venice and is pleasant to read. Colin first used it in 1528. [f. 57] De Nino, qui primus in Asia imperauit, deque eius gestis. . . . Primus rex Assyriorum scriptores nactus est Ninus, qui eius gesta literis traderent. Is natura bellicosus, et virtutis appetens, cum primum robustissimos iuuenum plurimo tempore armorum usu ad omnem laborum patientiam, et belli pericula exercuisset, coacto exercitu societatem inijt cum [2061] Arieo Arabum rege : quorum opes ea tempestate, vt res erant, plurimum vi atque armis praestabant. Hasc gens libertatem seruans, nullum aduenam apud se regnare passa est. Ita neque Persarum neque Macedonum reges, quanuis potentes armis, eorum imperio potiti sunt. Est enim inexpugnabilis ab externo milite, propter loca partim deserta, partim arida, aquisque deficientia. Sunt tamen fontes plurimi, sed absconditi, ac solis incolis noti. Ninus igitur Arabum rege assumpto, exercitum duxit aduersus Babylonios Arabiae conterminos. Nondum enim condita erat Babylonia, sed aliae circa vrbes nobiles incolebantur : quibus propter armorum desuetudinem facile superatis, tributoque imposito, regem eorum cum filijs captum interemit.” Booth’s translation, p. 54. “ Ninus is the First King of Assyria that is recorded in History; he perform’d many great and noble Actions ; of whom we have design’d to set forth something particularly. He was naturally of a Warlike Disposition, and very ambitious of Honour and Glory, and therefore caus’d the strongest of his Young Men to be train’d up in Martial Discipline, and by long and continual Exercise inur’d them readily to undergo all the Toyls and Hazards of War. Having therefore rais’d a gallant Army, he made a League with Arieus King of Arabia, that was at that time full of strong and valiant Men. For that Nation are constant Lovers of Liberty, never upon any Terms admitting of any Foreign Prince : And therefore neither the Persian, nor the Macedonian Kings after them, (though they were most powerful in Arms) were ever able to conquer them. For Arabia being partly Desart, and partly parcht up for want of Water (unless it be in some secret Wells and Pits known only to the Inhabitants) cannot be subdu’d by any Foreign Force. Ninus therefore, the Assyrian King, with the Prince of Arabia his Assistant, with a numerous Army, invaded the Babylonians, then bordering upon him : For the Babylon that is now, was not built at that time ; but the Province of Babylon had in it then many other consider- NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 327 able Cities, (whose Inhabitants he easily subdu’d, (being rude and unexpert in Matters of War,) and impos’d upon them a Yearly Tribute ; but carried away the King with all his Children Prisoners, and after put them to death.” It will be seen that Lindsay offers information which is in neither Seissel nor Diodorus, and I am driven to suspect a third source which I have not traced.

2061. The king of Arrabie. Diodorus mentions that Arieus, King of Arabia, assisted Ninus to conquer Babylon. See quotation above.

2064-2079. Based on Diodorus, [f. 57'’] " Deinde quibusdam [2075] Armeniae vrbibus in potestatem redactis, Barzanes rex Nino viribus impar, cum multis donis occurrens, et se et regnum eius potestati per- misit. Huic Ninus, magno vsus animo, Armeniae regnum restituit, commeatu et militibus imperatis [2064]. In Medium deinde auctis viribus transgressus, cum ei [2065] Farnus rex cum exercitu occurrisset, praelio victum [2071], cumque vxore et septem filijs captum [2072], cruci affixit. Prospera fortuna datum Ninum cupiditas cepit totius Asiae quae inter Tanaim Nilumque iacet, potiundae. Secundae etenim res vt plurimum maiorum ingerunt cupiditates. Itaque praeside ex amicis quodam Mediae imposito, ipse ad reliquam subijciendam Asiam profectus, omnem annis decern et septem praeter Indos ac Bactrianos in potestatem redegit. Pugnas singulas, aut deuictorum numerum nullus scriptor tradidit. Nos quae excellentiora feruntur, Ctesiam Gnidium secuti paucis narrabimus. Subiecit omnes maritimas ac propinquas gentes [2076], Aegyptios, Phoenices, et interiorem Syriam, Ciliciam [2076], Pamphiliam, Lyciam, Cariam [2078], Phrygiam, Misiam [2077], Lydiam, Troada, et Phrygiam quae est supra Hellespon- tum. Propontida etiam, ac Bithyniam, et [2077] Cappadociam, et gentes iuxta Pontum barbaras vsque ad Tanaim flumen suae ditionis fecit. Adiecit imperio Cadusios, Tapyros [2078], Hyrcanos, Drangas, Dernicos, Carmanios, Coroneos, Rhombos, Vorcanios, Parthos [2076], Persas praeterea, ac Susianos [2078], Caspiosque, ad quos angustus est aditus, vnde et portae Caspiae appellantur : pluresque alias, quas recen- sere institute opere prolixius esset, ignobiles nationes. Inito cum Bactrianis bello, cum et locorum difficultate, et hominum numero se tutarentur, retrocedens in tempus aliud id certamen distulit.” “ Afterwards he entred Armenia with a great Army, and having overthrown some Cities, he struck Terror into the rest, and thereupon their King Barzanus seeing himself unable to deal with him, met him with many rich Presents, and submitted himself; whom Ninus out of his generous dis[po]sition, courteously receiv’d, and gave him the Kingdom of Armenia, upon condition he should be his Friend for the future, and supply him with Men and Provision for his Wars as he should have occasion. Being thus strengthen’d, he invaded Media, whose King Pharnus coming out against him with a mighty Army, was utterly routed, and lost most of his Men, and was taken Prisoner with his Wife and Seven Children, and afterwards Cricified. Ninus being thus successful and prosperous, his Ambition rose the 328 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

higher, and his desire most ardent to conquer all in Asia, which lay between Tanais and Nile ; (so far does Prosperity and Excess in getting much, inflame the Desire to gain and compass more). In order here- unto, he made one of his Friends Governor of the Province of Media, and he himself in the mean time marcht against the other Provinces of Asia, and subdu’d them all in Seventeen Years time, except the Indians and Bactrians. But no Writer has given any Account of the several Battels he fought, nor of the number of those Nations he conquer’d ; and therefore following Ctesias the Cnidian, we shall only briefly run over the most famous and considerable Countries. He overran all the Countries bordering upon the Sea [Mediterranean], together with the adjoining Continent, as Egypt and Phenicia, Celo-Syria, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, Caria, Phrygia, Mysia and Lydia ; the Province of Troas and Phrygia upon the Hellespont, together with Propontis, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and the Barbarous Nations adjoyning upon Pontus as far as to Tanais ; he gain’d likewise the Country of the Caddusians, Tarpyrians, Hyrcanians, Dacians, Derbians, Carmanians, Choroneans, Borchanians, and Parthians. He pierc’d likewise into Persia, the Provinces of Snsiana, and that call’d the Caspiana, through those narrow Straits, which from thence are call’d the Caspian Gates. He subdu’d likewise many other less considerable Nations, which would be too tedious here to recount. After much toyl and labour in vain, because of the difficulty of the Passes, and the multitude of those Warlike Inhabitants, he was forc’d to put off his War against the Bactrians to another opportunity.” So does Lindsay, reserving his treatment of Ninus’s war against Bactria to lines 2709-2810. Diodorus does not mention Mauritania [2077], or Africa [2079]. This again points to Lindsay having read his Diodorus at second-hand. Carion is certainly not the authority : his account of the Assyrians is very meagre, but he does mention that the Chaldeans lived near the Assyrians. Lynne’s translation, f. 7a, “ Of the fyrst Monarchye of the Assyrians. Ninus kyng of the Assyryans. We haue admonished afore that the Chaldeis haue reigned first by the Babylonians, but they remayned not longe in the empyre, but that the Assirians the neighboures of the Chaldeis obtained the kingdeome and they beginne the history of kyng Ninus : which beynge become the moste puyssant in the Easte at the last also had warre wyth Zoroastres kynge of the Bactrians. It is sayde that thys Soroastres fand fyrst wytchcraft, and to haue taughte the course of heauen, and the starres wyth great diligence. As the warre was fynyshed that Ninus had with Soroastres, he dyed, leauynge hys heyre a yonge sonne.”

Quhov King Nynus Inuentit the First Ydolatrie of Ymagis. 2087-2122. Lindsay is again indebted to Seissel [f. 23*] Comment le roy ninus fist faire vng ymage a la semblance et figure de son pere. [Cf. lines 2087-2122.] Quant Ninus eut ainsi conquise babiloine soy voyant dominateur de la tour orgueilleux et her de la victoire quil auoit eue il fist icelle cite la chief de son royaulme / et la fist faire vng sumptueux temple la ou il fist asseoir vng ymage solennel on estoit figure la semblance NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 329 de bellus son pere. Et commanda que tons ceulx du pays adorassent cest ymage. A laquelle chose se accorderent ceulx du pays / et disoient que iamais nauoient eu si bon dieu comme bellus. En ceste domination et seigneurie regna le roy ninus lespace de long temps et conquist caldee et plusieurs autres terres ausquelles il fist adorer lymage de bellus son pere / mais nonobstant la grande puissance et seigneurie finablement il fut occis dung coup de flesche qui luy fut donne / et demeura son royaulme a semiramis sa femme laquelle le gouuerna cheualreusement et avec ce conquist plusieurs terres a forces darmes. Et quoy que on dit quelle portoit habit de femme / si elle auoit courage de homme. After a short discussion of the horrors of war, Seissel takes up the story of Abraham, and avoids the history of Assyria altogether, except for a short paragraph, f. I35b, describing how Semiramis, after the death of Ninus, married their son, and reigned herself. It adds that the Assyrian kingdom had thirty-seven kings, the last being Sardanapalus, who was killed by Arbaces, and the rule of the Medes followed. This intense brevity is the reason why Lindsay hereafter completely deserts Seissel for Diodorus. 2112. From Bellus to thare gret God Bell. Lindsay gives correctly the ancient, and now rejected, etymology of Bel from Bellus, the name of the father of Ninus. Bel: Baal, Heb. Ba'al, lord, one of the three chief Assyrian, Canaanitish, and Phoenician gods, his Assyrian name being Bel-Merodach, whose great temple at Babylon was one of the wonders of the ancient world. The name Ba’al is frequently used in the Bible, in its true Hebrew sense of lord: Baalah, she who is governed, a spouse, Joshua xix. 8 : Baal-Hamon, one who rules a multitude ; Baal-Meon, the master of the house ; Baal-Tamar. Lord of the palm-tree, &c. The Jews regarded the worship of Baal as one of the great evils of the world, but altars to him were set up outside Jerusalem on more than one occasion in Old Testament history. The O.E.D. points out a number of occasions on which English adjectives derived from Baal, as Baalish, Baalite, Baalist, were applied in the seventeenth century to the Roman Catholic religion. This is really what Lindsay endeavours to indicate in his section on images among later nations, 2127-2708.

2137. From the splene: from the heart—i.e., with all sincerity. Chalmers, II. 414, " Lyndsay, and the other poets of his time, frequently use the splene, for the heart: On other occasions he has ' His Courage raise up from the splene.’ Again, ‘ Some prayit to Venus, from the splene, That they their luffis mycht obtene.' Dunbar, in his Thistle and the Rose [Works, S.T.S., II. 183, 1. 12], says, ‘ A lark sang fro the splene.’ ” Spleen : O.F. esplen, L. splen, the spleen, or milt.

2140. Stokis and stonis : stocks and stones. Stock : O.E. stoc[c), the trunk or stem of a tree. Later a block of wood, or log, also signifying 330 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY what is lifeless, and hence, a stupid person, and, in M.E., applied to an image or idol. Stocks and stones were a common alliterative couple. Chalmers, II. 414, says that in 1597 line 2140 reads, “ Of fyne gold, and precious stanis,” but the original reading must have been restored, for 1776 reads, " Of fine gold, of stocks and stones.”

2141. Euyr bone : ivory bone, ivory. L. ebur.

2148. The wyndie Eolus : Eolus, god of the winds.

2159. Chalmers, II. 415, "The ed. 1597 has placed the last line [of this couplet] first.” It is so in 1776, to which the change must have descended through all intervening editions. 2164. Off fals godis the genologee. This line is a translation of the title of the work by Boccaccio which Lindsay mentions in lines 2247-2258, De Genealogia Deorum gentilium, the line itself being repeated in line 2252. See note to lines 2247-2258.

2167-2178. Lindsay here catches up the thread of his history, while praising Abraham for his fidelity to the true God. This passage is a memory of the story of Abraham’s refusal to worship Baal, already discussed in the notes to lines 1847-1881. 2184. That hewin and erth maid of no thing. Cf. note to lines 244-246.

2185. Dede Ymagis thay held at nocht. This is not quite true, though generally believed. The worship of Bel and Adonis, and other false gods, invaded Jerusalem. The supreme example is that of Solomon setting up the worship of Moloch, Astarte, and others on the hill outside the holy city. See note to lines 2263-2271.

2210. Oyie man of glide. Chalmers, II. 417, “ worthy man.”

2211. Daniell xiii. In the Vulgate the Book of Daniel contains fourteen chapters ; in the English Bible it only contains twelve. The difference is due to the excision from the English Bible of the stories of Susanna and the Elders (Vulgate, chap, xiii.), and of Bel and the Dragon (Vulgate, chap. xiv.). The Vulgate, however, acknowledges that these stories are not in the Hebrew, but were admitted to the Vulgate (by Jerome) from Theodotion’s Greek version of Daniel, the adoption of which seems to have led to the loss of the Hebrew versions. St Jerome explains that the Churches of his day preferred to read Theodotion’s Greek Daniel instead of that in the Septuagint, but Jerome himself had certainly never seen a Hebrew or Aramaic version. The Septuagint version of Susanna survives in Syriac. The story of Bel and the Dragon survives from the Septuagint in one MS. only. The marginal chapter reference Daniel xiii. is erroneous, and should be Daniel xiv. The story of Bel and the Dragon will be found either in the Vulgate, chap, xiv., or in the Apocrypha. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 331

2217. He wes one glorious God of lyfe. Cf. Daniel xiv. (Vulgate) 5, “ Et dixit rex ad eum [Daniel] : Non videtur tibi esse Bel vivens deus ? ” 2220. Beif, Muttone, Breid, and wyne. Beef and bread are not mentioned in Daniel xiv. See next note. 2223-2225. Fourty fresche Wodderis, fatt and fyne. And sax gret Rowbouris of wycht wyne, Twelf gret Louis of bowtit floure. Cf. Daniel xiv. (Vulgate) 2, " Erat quoque idolum apud Babylonios nomine Bel, et impendebantur in eo per dies singulos similise artabse duodecim, et oves quadraginta, vinique amphorae sex.” Rowbouris : rubbours, casks, kegs. ?.L. robur, hard wood, esp. oak, here measures for wine. The Revised Version translates " six firkins of wine.” 1776 rubors. Louis : lovis, loaves. Laing, III. 25, reads loavis, loaves; Chalmers, II. 418, laifis, loaves ; 1776 loaves. The Vulgate’s artabae, from Gk. aprafitu, is rendered in the Revised Version “ great measures.” The artaba was a Persian measure of about half a hectolitre. Similia, fine wheaten flour : Lindsay’s bowtit floure means “ bolted, or sifted, flour.” O.F. bulter, from bur a, a kind of cloth. Bolted flour, flour which has been passed through a sieve or bolting-cloth. 2238. And eait that meit with candell lycht. Not in the biblical story of Bel and the Dragon. This line is borrowed from Baruch, vi. [Vulgate, verse 18 ; Apocrypha, verse 19]. It is part of the description of the fears and deceits of the priests of false gods. Vulgate, verses 17-18, " ita tuantur sacredotes ostia clausuris et seris, ne a latronibus ex- spolientur. 18. Lucernas accendunt illis, et quidem multas, ex quibus nullam videre possunt.” Lindsay was much indebted to this chapter of Baruch : see notes to lines 2469-2500. The idea of the use of candles is rational, since the priests were supposed to have eaten the gifts of food made to Bel during the night. 2247-2258. Ihone Boccatious . . . Off fals Goddis the geneologie. Laing, III. 192, “ This work of the celebrated Boccaccio, ‘ De Genealogia Deorum,' was written in Latin, and first printed in the year 1472. He calls Daemogorgon the father of the Terrestrial Deities, and of all things ; his companions being Eternity and Chaos. He was, as his name imports, the Genius of the Earth. Of his various children, the first-born was Litigium, or Discord ; the second, the god Pan ; the Three Fates were his daughters. The English poets have not overlooked this formidable infernal deity. Thus Spenser, Faerie Queene (I. 5. 22) : That great house of Gods caelestiall, Which wast begot in Daemogorgon’s hall, And saw’st the secrets of the world unmade. And again, of ‘ the Three Fatall Sisters house ’ (IV. 2. 47.) : Downe in the bottome of the deepe Abysse, Where Demogorgon in dull darknesse pent, Farre from the view of God’s and heaven's bliss. The hideous Chaos keepes, their dreadfull dwelling is. 332 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Milton, likewise, in Paradise Lost (II. 959) : When strait behold the Throne Of Chaos, and his dark Pavilion spread Wide on the wasteful Deep ; with him Enthron’d Sat sable-vested Night, eldest of things. The consort of his Reign ; and by them stood Orcus and Ades, and the dreaded name Of Demogorgon.” The name Demogorgon was first mentioned by a scholiast, Lactantius or Lutatius Placidus, ? c. 450, on Statius, Thebiad, iv. 514 : Novimus et quidquid dici noscique timetis, Et turbare Hecaten, ni te, Thymbraee, vererer, Et triplicis mundi summum, quern scire nefastum. [Loeb text.] as the great nether deity invoked in magic, " Dicit deum Demogorgona summum.” O.E.D. gives the date 1590 as that of its first mention, by Spenser, in English. It is here in Lindsay forty years earlier. Spenser refers to Demogorgon, but as Gorgon, in The Faerie Queene, I. xxxvii. 7-9 : A bold bad man, that dar’d to call by name Great Gorgon, Prince of darknesse and dead night, At which Cocytus quakes, and Styx is put to flight.

The reference here is to the dread deity whose name should never be mentioned. Lucan, Pharsalia, vi. 744-49, thus refers to him without name : paretis ? an ille compellandus erit, quo numquam terra uocato non concussa tremit, qui Gorgona cemit apertam, uerberibusque suis trepidam castigat Erinyn, indespecta tenet uobis qui Tartara ; cuius uos estis superi; Stygias qui peierat undas ? [Lucani Pharsalia, ed. Haskins.]

Jortin, notes to Spenser, F.Q., I. i. 37. 8-9, states that Hyginus [the author of a Fabularum Liber, and Poeticon Astronomicon Libri IV., but about whose life nothing is known, pub. Muncker, Amsterdam, 1681] also refers to this deity, “ Ex Demogorgone et Terra, Python, draco divinus.” Lotspeich, “ Classical Mythology in the Poetry of Spenser,” Princeton Studies in English, Vol. IX. (1932), explains the descent of the name. He says that the origin is to be found in Plato, Republic 530A, and Timaeus 40c, where the word A-niuoupyds, the Creator, is found. Two MSS. of Lactantius on Statius read for the word Demogorgon “ demoirgon," two others “ demogorgon.” The poets have taken the latter form, and in Boccaccio it becomes the name of the primal deity, who is creator of all things, the king of shadows, grandfather of the gods and heroes, who lives in the bowels of the earth surrounded by cloud and vapour. Boccaccio identified him with Lucan’s Gorgon. O.E.D., however, regards the derivation from Sri/j.iovpy6s as " very doubtful.”

I NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 333

By Ariosto he is associated with the Himalayas, as the tyrant king of the elves and fairies, who once in five years summons his subjects to render an account of their stewardship. Dryden refers to a similar legend in an intercalated passage in his rendering of The Flower and the Leaf [Dryden, Poems, Oxford ed., p. 333]. The lady in white explains that the dancers are fairies, doomed to wander in the shades, except on the eve of May [11. 490-95] : At other Times we reign by Night alone, And posting through the Skies pursue the Moon : But when the Morn arises, none are found ; For cruel Demogorgon walks the round. And if he finds a Fairy lag in Light, He drives the Wretch before ; and lashes into Night. Boccaccio’s De Genealogia Deorum gentilium was composed at the request of King Hugh of Cyprus (f 1359), through the agency of Donnino of Parma. The work was not issued until about 1372, when it appeared without Boccaccio’s authority in an unfinished state. He had lent a copy to Ugo di San Severino, one of his patrons, who showed it to Pietro da Monteforte, who issued it on his own initiative. It was printed in 1472, but it has never been reprinted in modern times. The only valuable portion of it to-day is the defence of poetry in Book XIV. The full title of the work is as follows : Genealogie deorum gentilium ad Vgonem inclytum Hierusalem et Cypri regem secundum lohannem Boccatium de certaldo liber primus incipit feliciter prohemium [Colophon] : Venetiis impressum anno salutis M.CCCC.LXXII. B.M., C. 5. d. 1 (1). Demogorgon is cited as the first of the gods. His children are Litigius, Pan, Clotho, Lachesis, Atropos, Pollus, Phaeton, Terra, and Erebus. In Tertullian, Adversus Valentinianum, 24, Demiurgus is the name given to the maker of the world.

2257. Thare gret deuilische god Dagone. " Thare ” refers to the Phili- stines of the line before. Dagon : Heb. dag On, the fish On, one of the gods of the Philistines, a fish-tailed man or woman. This god is referred to in Judges xvi. 23, 1 Samuel v. 2-7, and 1 Chronicles x. 10. Milton thus describes his worship : Paradise Lost, I. 457-466 : Next came one Who mourn’d in earnest, when the Captive Ark Maim'd his brute Image, head and hands lopt off In his own Temple, on the grunsel edge, 1 Where he fell flat, and sham’d his Worshipers : Dagon his Name, Sea Monster, upward Man And downward Fish : yet had his Temple high Rear’d in Azotus, dreaded through the Coast Of Palestine, in Gath and Ascalon, And Accaron and Gaza's frontier bounds. 2263-2271. in. Reg. xi. Authorised Version, 1 Kings xi. Cf. verses 4-5, 7, “ Cumque jam esset senex, depravatum est cor ejus per mulieres ut sequeretur deos alienos ; nec erat cor ejus perfectum cum Domino Deo suo sicut cor David patris ejus. 5. Sed colebat Salomon Astarthen, deam Sidoniorum, et Moloch, idolum Ammonitarum. ... 7. Tunc 334 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY aedificavit Salomon fanum Chamos, idolo Moab, in monte qui est contra Jerusalem, et Moloch, idolo filiorum Ammon.”

2272-2278. Cf. 3 Regum, xi. 11-13, Authorised Version, 1 Kings xi. 11-13. God vows to take Israel from Solomon’s succession, except one tribe. The revolt of the ten tribes against Rehoboam is described in chap. xii. Off Imageis vsit amang cristin men. For the saints mentioned in this section see Index of Biblical and Theological References, under Saint.

2280. Kirk and queir : Kirk, or church, and quire, or choir. An alliterative couple. Queir : choir, quire ; here, that part of the church appropriated to the singers, the chancel. Cf. line 2315, the alliterative triple, Kirk, queir, and closter.

2281. Burgh and land : borough (town) and country.

2292. Ane prik : a thorn. See note on St Triduana (St Tredwall) in the Index of Biblical and Theological References.

2325-2348. The explanation is still regarded by the church as of merit.

2337-2339. If Lindsay had been in Italy he may have seen some of the great paintings of the Italian Renaissance artists. Some paintings he must have seen in France and at Brussels. In these lines he is probably referring only to mural paintings in churches. 2341-2342. The wordis quhilks the Propheit said, Quhow sche suld be boith Mother and Maid. Cf. Isaiah vii. 14, " Propter hoc dabit Dominus ipse vobis signum: Ecce virgo concipiet, et pariet filium, et vocabitur nomen ejus Emmanuel." Cf. Matthew i. 23, and Luke viii. 31, 34. The words “ Mother and Maid ” recall many mediaeval lyrics in praise of the Maiden-Mother. 2354-2355. Tyll lupiter sum Hike thare vayage. To saif thame from the stormys rage. Jupiter, as lord of heaven, was worshipped as the god of thunder, lightning, rains, and storms. 2357-2358. And sum to luno, for ryches, Thare pylgramage thay wald addres. Juno, queen of heaven, and special guardian of women, was also, like Saturn, the guardian of wealth and finance, and under the name of luno Moneta (“ the admonisher ”) had a temple on the Capitoline Hill, built in gratitude for her salutory admonitions [Cicero, De Divitatione, i. 45. 101]. Money was called Moneta, because the temple of luno Moneta NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 335 contained the Mint, but its connection with the goddess was purely fortuitous.

2385. Thare haill: their health, to recover from sickness.

2386.. The auld Rude of Kerrail: The old cross of Crail, near St Andrews, Fifeshire. The form in Lindsay is the older spelling of the town’s name, Caryle or Carraile. The Historical Monuments (Scotland) Commission, Counties of Fife, Kinross, and Clackmannan (1933), 64, states that an old cross, the shaft of which dates from the seventeenth century, has, since 1887, been to the east of the tolbooth at Crail, but makes no mention of any earlier cross.

Heir followis one Exclamatioun aganis Idolatrie. 2403. Stone or tre : stone or wood. O.E. triow, tree, wood.

2414-2420. Exodi. xxxii. Exodus xxxii. tells how the Hebrews compelled Aaron, while Moses was on Mount Sinai receiving the tables of the law, to make a calf by melting down golden earrings. When Moses descended from the mountain he burnt the image in the fire, ground it to powder, mixed the powder with water, and forced the people to drink of it. Then Moses asked if any were on the Lord’s side, and the sons of Levi stepped forth, and were commissioned to slaughter the idolaters. Verse 28 says that three thousand were slain. 2421-2425. Daniell. .xiiii. Vulgate Version only. See note to line 2211. Daniel xiv. (Vulgate) tells the story of Bel and the Dragon, which Lindsay has already narrated (lines 2211-2242), and that of Daniel and the great dragon of Babylon. Lindsay now tells the latter story, but confuses the two stories. In the second story the god was not Bel, as Lindsay says, but a brass dragon, which the priests claimed was alive. “ Then Daniel took pitch, and fat, and hair, and did seethe them together, and made lumps thereof : this he put into the dragon’s mouth, so the dragon did eat and burst in sunder : and Daniel said, Lo, these are the gods ye worship.” The Babylonians demanded the death of the iconoclast, and he was placed in a den containing seven lions, where he spent six days without being harmed.

2429-2452. Dan. Hi. Daniel iii. tells how Nebuchadnezzar set up an image of gold, sixty cubits high and six cubits broad, in the plain of Dura, near Babylon, and called on all to worship it. It was reported to him that three Jews—Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego—who held important posts in Babylon, had disobeyed his orders, whereupon Nebuchadnezzar cast them into a burning fiery furnace, bound in their coats, hose, hats, and other garments, the fire being so hot that it burnt the jailors. It did not, however, burn the three Hebrews, and when the king looked into the fire he saw four men loose, walking in the midst of the fire, without hurt. The king thereupon ordered their release, and found them unharmed. 336 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

2442. Or he sterit of that steid : before he (Nebuchadnezzar) left the scene. 2447. In tyll ane rosye Garth as thay had been. I do not trace the source of this picturesque comparison. 2467. Moyses, thare sauegarde through the see. The passage of the Red Sea is here referred to. 2461-2468. Exodi. xx. and Deut. v. Exodus xx. 3-5, " Non habebis deos alienos coram me. 4. Non facies tibi sculptile, neque omnem similitudinem quae est in caelo desuper, et quae in terra deorsum, nec eorum quae sunt in aquis sub terra. 5. Non adorabis ea, neque coles." Deuteronomy v. 6-21 repeats the commandments in their entirety from Exodus xx. 2-17. 2469-2500. These three stanzas are a paraphrase of Baruch vi., cited in the margin as Baru. vi. Baruch is one of the apocryphal books of the English Bible, but in the Vulgate it follows Jeremiah. Chap. vi. of Baruch is styled “ The Epistle of Jeremy," because it was written by " Jeremy " to the captives who were to be taken to Babylon, to advise them that they were now being taken to a country where images of stone and wood were worshipped. It is a scathing piece of invective against false gods and priests, and forms the basis of Lindsay’s attack on the use of images. It is, however, too long to quote in full, and I only note direct parallels. I quote the Revised Version [Apocrypha]. 2469. The Propheit Dauid. This is an error, since there was no prophet named David. Two issues are involved : (i) King David was faithful to God, as witness the psalm of thanksgiving in 2 Samuel xxii., his death-bed charge to Solomon in 1 Kings ii. 2-9, and the Psalms. Thus he might have been considered a minor prophet. But he did not ridicule idolatry in the terms of Lindsay’s stanzas, and the reference to Baruch vi. is correct, (ii) Lindsay may have intended to say “ the Propheit Baruch,” which would have been nearly correct, but Baruch vi. is a copy of a letter by " Jeremy,” done in imitation of the letter of Jeremiah to the captives in Babylon, Jeremiah xxix. My predecessors ignore the point, and I do not know what emendation to suggest. 2470. In grauit stok or stone. Possibly a glance at Baruch vi. 39, “ [The idols] are like the stones that be hewn out of the mountain, these gods of wood.” 2474-2476. A combination of three verses in Baruch vi. 8. “ For their tongue [the idols’] is polished by the workman, and they themselves are overlaid with gold and with silver ; yet are they but false, and cannot speak. 25. Things wherein there is no breath are bought at any cost. 27. . . . the offerings they set before them, as if they were dead men.” 2485-2486. Cf. Baruch vi. 72, “ And ye shall know them to be no gods by the bright purple [Gr. purple and brightness] that rotteth upon them.” NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 337

2487-2488. Cf. Baruch vi. 55, " For even when fire falleth upon the house of gods of wood, or overlaid with gold or with silver, their priests will flee away, and escape, but they themselves shall be burnt asunder like beams.’’

2489. A paraphrase of Baruch vi. 28, 35-38. 28. “ Unto the poor and to the impotent will they give nothing. 35. In like manner, they can neither give riches nor money : though a man make a vow unto them, and keep it not, they will never exact it. 36. They can save no man from death, neither deliver the weak from the mighty. 37. They cannot restore a blind man to his sight, nor deliver any that is in distress. 38. They can shew no mercy to the widow, nor do good to the fatherless.”

2490. Cf. Baruch vi. 40, “ How should a man then think or say that they are gods.”

2491-2492. I find no parallel in Baruch vi. to these lines, but they represent much that Jeremy says.

2493-2494. Cf. Baruch vi. 27, “ They also that serve them are ashamed : for if they fall to the ground at any time, they cannot rise up again of themselves.”

2495. Cf. Baruch vi. 21-22, “ They feel it not when their faces are blacked through the smoke that cometh out of the temple : upon their bodies and heads alight bats, swallows, and birds ; and in like manner the cats also.” Jeremy does not mention rats.

2496. A repetition of lines 2493-2494. There is no direct parallel in Baruch.

2498-2500. These lines have no parallel in Baruch vi. Readers who enjoy invective in literature will appreciate the Epistle of Jeremy, and will find the text and notes of Dr C. J. Ball in The Apocrypha and Pseudepigraphia of the Old Testament in English, general editor Dr R. H. Charles, Oxford: Clarendon Press : 1913. 2 vols., of immense value. Lindsay continues by applying the invective of Jeremy to the use of images in his own day. The reformers’ campaign against images, or idols, as they called them, was one of their most effective weapons, as when in 1558 the Provost, Council, and Baillies of Edinburgh, when ordered to prepare the image of St Giles for the procession on St Giles’s Day, replied to the bishops that “ they understood that God in some places had commanded idols and images to be destroyed ; but where he had commanded images to be set up, they had not read ” [Knox].

2501-2508. Chalmers, III. 13, “ The auld stock image [2504], which is here reprobated by Lyndsay, was the image of St Giles, the patron saint of Edinburgh ; and which was yearly, on the first of September, carried through the town, in grand procession. The last procession 338 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

was, probably, in the year 1558, five years after this reprobation, when the procession was interrupted by the populace.—Maitland’s Hist, of Edinburgh, p. 15.; and Knox gives a rapturous account of this, in his History. Lyndsay, however, forgets the armbone of St Giles, that was discovered, in foreign parts, by Preston, of Gorton, during the reign of James II. ; and bequeathed to the city, for which the magistrates granted to his heirs the privilege of carrying this avmbone, in all processions.—Arnot’s Hist. Edin. 267-8.” Laing, III. 193, adds, “ Respecting the fate of this wooden image or figure of St Giles, and the tumult that took place at the annual procession of the priests through the streets of Edinburgh on the Saint's day, the 1st of September 1558, of which Knox has given a graphic description not unworthy of Sir David Lyndsay : see Knox’s Works, Vol. I., pp. 259, 558, and the preface of the Bannatyne Club volume, ‘ Registrum Cartaxum Ecclesise Sancti AJgidii de Edinburgh,’ &c. 1859. qto.” 2505. With talbrone, troumpet, schalme, and Clarioun : with tabor [drum], trumpet, hautboy, and clarion. Lindsay lists the correct instruments of his time, but he surely remembered the music which Nebuchad- nezzar ordered to be played when his great golden image was to be worshipped. Cf. Daniel iii. 5, " At what time ye hear the sound of the cornet, flute, harp, sackbut, psaltery, dulcimer, and all kinds of musick, ye fall down and worship the golden image that Nebuchadnezzar hath set up.”

2512. Expresse agane the Lordis commandiment. Cf. note to lines 2461- 2468. 2515-2516. Ceue laude and glare to God Omnipotent Allanerlie, as wyselie wryttis Ihone. Cf. Apocalypse vii. 11-12, “ Et omnes angeli stabant in circuitu throni . . . et adoraverunt Deum. 12. Dicentes: Amen. Benedictio, et claritas, et sapientia, et gratiarum actio, honor, et virtus, et fortitude Deo nostro, in secula seculorum. Amen.” Perhaps Lindsay may be thinking of Apocalypse xix. 6-7, ” Et audivi quasi vocem turbae magnae . . . dicentium : Alleluia, quoniam regnavit Dominus Deus noster, Omnipotens. 7. Gaudeamus, et exsultemus, et demus gloriam ei.”

2533,2534. Sand Frances . ■ . Sand Domnick. See index of Biblical and Theological References. 2541. Quyet counsallouris : plotters, or schemers, in secret.

2549-2562. Math, xviii. Cf. Matthew xviii. 15-17, " Si autem peccaverit in te frater tuus, vade, et corripe eum inter te et ipsum solum. Si te audierit, lucratus eris fratrem tuum. 16. Si autem te non audierit, adhibe tecum adhuc unum, vel duos, ut in ore duorum vel trium testium stet omne verbum. 17. Quod si non audierit eos, die Ecclesiae ; si autem Ecclesiam non audierit, sit tibi sicut ethnicus et publicanus.” NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 339

For Ecclesia, church, Lindsay uses the word “ congregatioun.” This is proof that he had, or knew, either Tyndale’s version of the New Testament, or Cranmer’s 1539 version. Tyndale translates {KK\r)o'ia invariably as “ congregacion," and the word was adopted from Tyndale by the sixteenth century reformers. Tyndale’s 1526 version of the three verses is as follows : “15. Moreover yf thy brother trespas ayenst the, go, and tell hym his faute, betwene hym and the alone : yf he heare the, thou hast wone thy brother. 16. But yf he heare the not, then take with the won or two, that in the mouth of two or thre witnesses all sainges maye stonde. 17. Yf he heare not them, tell hit vnto the congregacion. Yf he heare not the congregacion, take him as an hethen man and as a publican.” It does not, I think, suggest that the Congregation, or the party of Scottish Protestant reformers formed in 1557, had as yet come into being, at all events under this name.

2569-2571. Cf. Matthew xxvii. 22, 23, “ Dicit illic Pilatus : Quid igitur faciam de lesu, qui dicitur Christus ? 23. Dicunt omnes : Crucifigatur. Ait illis praeses : Quid enim mali fecit ? At illi magis clamabant, dicentes : Crucifigatur.” Lindsay’s Crucifige is rather taken from either Mark xv. 14, " Crucifige eum”; Luke xxiii. 21, '‘Crucifige, crucifige eum ”; or John xix. 15, “ Tolle, tolle, crucifige eum.”

2572. Fy, gar cast that faltour in the fyre. Lindsay is here specifically thinking of the punishment for heresy. The analogy with the situa- tion of Christ before the clamorous Jews indicates that Lindsay regarded those who suffered for their faith as martyrs suffering the punishment of death demanded by the orthodox adherents of the decadent faith, as Christ had suffered for trying to reform Judaism.

2572-2580. Lindsay’s marginal references are a biblical background to the warning contained in line 2580. Roma. xvi. Romans xvi. 17-2.0, “ Now I beseech you, brethren, mark them which cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned ; and avoid them. 18. For they that are such serve not our Lord Jesus Christ, but their own belly; and by good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple. 19. For your obedience is come abroad unto all men. I am glad therefore on your behalf : but yet I would have you wise unto that which is good, and simple concerning evil. 20. And the God of peace shall bruise Satan under your feet shortly.” Ephe. v. Ephesians v. 5-6, " For this ye know, that no whoremonger, nor unclean person, nor covetous man, who is an idolater, hath any inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God. 6. Let no man deceive you with vain words : for because of these things cometh the wrath of God upon the children of disobedience.”

2575. The Institutione of Christ. The Institution was the establishment of the Christian Church, especially of the Eucharist, by Christ. 340 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

2577-2580. " Though some of you members of the church are ready to receive the new teaching, I speak to you older incurable reprobates among the clergy. Return to the faith in time, before you run to ruin.” The imagery is drawn from Christ’s comment in Mark ii. 22, “ And no man putteth new wine into old bottles : else the new wine doth burst the bottles, and the wine is spilled, and the bottles will be marred : but new wine must be put into new bottles.” Those “ gude of conditione ” [2577] are thus likened to the new bottles, able to receive the new wine of the reformed teaching.

2579. Auld bosis of perditione. Chalmers, III. 16, "bosses, means hollow blocks, blockheads." Laing, III. 194, "Auld boises- Chalmers explains this phrase as meaning ' hollow blocks, blockheads.’ It is rather applicable to drunkards, as in Knox [Works, vol. i., p. 99), when he speaks of a ‘ Dean of Restalrig, and certane old bases with him ’ (apparently meaning worthless or drunken companions) ; from boss, a small cask for holding wine.”

2581-2588. Hi. Reg. xviii. Vulgate, 3 Regum xviii.: Authorised Version, 1 Kings xviii. Verses 17-40 tell of Elijah’s exposure of the futility of Ahab’s worship of Baal, whose prophets, or priests, numbered four hundred and fifty (19, 22). How Elijah [Lindsay’s "Elias” of line 2586] " did preue thare abusioun ” is described in verses 22-29, and is followed by his proof of the living God. 2589-2592. [2590] The reid Freris : the red friars, or Trinitarians. The friars were popularly known by the colour of the robes of their order. There were four main orders of friars, (i) The Franciscans, or Friars Minors, founded by St Francis of Assisi in 1208. They arrived in England in 1224, and were known as the Grey Friars, (ii) The Domini- cans, or Preaching Friars, founded by St Dominic at Toulouse in 1215 as a preaching order to combat heresy in the south of France. They arrived in England in 1220, and were known as the Black Friars, as they wore a black mantle over a white habit, (iii) The Carmelites, originally a monastic order on Mount Carmel, driven out by the Moham- medans. In 1247, when their General was an Englishman, they were changed into a mendicant order. They were known as the White Friars : they wore a white mantle over a brown habit, (iv) The Augustinians, or Austin Friars, an order whose origin is uncertain. The “ Rule of St Augustine ” is merely part of a letter which St Augus- tine, when Bishop of Hippo, wrote to a convent of nuns in his diocese, in which he advised them to conduct themselves “ as persons settled in a monastery.” By a change of gender in the Latin this letter was adapted to the use of monks, and thus the Middle Ages fondly imagined that St Augustine had actually founded the order. In England, however, and, from this reference in Lindsay, evidently also in Scotland, another order, the Order of St Trinity, or Trinitarians, or Maturines, was known as the Trinity Friars, or Red Friars. The Order of the Trinitarians, by which name they are best known, was founded about 1197 by St John of Matha and St Felix of Valois, for the liberation of Christian prisoners and slaves from captivity under NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 341 the Moors and Saracens. They obtained the approbation of Pope Innocent III. in 1198. Their rule was Augustinian, but they added further regulations. Their revenues were decreed to be divided into three parts: one for their own maintenance, one to relieve the poor, and one to redeem captives. All their churches were dedicated to St Trinity, but in France they were called Maturines, from having their first church in Paris near St Mathurine’s Chapel. Their principal monastery was at Cerfroy, near Soissons. Their habit was white, with a red and blue cross on the breast. They were really canons-regular. Their fame grew when in 1200 a party, including two Englishmen, went to Morocco, and returned to France with 186 released Christian slaves. Usually they ransomed captives, but when this was not possible, through lack of funds, or when ransom was refused, they offered themselves to secure releases. They came to England in 1224, and were granted lands, revenues, and privileges of the canons of the Holy Sepulchre, on the decay of that order. Their English houses were at Mollenden (founded in 1224 by Sir Michael de Poninges, Kt.), Kent; Donnington, Berkshire; Little Totnes, Devonshire ; Werland juxta Totnes ; Hounslow ; Ber- wick ; Walknoll, Newcastle ; Thursfield, Suffolk ; Thalesford, Warwick- shire ; Eston, Wiltshire ; Worcester ; and Knaresborough, Yorkshire. Half of these were suppressed in 1539 ; the others had already disappeared. They are stated to have held eight hundred houses in Europe, of which forty-three were in England ; but Dugdale could only trace the twelve recorded above. At the beginning of the eighteenth century they had two hundred and fifty houses. In the seventeenth century a branch order, called the Barefooted Trinitarians, was founded. This still survives, but with less than five hundred members, with head- quarters at San Crisogono, Rome. Their work is to liberate negro slaves, particularly children. In 1904 they were granted a district in Somaliland for their operations. There have also been Trinitarian nuns, founded in 1610. It is claimed that by the end of the sixteenth century the order had ransomed ninety thousand prisoners from the Moors, among them the author of Don Quixote, ransomed in early 1581, after five years’ captivity in Algiers, for five hundred crowns, of which three hundred had been raised by his family, the remainder borrowed by the Trinitarians. Since about 1771 the Trinitarians have been given their true title, “ Canons-Regular of the Holy Trinity.” After the Reformation in England money for the ransom of captives was piously bequeathed to the London companies. Since the destruction of Algiers in 1816 by Sir Edward Pellew (1757-1833, first Viscount Ex- mouth), on the refusal of the Dey to abolish Christian slavery, and especially after the occupation of Algiers by the French, these bequests, becoming useless for their original purpose, have been devoted by decree in Chancery to educational purposes. The Ironmongers’ Com- pany, for example, is trustee for one such bequest, known as " Betton’s Gift.” The Trinitarians have frequently been confused with the Crutched or Crossed Friars, who are said to have originated in the Low Countries. They received the approbation of Pope Alexander III. in 1169, and first came to England in 1244. A locality in London, the Crutched VOL. III. Z 342 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Friars, takes its name from a settlement in 1249. They had some seven friaries in England. The confusion with the Trinitarians, who wore a red and blue cross, arose from the red cross sewn on the breast of their habits. Authorities: Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, VI. iii. [VIII.], 1557-1566; F. A. Gasquet, English Monastic Life, 245-46, 248 ; Fr. Cuthbert, The Friars, and how they came to England. The standard history of the Trinitarians is by Deslandres, L’Ordre frangais des Trini- taires (1903), 2 vols. This I have not seen. The question now arises whether Lindsay himself had not confused the Orders of Trinitarians and Crutched Friars. He says that they “ wer puneissit pietuouslye.” If this means that they were suppressed, and Lindsay is talking of the suppression of the religious orders, it cannot be correct so far as Scotland, Spain, Italy, and France are concerned. Only in England had they been suppressed, during the Dissolution, 1539. Is Lindsay thinking of the Knights-Templars ?

2597-2600. When St Francis founded the order of the Franciscans in 1208, he insisted on three things which would distinguish his Fratres from monks. His friars were to live without personal property and without a wealthy institution behind them. They were not to live within walls secluded from the world ; and, lastly, they were to seek to save others rather than themselves. In pursuance of the latter they were to be constantly preaching in church and in market-place. The Domini- cans were similarly bidden to controvert heresy by preaching. The abuses of the friars in the later Middle Ages are adequately illustrated in literature down to the Reformation. Apparently it was not the custom for bishops ever to preach. In appointing a certain cleric to a bishopric Queen Elizabeth remarked, “ Alas, for pity, we have marred a good preacher to-day ” [Calderwood, 429]. The remark is of no value unless we accept the habitual silence of the heads of both ancient and reformed churches. The question of preaching by bishops forms one of the major themes of Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis. Lindsay states emphatically [Satyre, 2899-2910] that: Ane Bischops office is for to be ane preichour, And of the law of God ane publick teachour . . .

Spiritualitie. Friend, quhair find ?e that we suld prechours be ?

[Gude] Counsall. Luik quhat Sanct Paul wryts vnto Timothie. Tak thair the Buik : let se gif 5c can spell [read].

Spiritualitie. I never red that, thairfoir reid it ?our sel. Counsall sail read thir wordis on ane Buik. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 343

Fidelis sermo, si quis Episcopatum desiderat, bonum opus desiderat. Oportet ergo, eum irreprehensibilem esse, vnius vxoris virum, sobrium, prudentem, ornatum, pudicum, hospitalem, doctorem : non vinolentum, non percussorem ; sed modestum. . . . The Authorised Version reads for “ Doctorem,” “ apt to teach.” St Paul twice records the character of the good Bishop : i Timothy iii. 1-9, from which Lindsay borrowed the above quotation, and Titus i. 7-9 ; and in both stresses the necessity for teaching by the bishop, “ that he may be able by sound doctrine both to exhort and to convince the gainsayers.” Later, 2937-2941, Pauper says that he never heard his parson preach in all his life. In 3034-3046 the Merchant in the Parliament proposes that bishoprics should not be given to men who did not, or would not, preach. Later, when questioned by Correction, Spirituality somewhat indignantly retorts that there is no need for him to preach, since he has a friar to do that for him ; and when invited to show if he can preach, the parson replies that though he is unable to do that he is very good at games and gambling. Among the proposals for reform laid before Parliament by Diligence is one, the eighth item [3865-3872], in which it is proposed that no benefices be given to ignorant or dissolute men, or to men who are not qualified to preach. The next item stresses the latter point, for bishops there are forbidden to licence any for preaching except men of good erudition. Lastly, when Folly asks Dili- gence what the pulpit on the stage is for, he is taken completely aback when he hears that there has been a preaching [4435-4443] : Then stryk ane hag into the poast: For I hard never in all my lyfe, Ane Bischop cum to preich in Fyfe. He then asks the probing question : Gif Bischops to be preichours leiris, Wallaway quhat sail word of freiris ? Gif Prelats preich in brugh and land. The sillie freirs, I vnderstand, Thay will get na mair meall nor malt, Sa I dreid freirs sail die for fait. He proposes to give a sermon himself, and does so ; a sermon of folly. The doctor has “ interested ” the audience by a sample sermon [3444- 3510], which is brought to an untimely end by the ridicule of the parson and the abbot. This sermon is not the best of Lindsay’s productions, though doubtless sincere.

2601-2604. The cynicism of these four lines is an attempt to expose the money-grubbing habits of the higher clergy. The implication is that the bishops would preach if they were paid. But Lindsay is not mean in his estimation of the value which the bishops placed on their own time. The gold ducat was worth about 9s. 4d.; the silver ducat of Italy about 3s. 6d. Most countries issued the coin, which was first issued in 1140 by Robert II. of Sicily, when Duke of Apulia, who ordered that it was to be called the " ducat ” : L. dux. For the history of the name, vide O.E.D., ducat. 344 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

2806. From tyme we gett ane faithfull prudent king. Cf. 26x2. Tyll that kyng cum we mon tak paciens. One must conclude that Lindsay had few expectations of reform during the reign of Mary, Queen of Scots, who was, as he knew, being brought up as a Roman Catholic. 2613. Now fairweill, freindis, because I can nochtflyte, Quhowbeit I culde, mon hold me excusit. It is, I think, most remarkable that Lindsay should at this moment, when he has worked himself up into a passionate sincerity, remember two lines of a poem written in happier days, among immediate associa- tions far removed from those of the present poem, The Answer to the Kingis Flyting, 64-65 : Now schir, fairweill, because I can nocht flyte : And thocht I could, I wer nocht tyll auance Aganis your ornate Meter to indyte. 2620-2634. These lines possess something of the air of a sixteenth or seventeenth century title page, especially lines 2622 and 2626 : Tyll rycht prayer the perfyte reddy way . . . Most proffitabyll for boith body and saull. I do not trace, in the Bibliographical Society’s Handlist of Printers, 1476-1556, any parallel work issued during Lindsay’s lifetime, but the lines bring to mind such titles as the following : Can’s Richt Way to the Kingdome of Heuine, 1533, and, among many seventeenth century works of like title, Richard Bernard’s The Ready Way to Good Works, 1635. It was a popular form of title among the Puritans and Nonconformists. The second line suggests similar title-page declarations in many sixteenth century publications. Lindsay himself had to endure the avowal in the English editions of his poems, 1566, 1575, and 1581, which were offered to purchasers as “ very pleasant and profitable for all Estates, but chiefly for Gentlemen, and suche as are in aucthoritie.”

2623. As wrytith Matthew, in his sext Chepture. Matthew vi. 9-13 ofiers the text of the Lord’s Prayer.

2627-2630. Lindsay creates the usual Protestant capital out of the Lord’s Prayer, but I understand that the Roman Catholic explanation of the use of prayers to the twelve apostles, saints, and angels, is that at the time Christ made the prayer He had only four apostles—Peter, Andrew, James, and John—who had only just been called to his ministry; while there were, of course, no saints.

2632-2633. Quhilk orisione it doith contene, full ewin, Most proffitabyll for ws, petetionis sewin. The seven petitions of the Lord’s Prayer were the subject of much writing. The seven petitions are: (i) Hallowed be thy name ; (ii) Thy Kingdom come ; (iii) Thy will be done in earth, as it is in heaven ; (iv) Give us this day our daily bread ; (v) And forgive us our debts, as NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 345

we forgive our debtors ; (vi) And lead us not into temptation ; (vii) but deliver us from evil. Seven was regarded by the Hebrews as a sacred number. For example, the universe was created in seven days ; there were seven planets ; man was created with seven orifices in his body, &c., &c., In acquiring these from the Jewish writers, the chief of whom was Philo of Alex- andria, whose De Opificio Mundi, followed by a lengthy allegorical interpretation, the Legum Allegoria, was to influence mediaeval religious allegory, the mediaeval commentators on the allegorical significance of the Bible sought to extend the system by including Christian evidences for the sacredness of the number seven. The seven petitions of the Lord’s Prayer, among many other sevens of things, thus acqured a numerical sacredness. But the number seven itself is formed by adding three and four. Three is a number sacred to the Christian, because it represents the Trinity. To the Hebrews it was sacred because it represented the three universal regions—heaven, earth, and water ; a theory of the creation which they derived from the Babylonians. Four was a sacred number, because it denoted completeness and sufficiency, being the number two multiplied by itself, the simple square. There were also four cardinal points of direction—north, east, west, and south. The sacredness of three and four, as of all other numbers, was maintained in the Middle Ages, and is the basis of the following discussion of the seven petitions of the Lord’s Prayer by Peter Comestor, Historia Scholastica, In Evangelia, cap. xlix., “ De Oratione Dominica.” " Huic sermoni interseruit Dominus Orationem Dominicam, quae octo partes habet (Matth. vi.) : prima est captatio benevolentiae, quam sequuntur septem petitiones et diriguntur ad Deum Patrem, a quo petimus nobis dari panem nostrum supersubstantialem, id est Filium. Nam et Christus docuit nos ad petendum a Patre in nomine suo. Tres primae petitiones spectant ad vitam futuram, sicut: ' Sanctificetur,’ id est firmetur in nobis, ‘ nomen tuum ’ . . . Quatuor quae sequuntur ad militiam hujus vitae spectant. . . In the poem, " I cry the mercy and lasar to repent,” Dunbar mentions the seven deadly sins (lines 18-20), the seven deeds of mercy corporal (26-31), the seven deeds of mercy spiritual (33-39), the seven sacraments (42), the seven commands of the church (81-93), the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost (93-94), and the seven petitions of the Pater Noster (95). Vide Dunbar, Works, S.T.S., II. 65-71. 2635-2636. The Christian church has always made great use of the Psalms at all services. 2636. Off all prayer this bene the principall. Lambeth MS. 332 offers the correct reading " Off all prayeris . . .”

2637. It: the Pater Noster, or Lord’s Prayer, discussed in the lines above. 2643. Vtheris : apostles, saints, and angels. 2645. princis of the preistis : archbishops and bishops. See note to line 3884. 346 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

2649. Thame : the " sempyll peple ’’ of line 2647.

2652. Thame : the “ Ymagreis ” of line 2650.

2653. Pvettike : practic, practice. Pradic : M.E. practik, O.F. pradike, variants of prat(t)ique ; practice, as opposed to theory. Cf. Papyngo, 30, " Boith in pratick and speculatioun.”

2654. Quhen fillokis, in to Fyfe, began to fon. Fillokis : fillocks, wanton young girls. To fon : to fondle, to toy.

2656. In Angusse, tyll the feild Chapelt of Dron. Chalmers, III. 19, " In Angus, within the parish of Auchterhouse, there is the village of Drowlaw, and near a mile northward from it, there is a hamlet named FzsXfeld: Here was, probably, the field chapel of Dron, which is so emphatically mentioned by our poetical reformer. The Statistical Account [The Statistical Account of Scotland] is silent. This is the only place named Dron, in Angus. There is, indeed, the parish of Dron, in Perth; but Lyndsay knew what he meant to reprobate.” Laing, III. 194, adds, " This chapel, which belonged to the abbey of Coupar-Angus, was in Perthshire, being situated on the high ground above the village of Dron, in the parish of Longforgan. It was erected in 1164 by Malcome IV. for a community of Cistercian monks. Some parts of the ruined walls still exist. It may have been a place of resort for pilgrims on account of the fountain which still sends forth the purest and most limpid water, near the site of the chapel. (New Statistical Account: Perthshire, p. 408.)” Dron, a parish in Perthshire, in Strathearn, on the Ochil Hills, crossed by the main road from Edinburgh to Perth.

2657. Than Kyttoke thare, als cadye as ane Con. Chalmers, III. 20, " The girl there as sportive, as a coney ; con being put, for the rhyme.” Kyttoke : familiar or disrespectful name for a girl, or young woman, especially one of loose character ; an abbreviation of Catherine. 2659. Gaiff Lowre leif at layser to loupe on. Chalmers, III. 20, reads Lawrie, and notes, " Lawrie ; the familiar name of Laurence." The name “ lowre ” at once suggests a fable of a fox, but none of the fox-fables in Henryson contain a fox whose leap is an important part of the story. Lindsay may simply have taken the name “ Lowre ” as an abbreviation of Lowrence, or Laurence, a man’s name, in the same way as he refers to " loke and Thom ” in line 2655. In Christis Kirk on the Grene (Maitland Folio MS., S.T.S., I. 151, line 101) the name is used for a man, with the function of leaping again specified, " Than lowrie as ane lyoun lap.” There may in both poems be some idea of representing a cunning man who leaps on, or takes advantage of one who is sportive but harmless. In Lindsay’s case the significance is sexual. The interpretation of the passage is affected by the exact meaning of the simile “ als cadye as ane Con.” Con has two meanings : a con is a squirrel, but if the word is a shortened form, as Chalmers suggests. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 347 of coney, it means a rabbit. The simile therefore means either, " as playful as a squirrel,” or " as amorous as a rabbit.” In the first the implication is that sportive, but harmless, and innocent girls became the victims of lascivious men ; in the second that amorous persons of both sexes flocked to the shrines. That the first must be considered is shown by the large number of warnings in literature against men allowing their wives or daughters to go on pilgrimage. One of the classical instances of such warnings appears in Le Roman de la Rose.

2664. For tyll adore one Image in Loreit. Chalmers, III. 20, " The chapel of Loreit, near Musselburgh ; a great place of pilgrimage, where there lived a hermit, who pretended to work miracles, which roused the indignation of Lyndsay. To this shrine, James V. made a pilgrimage from Stirling, in 1536, in order to procure a propitious passage to France, in search of a wife. In 1543, the earl of Hertford, during his destructive voyage to the Forth, destroyed, with other objects of greater consequence, ‘ the chapel of the Lady of Lauret.’—Merlin’s Life, 1641, p. 313.” Loreit: Loretto, near Musselburgh, 5^ miles east by south of Edin- burgh. At Loreto in Italy, fourteen miles south-south-east of Ancona, was a famous chapel of the Virgin which was a place of pilgrimage. Over this chapel has now been built a church. The chapel of the Virgin at Loretto, near Musselburgh, was founded, in imitation of the Italian chapel, by Thomas Doughty, apparently about 1530. Calderwood, History of the Church of Scotland, I. 101-102, says that in 1531 John Scot, a miracle-monger and long-fast expert, arrived in Scotland, fresh from imprisonment in England for preaching against Henry VIII.'s divorce at St Paul’s Cross. He would have joined “ Thomas Doughtie, who had builded a chappell to Marie Lareit, with money which he had collected among the people, where he made great gaine by fained miracles. When anie priest came to say masse, he had either one col- luding beggar or other, who fained he was cured of some infirmitive either of bodie or minde.” Calderwood’s statement is probably correct, for another is partly verified in the Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer. Calderwood tells us that when James V. returned to Scotland during the storm which prevented his progress to France in 1536, he went on pilgrimage to Loretto. James V. may have had more than a superstitious interest in the shrine, for, like other places of pilgrimage in Scotland, it came into being when the demand for reformation of the Church had grown to alarming proportions, and when strong measures had to be taken by the Church, on the one hand, to stamp out heresy, on the other to encourage the simple faithful by " miracles.” These the hermit of Loretto seems to have been expert in. The Church undoubtedly upheld him, and very probably James V. also, on political perhaps rather than on religious grounds. James, in fact, partly equipped the chapel, as the following extracts from the national records show : (i) Reg. Mag. Sig. (1513-46), 1403. Falkland, 29 July 1534. Rex ad manum mortuam confirmavit cartam ballivorum, burgensium et com- munitatis burgi de Mussilburgh,—[qua in puram elimosinam conces- serunt Thome Duchty, heremite Ordinis S. Pauli primi heremite de 348 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Monte Sinay, pro ejus vita, et ejus successoribus heremitis, ad con- struend. Capellam B. V. M. de Lauret, cum domuncula et ortis prout eis placeret, et pro eorum sustentatione,—unam peciam terre vaste territorii et libertatis sue, continen. 5 rudas in longitudine et latitudine, apud finem orientalem burgi predicti prope le Claypule, inter commune suum viridarium ex orientali et occidentali partibus:— Test, [sixteen signatories] cum sigillo Johannis Newtoun unius ballivorum, sasinam dantis:—Apud diet, brugum, 27 Jan. 1533, bora undecima ante meridiem vel eocirca] :—Test, ut in aliis cartis, &c. (ii) Comp. Thes., VI. 200-201. [1 August 1534] Item, for xxxvj elnis and ane quarter blechit bertane canwes [canvas from Bretagne] to be thre albis, thre ametis [amices, the fine linen cloth worn over the shoulders of a priest while celebrating mass], and thre altar towellis to oure Lady Chapell of Laureit, price of the elne iij s. iiij d. ; summa yj li. x d. Item, to be thre croces to the chesabillis [chasubles] and to paill [cover] the fruntale, vJ elnis quhite satyne, price of the elne xxxij s. ; summa viij ii. xvj s. Item, to be armes apoun the thre chesabillis and fruntell, ane quarter fallow satyne, price viij s. Item, to be frenzeis [fringes] to the fruntell, ij unces silk, price thairof x s. Item, for bukrem, rubanis, making and uthir furnessing of the thre vestimentis, fruntell, stoill and parolis [embroidered stuff attached to a vestment] iiij li. v s. Item, to the broidstar for brodening of the Kingis armes apoun the saidis thre vestimentis and fruntell, xxvj s. viij d. Item, for weving of the frenzeis to the fruntell, sewing of the albis, and croces to the towellis, xxvj s. viij d. (iii) Comp. Thes., VI. 299. [1 April 1537] Item, the first day of Aprile, to the chapellanis of Lawrete to pray for the Kingis grace ; xiiij s. Item, the xx day of Aprile, to be twa altar towellis to the chapell, x elnis small dornik, price of the elne viij s. ; summa iiij ii. Item, to be tua uthir towellis, ix elnis bleichit bartane canves, price of the elne iij s. vj d.; summa xxxj s. vj d. Item, for sewing of xx crocis upoune the saidis towellis ; xx s. (iv) Comp. Thes., VII. 24 [In accounts of the king’s journey to France, rendered 1538]. [24 May 1538] Item, the samin day [xiij0 Maii], gevin to oure Lady of Laureitis offerand in the schip ; ij cronis. [Apparently on arrival home, or in Scottish waters.]

A hermit so notorious and so unscrupulous could not be but hated by the reformers. Lindsay’s attacks are by no means the earliest. Calderwood [History of the Kirk of Scotland, I. 135] reproduces, under date 1539, a poetical Epistle directed from the Holy Hermit of Alareit to his Brethren the Grey Friars, a satirical attack on Doughty by Alex- nder Cunningham, Earl of Glencairn [f 1574], one of the most cultured NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 349 men in Scotland and one of the great leaders of the reformers. Knox reproduces it in his History of the Reformation in Scotland under date 1542. In 1544 the chapel of Loretto was burnt by the English troops under Hertford, with part of the town of Musselborough, including the tolbooth {S.P. Henry VIII., XIX. i. pp. 333-34]. The hermit’s miracles had the wrong effect on one who observed a “ blind ” man receiving back his sight. This was John Row, who was so impressed that he forthwith began to listen to the reformers, and later rose high in the reformed Kirk. John Row compiled a History of the Church of Scotland, to which William Row, minister of Ceres, made additions. In these latter William Row told at length the story of one deception, witnessed by Robert Colville, Laird of Cleish. This seems to have taken place about 1559 [see “ The Authenticity of the Poem,” at the head of the notes to The History of Squyer Meldruni\. In 1590 the people of Musselburgh rebuilt their tolbooth, using materials, it is said, from the ruined chapel of Loretto. This is recorded to have been the first secular building constructed in Scotland from the ruins of an ecclesiastical edifice. As a result, the people of Musselburgh were excommunicated annually at Rome for the next two hundred years. The Historical Monuments (Scotland) Commission, Counties of Midlothian and East Lothian (1929), p. 80, states that the tolbooth shows no signs of ecclesiastical origin, though it admits that subsequent alterations have obliterated the older features of the building. The chapel, however, may not have been aggressively ecclesiastical. The vault which existed under the chapel is still to be seen. Lindsay again refers to the hermit in Ane Satyre, 4266-4271, when the unhumbled Flattery Friar, having escaped the gallows, pretends to promise to reform, but fires a parting shot: Sen I haue chaipit this firie farie, Adew I will na langer tarie. To cumber 50W with my clatter : Bot I will with ane humbill spreit. Gang serve the Hermeit of Lareit, And leir him for till flatter. The hermit of Loretto needed no such instruction. Cf. Alexamder Scott, Of May, S.T.S., 56-57 : In May gois madynis till Lareit, And hes thair mynjonis on the streit To horss thame quhair the gait is ruch. 2701-2705. These five lines reappear in both texts of Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis, lines 1160-1164 : Get vp, thow sleipis all too lang, O Lord, And mak sum ressonabill reformatioun On them that dois tramp doun thy gracious word, And hes ane deidlie indignatioun At them quha maks maist trew narratioun. The last line breaks off short, the meaning of " trew narratioun ” being left to the understanding of the audience. The prayer is spoken by 350 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Verity, who has been arrested immediately following her arrival by Spirituality, Flattery Friar fuming with rage because she bears in her hand a copy of the New Testament in English. After her arrest she is put in the stocks, where she is joined a little later by Chastity. There are many references in mediaval literature to the possibility that God had fallen asleep. The evil in the world was so great that men could find no other explanation. Their pessimism found a parallel in Elijah’s jeers to the prophets of Baal, i Kings xviii. 27, " And it came to pass at noon, that Elijah mocked them, and said. Cry aloud : for he is a god ; either he is talking, or he is pursuing, or he is in a journey, or per- adventure he sleepeth, and must be awaked.” Their God seemed as unresponsive to the cries of the people as Baal. Hence the possibility of such a casual reference to the sleeping God found in Henryson’s fable of The Taill of the Foxe, that hegylit the Wolf, in the schadow of the Mone [Henryson, Poems and Fables, ed. Wood ; Fables, lines 2329- 2332] : " I am ane Juge ” (quod Lowrence than), and leuch ; " Thair is na Buddis suld heir me by the rycht ; I may tak hennis and Caponis weill aneuch. For God is gane to sleip . . .” 2708. Supporte our Faith, our Hope, and Charytie. Cf. 1 Corinthians xiii. 13, “ Nunc autem manent, fides, spes, caritas, tria haec ; major autem horum est caritas.” Lindsay has this in mind. Lindsay’s crest, as depicted in his Heraldic Manuscript, 1542, bears above it the words, “ Caritas, Caritas, Caritas.”

Quhov Kyng Nynus Beildit the gret Citie of Nyniue, And quhow HE UlNCUSTE ZOROASTES, THE KING OFF BaCTRIA. Lindsay now returns to his history of the world. Seissel, till now his principal authority, however, deserts the story of the later Assyrians. In turn Lindsay deserts Seissel for Diodorus Siculus. My quotations are made, as before, from the Paris, 1531, edition of Poggio’s Diodorus, and from Booth's English translation, published in 1700. Lindsay, however, borrows details from Justin the Historian’s condensed version of the history of Trogus Pompeius, and, where a definite chronological note seemed desirable, from a late edition of Eusebius’s Chronicon [see note to lines 1962-1968, and 3374-3381]-

2709-2736. After the conquests made by Ninus of the surrounding countries [see note to lines 2075-2080], Ninus marched back to Syria to build a great capital. Diodorus, f. 58, “ Deducto in Syriam exercitu, vrbi condendae locum elegit. Verum cum superiores omneis gloria et rebus gestis superasset, vrbem quoque ingentem condere statuit, cui par magnitudine neque fuisset antea, neque esset futura. Arabum regem donis spolijsque cumulatum magnifice cum exercitu domum remisit. Ipse coactis vndique viribus, et his quae ad tantum opus spectarent paratis, supra Euphratem vrbem condidit, non aequa laterum dimensione, nam duae muri partes longiores erant reliquis. Horum latus quodlibet longitudine NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 351 est stadiorum centum quinquaginta, breuiores vero stadijs nonaginta. Qua muri dimensione ambitus stadia complectitur quadringenta octoginta est. Et sane spe sua nequaquam frustratus est. Nulla enim postmodum vrbs tanto ambitu tantave mcenium magnificentxa con- structa est. Altitude murorum, pedum est centum, latitude, qua tres currus simul perambularent. Turres mille et quingentse: quarum altitude pedum est ducentorum. Habitare earn coegit maiori ex parte Assyrios, et quidem potentiores. Ex reliquis nationibus voluntaries assumpsit, a nomine sue vrbem Ninam appellans. Agros propinquos habitatoribus diuisit.” Booth, p. 54, “ Having marcht back with his Army into Syria, he markt out a Place for the building of a stately City : For in as much as he had surpast all his Ancestors in the glory and success of his Arms, he was resolv’d to build one of that state and grandeur, as should not only be the greatest then in the World, but such as none that ever should come after him should be able easily to exceed. The King of A rabia he sent back with his Army into his own Country, with many rich Spoils, and noble Gifts. And he himself having got a great number of his Forces together, and provided Mony and Treasure, and other things necessary for the purpose, built a City near the River Euphrates, very famous for its Walls and Fortifications ; of a long Form ; for on both sides it ran out in length above an Hundred and Fifty Fur- longs ; but the Two lesser Angles were only Ninety Furlongs apiece ; so that the Circumference of the whole was Four Hundred and Four- score Furlongs. And the Founder was not herein deceived, for none ever after built the like, either as to the largeness of its Circumference, or the stateliness of its Walls. For the Wall was an Hundred Foot in Height, and so broad as Three Chariots might be driven together upon it in breast: There were Fifteen Hundred Turrets upon the Walls, each of them Two Hundred Foot High. He appointed the City to be inhabited chiefly by the richest A ssyrians, and gave liberty to People of any other Nation, (to as many as would) to dwell there, and allow’d to the Citizens a large Territory next adjoining to them, and call’d the City after his own Name Minus.'’ The attempt of the ancient historians, Diodorus, and probably Ctesias and his Persians before him, was to create an eponymous builder of the great city. The most ancient city of Assyria was Asshur, and the building of Nineveh, and other cities, seems to have become necessary through a northward movement of the Assyrian peoples, who were Semites like the Hebrews. They originally possessed a monotheistic faith, but added the Babylonian pantheon, their supreme god remaining Asshur. Nineveh was beautified by Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and Asshur- banipal [see G. Rawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies, ii. 460 ; Z. A. Ragozin, Assyria, 325-330]. It was about 250 miles north-west of Babylon, the ruins now being called Kouyunjik. Asshur lay about 60 miles to the south of Nineveh. In 1300 B.c. Shalmaneser I. transferred the capital from Asshur to Kalah (also mentioned in Genesis x. n as having been built by Asshur), but Nineveh did not become a royal residence until about 1100 b.c., and did not become the permanent capital until the time of Sennacherib, 705-681 b.c. The first known patesis, or priest-king of Assyria, was Ishmi-dagan, followed by his 352 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY son, Shamash-raman, about 1800 b.c. The first great wars in which Assyria was involved were with the Egyptians. About 1600 B.c. was fought the battle of Megiddo, in which the Egyptians, under Dhutmes III., who actually overran the Euphrates valley fourteen times in seventeen years, were victorious, and in about 1380 B.c. was fought the battle of Kadesh, in which the Egyptian king, Ramses II., gained a doubtful victory. Shortly before 1300 B.c. Shalmaneser I. founded Kalah as a new capital. The earliest known political act of Assyria was a boundary treaty with Babylon, signed about the year 1450 b.c. The treaty was renewed about 1400 b.c., and the friendship between the two countries was affirmed by the marriage of the Babylonian king, Burna-buryash, to the daughter of the King of Assyria. Their son was slain in a revolt of the Babylonians, and the then King of Assyria, Asshur-Uballit, avenged his death by a punitive expedition. A hundred years later Babylon was conquered by the Assyrian king, Tukulti-Nineb I., son of Shalmaneser I. A curious story was preserved by Sennacherib. Tukulti- Nineb I. had a ring made to celebrate his victory, which he lost in Babylon. The first conquest of Babylon was but temporary, and six hundred years later the ring was recovered from the royal treasury of Babylon by Sennacherib, who recorded its recovery in his annals. The first conquest of Babylon took place about the time of the exodus of the Jews out of Egypt. Bactria : Buktpiav^i, Bokhara, later a province of the Persian Empire, separated from Sogdiana on the north-west by the River Oxus, 37 N. 6 S.E.

2715. Gene. x. Genesis x. 11 ascribes the building of Nineveh, and other Assyrian cities, to Asshur. " Out of that land [Shinar] went forth Asshur, and builded Nineveh." Asshur is clearly an eponymous ancestor of the Assyrian nation.

2725. Ane hundredth and fyftie stagys. Diodorus, " stadiorum centum quinquaginta.” See note to lines 2834, 2857-2858. Lindsay only records the length of the city.

2737-2742. Jona. tii. Jonah iii. 1-3. " 1. And the word of the Lord came unto Jonah the second time, saying, 2. Arise, go unto Nineveh, that great city, and preach unto it the preaching that I bid thee. 3. So Jonah arose, and went unto Nineveh, according to the word of the Lord. Now Nineveh was an exceeding great city of three days’ journey." Jonah iv. n records that Nineveh housed " sixscore thousand persons that cannot discern between their right hand and their left hand ; and also much cattle."

2747-2784. Diodorus gives an account of the conquest of Bactria, which is much too long to quote in full. I give a summary, noting only those points which have reference to Lindsay. 2747-2754. Diodorus, f. 58b, “ Condita vrbe arma in Bactrianos ver- tens.” Diodorus then gives a long account of the origin of Semiramis, NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 353 and of her marriage to Ninus, which Lindsay mentions in lines 2785- 2786. f. 59“, " Ninus ciuitate a se condita adiecit animum ad Bac- trianos, patriam montosam, accessuque difiicilem, et hominum numero ac viribus validam. Cum autem priori expeditione nil pro- fecisset, maioribus opus esse ratus copijs, coacto ex singulis gentibus electo ingenti exercitu aduersus eos profectus est.” Booth, p. 55, " About this time Ninus having finish’d his City (call’d after his own Name), prepar’d for his Expedition against the Bactrians ; and having had experience of the greatness of their Forces, the valour of their Souldiers, and the difficulties of passing into their Country, he rais’d an Army of the choicest Men he could pick out from all Parts of his Dominions ; for because he was baffl’d in his former Expedition, he was resolv’d to invade Bactria with a far stronger Army than he did before.”

2755-2757. Diodorus, f. 59®, “ Tradit Ctesias scriptor pedites ad decies septies centena milia fuisse, equitum milia ducenta, currus vero fal- catos paulo minus decern milibus et sexcentis : qui militum numerus incredibilis nunc forsan sit audientibus : sed haudquaquam impos- sibile videbitur, Asiae magnitudinem, multitudinemque in ea nationum animo aduertenti.” Booth, 56, " Bringing therefore his whole Army together at a General Randezvouz, there were numbred (as Ctesias writes) Seventeen Hundred Thousand Foot, above Two Hundred and Ten Thousand Horse, and no fewer than Ten Thousand and Six Hundred Hooked Chariots. This number at the first view seems to be very incredible ; but to such as seriously consider the largeness and populousness of Asia, it cannot be judg’d impossible.” 2761-2766. It was a purely mediaeval error to confuse Zoroastres, the founder of Zoroastrianism, with a magician of the same name, and then to identify these with the Zoroastres whom Diodorus says was the Bactrian king whom Ninus vanquished. The chief mediaeval authority for the false identification was Paulus Orosius, I. 4. 3, " [Ninus] . . . nouissime Zoroastrem Bactrianorum regem eundemque magicae ut ferunt artis repertorem pugna oppressum interfecit.” From Orosius the error crept into many works. Lindsay may have acquired it from Justin the Historian, whose Historici clarissimi epitome in Trogi Pompeii Historias he seems to have consulted. Justin says, I. vii., “ Postremum bellum illi (Ninus) cum Zoroastre rege Bactrianorum fuit, qui primus dicitur artes magicas invenisse.” In later MSS. and printed texts of Diodorus the name Zoroastres is replaced by that of Oxyartes. Diodorus does not attribute magic arts to Zoroastres. Lindsay adopted the later tradition, by which Zoroastres, or Zoroaster, as the Greeks and Romans called him, the Zarathustra of the Zendavesta, or sacred books of the ancient Persians, and the Zerdusht of the modern Persians, is supposed to have constituted an order out of the Magi, or priests of the Medes and Persians, and to have restored the true knowledge of Ormuzd. It is probable that the Magi were descended from the priestly classes of Chaldaea and Babylonia.

2767-2772. Diodorus, f. 59b, " Bactrianorum rex erat Zoroastes, qui comparato hominum quadringentorum milium valido exercitu, Nino 354 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY in finibus occurrit.” Booth, 56, “ Oxyartes [Zoroaster] reign’d there at this time, who caus’d all that were able, to bear Arms, and muster’d an Army of Four Hundred Thousand Men.” 2773-2776. Diodorus, f. 59b, [Zoroastres] permissaque de industria parte hostium prouinciam ingredi, pugna inita hostes in fugam versos superat, persequitur csedendo vsque ad montes proximos, ad centum milia hostium caesis : deinde auxilium ferente suis Nino, superati a multitudine Assyriorum Bactriani, dispersi suae quisque vrbi subsidio abijt.” Booth, 56, “ When he [Zoroastres] saw a competent number enter’d, he fell upon them in the open Plain, and fought with that resolution that the Bactrians put the Assyrians to flight, and pursuing them to the next Mountains, kill’d a Hundred Thousand of their Enemies ; but after the whole Army enter’d, the Bactrians were overpower’d by number, and were broken, and all fled to their several Cities, in order to defend every one his own Country.” 2777-2778. This appears to be Lindsay’s own invention.

2779-2784. Lindsay here glosses over a considerable portion of Diodorus, who goes on to say that all the cities of Bactria but the capital were easily subdued by Ninus, but the capital, also called Bactria, held out against a siege for so long a time that Menon, the husband of Semiramis, being love-sick, sent for her. She designed a male garment in which to travel and fight, one later adopted by the Medes and Persians, and on arriving at the siege enlisted the aid of a number of valiant men, whom she led up the steep rocks at one side of the city, which she had noticed was only lightly guarded. Having seized the castle she signalled to Ninus to attack on the plain, and the city fell. [For further note on her male attire, see note to lines 2863-2882.] 2785-2788. Ninus bountifully rewarded Semiramis, and soon fell in love with her, because of her great beauty, and tried to persuade Menon, her husband, to part with her, offering his daughter, Sosana, in exchange. Menon, too much in love with his wife to part with her, and too afraid of Ninus to refuse the exchange, forthwith hanged himself, and Ninus married Semiramis. 2789-2791. Diodorus, f. 6ob, " Thesauri omnes Bactrianorum magnum auri atque argenti pondus ad Ninum perueniunt.” Booth, 67, “ Ninas having now possess’d himself of all the Treasures of Bactria (where was abundance of Gold and Silver) and settl’d his Affairs throughout the whole Province of Bactria, return’d with his Army to his own Country.”

2792. Myne Authore. Not Seissel, but Diodorus Siculus. Cf. line 2845, “ myne Author, Diodore.” See, however, note to lines 3025-3028.

2795-2796. Lindsay’s interpolation, by way of commentary on the description of Ninus’s wars. Diodorus does not recount any further conquests. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 355

2797-2800. Not in Diodorus. Eusebius, Historica [Patrologia Graeca, XIX. 350], says that Ninus reigned fifty-two years, and that Abraham was born in the forty-third year of his reign. St Jerome’s Interpretatio Chronicae Eusebii Patnphill, Patrologia Latina, XXVII. no-in, also states that Ninus reigned fifty-two years. “ Hujus Nini XLIII anno imperii sui natus est Abraham.” In the forty-third year of his reign Ninus built Nineveh, and in the forty-eighth defeated Zoroaster. 2801-2802. Diodorus and Justin do not say how Ninus died. Orosius, I. 4. 3, says that he was killed by an arrow.

2803-2806. See note to lines 2863-2882.

2807-2808. Lindsay recounts this at length in lines 2811-2838.

Sum of the wounderfull dedis of the lustie quene Semeramis. 2811-2838. At the close of his long account of the reign of Semiramis Diodorus says, f. by*5, “ Athenienses, nonnullique alij scriptores asserunt Semiramidem, cum pulchra decoraque forma esset, a rege Assyriorum prseter modum dilectam : cuius modestia fuerit admodum laudata. Cum eius vitae integritas vulgata admodum foret, persuasisse viro tradunt, vt quinque dies se solam regnare pateretur. Quo impetrato, sceptro regni stolaque regia sumptis, prima die splendidum conuiuium fecisse, inque eo omnes duces principesque adegisse vt sibi veluti reginae parerent. Secunda die, cum populares nobilioresque se tanquam reginam colerent, viro in carcerem truso, magnoque animo cum cepisset regnum, ad senium vsque, multis a se praeclare magnificeque gestis, tenuisse.” Booth, 64, “ Athenceus, and some other Writers, affirm that she was a most beautiful Strumpet, and upon that account the King of Assyria fell in Love with her, and at first was taken into his Favour, and at length becoming his lawful Wife she prevail’d with her Husband to grant her the sole and absolute Authority of the regal Government for the space of five days. Taking therefore upon her the Scepter and royal Mantle of the Kingdom, the first day she made a sumptuous Banquet and magnificent Entertainments, to which she invited the Generals of the Army and all the Nobility, in order to be observant to all her Commands. The next day having both great and small at her beck, she committed her Husband to the Goal [sic] : And in Regard she was of a bold and daring Spirit, apt and ready to undertake any great Matters, she easily gain’d the Kingdom, which she held to the time of her old Age, and became famous for her many great and wonderful Acts : And these are the Things which Historians variously relate concerning her.” I do not trace in Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, any such reference to, or account of, Semiramis.

2816. Proude and presumptuous. A memory of the description of Nimrod in Seissel. 35& THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

2837-2850. These lines are, of course, interpolation by Lindsay himself, a sermon of the text, “ Death ends all.”

2837. Quhow enir, it wes in tyll his flowris Cf. Satyre 38, “ Thocht he ane quhyll, into his flouris.” Chalmers, III. 28, " In the flower of his age.”

2838. He did of deith suffer the schowris. Cf. The Dreme, 1123, " Bot all mon thole of deith the bitter schouris ” [see suggested emendation in notes],

2839. For A ny read A nd.

2839. And mycht nocht tenth his lyfe one houre. Cf. The Deploratioun, 18, “ And wald nocht giue hir respite for ane hour."

2845. Diodorus does not say " mekle more ” about Ninus.

2849-2850. Lambeth MS. 332 omits this couplet.

Off kyng Nynus Sepulture. 2851-2862. In Diodorus the description of the funeral of Ninus follows immediately on the extract given for lines 2789-2791. Diodorus, f. 6ob, “ Genitoque [Ninus] ex Semiramide filio cui nomen Nini indidit, excessit e vita, imperio vxori relicto. Sepultus est in regia, sepulchre ingentis molis, altitudine nouem stadiorum, latitudine, vt ait Ctesias, decern, ei constructo. Cum ciuitas iuxta Euphratem sit in piano condita, conspicitur velut arx quasdam ea moles, licet multis stadijs distans : quam nunc etiam stare dicunt." Booth, 57, " Afterwards he had a Son by Semiramis, call’d Ninyas [see note to line 3209], and dy’d leaving his Wife Queen Regent. She bury'd her Husband Ninus in the Royal Palace, and rais’d over him a Mount of Earth of a wonderful bigness, being Nine Furlongs in height, and ten in breadth, as Ctesias says : So that the City standing in a Plain near to the River Euphrates, the Mount (many Furlongs off) looks like a stately Cittadel. And it’s said, that it continues to this day, though Nineve was destroy’d by the Medes when they ruin’d the Assyrian Empire." 2854. The quhilk had stagis ix. of hycht. 2857. For aucht Stagis one myle thow tak. Laing, III. 195, “ In these lines, and also 2905, 2908, 2958, Stage, Staigis, is the reading of the earlier editions—changed by Henry Char- teris and subsequent printers, including the edition of Chalmers, to staid, staidis. Staid is derived from the Lat. stadium, and Fr. stade, a furlong. Stage usually means the story or flat as well as the steps of a house. Both words are, however, nearly synonymous.” NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 357

Laing’s observation is correct. The change of stage to staid was not made in other places in the poem—for example, in line 2725. L. stadium, a Gk. measure of length of 625 feet (6o6f English feet), or slightly less than a furlong. Gk. n-rahiov, lit. “ that which stands fast,” hence, a fixed standard of length, a furlong, of 600 Greek feet. For the full table of measurements of length, see The Dreme, 644-649.

2863-2882. Lindsay has previously said, lines 2802-2805, that when Ninus died his heir was “ One lytill Babe of tender aige.” This was deduced by early historians, notably Justin, from Diodorus’s statement, quoted in the note to lines 2851-2862, that when Ninus died he left Semiramis Queen-Regent. But Diodorus is not responsible either for that deduction, or for the development of the legend in the hands of Justin the historian, from whom Lindsay has borrowed the material for this passage, and for lines 2803-2805. The quotations from Justin below are from the lustin Historici clarissimi epitome in Trogi Pompeii Historias, published at Paris by Jean Petit, 1519. The accompanying translations are by G. Turnbull [Justin, The History of the World. Trans. G. Turnbull. 2nd edn. London : 1746]. Justin, I. 1. 10, “ Hoc [Zoroaster] occiso et ipse [Ninus] decessit, relicto impubere adhuc filio Nino, ex vxore Semiramide. H^c nec immature puero ausa tradere imperium, nec ipsa imperium palam tractare, tot, ac tantis gentibus vix patienter vni viro, nedum foemine parituris, simulat se pro vxore Nini filium, pro foemina puerum. Nam et statura vtrique mediocris, et vox pariter gracilis, et signa form§, lineamentorum equalites matri, ac filio similis. Igitur brachia, ac crura velamentis, tiara caput tegit, et ne nouo habitu aliquid occultare vider- etur, eodem ornatu et populum vestiri iubet, quern morem vestis exinde gens vniuersa tenet. Sic primis initiis sexum mentita, puer credita est. Magnas deinde res gessit, quarum amplitudine vbi inuidiam superatam pubat, que sit fatetur, quemve simulasset. Nec hoc illi dignitatem regni ademit, sed admirationem auxit, que mulier non foeminas modo virtute, sed etiam viros anteiret.” Turnbull, 5, “ Having killed him [Zoroaster] he [Ninus] himself died soon after, leaving behind him his son Ninyas, in the state of childhood, and his wife Semiramis. She not daring to deliver up the empire to a stripling, nor yet openly to take it into her own management, since so many powerful nations could scarce be brought to obey one man, much less to submit to a woman, pretends instead of Ninus’s wife, to be his son, a boy instead of a woman; for both were of a mean stature, had a weak voice, and a great resemblance of features ; wherefore she covered her arms and legs with long cloaths, and her head with a turban ; and lest she should seem to hide something by this new dress, she orders all her subjects to wear the same habit, which fashion has prevailed through the whole nation ever since. Thus in the beginning of her reign dissembling her sex, she was believed to be a boy. After this, she perform’d many noble deeds, by the greatness of which, when she thought herself now raised above the reach of malice, she publickly declares who she was, and whom she had personated : neither did this confession take anything from the dignity of her government, but VOL. III. 2 A 358 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

rather increased the admiration of all, that a woman should not only surpass those of her sex, but even men, too, in heroism.” These, and similar, legends of Semiramis came into being through attempts to explain why she succeeded Ninus when his son should have reigned. According to St Jerome’s Interpretatio Chronicae Eusebii Pamphili, Ninus defeated Zoroaster in the forty-eighth year of his reign, married Semiramis within a year or two, and died in the fifty- second year of his reign. His son Ninus, or Ninyas, was therefore not over four years of age when his father died. But the historians had long since forgotten that Semiramis was really goddess of love and war, and her assumption of male garb was rather for purposes of war than disguise for the purpose of government. Her military costume had been created for the assault on Bactria before her marriage to Ninus [see note to lines 2779-2784]. 2883-2924. Lindsay now turns back to Diodorus for the description of the building of Babylon. Lindsay remembers, however, in lines 2887- 2891, that, according to Genesis, Nimrod had at least laid the foundations of Babylon, though neither Diodorus nor Justin knew this. Justin’s description of the building of Babylon by Semiramis is very brief: “ H^c Babyloniam condidit, murumque vrbis cocto latere circumdedit, harena, pice, bitumine interstrato, quae materia in illis locis passim e terra ex gstuat.” " She built Babylon, and surrounded it with a brick wall; a bituminous matter, which oozes out of the earth in those countries most abundantly, being laid between bricks instead of sand ” [Turnbull]. Diodorus gives a very long description, from which I quote only extracts. 2892-2898. Diodorus, f. bob, “ Semiramis . . . vrbem in Babylonia conditit, accersitis vndique opificibus atque architectis, casterisque quae ad tantam rem pertinebant paratis. Addidit ad id opus perficiundum ex omni regione hominum milia ter decies centena.” Booth, 57, " Semiramis . . . imploy’d all her Thoughts about the building of a City in the Province of Babylon ; and to this end having provided Architects, Artists, and all other Necessaries for the Work, She got together Two Millions of Men out of all Parts of the Empire to be imploy’d in the building of the City.” Lindsay states, 2896, “ Twelf hundreth thousand men.” I have not traced his authority. Macault’s French translation of Diodorus, Paris, 1541, p. 71 [for title see note to line 3029], says " trois millions d’hommes.” 2899-2902. Diodorus, f. 6o1), " Vrbs ab vtroque latere Euphratis, vt medius interfluat, aedificata.” Booth, 57, " It was so built as that the River Euphrates ran through the middle of it.” 2899. On euerylk syde : on each side. 2901-2906. Diodorus, after the above quotation, describes the extent of the city, which Lindsay defers to lines 2907-2913. After describing the town Diodorus describes the bridges over the river, which Lindsay describes first. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 359

Diodorus, f. 6ia, " pontem qua parte fluuius angustior fluebat, construxit stadiorum quinque longitudinis. [Details of construction follow.] Pontem, is triginta pedum latitudine erat. . . Booth, 57, “ she then made a Bridge over the narrowest part of the River, Five Furlongs in length. . . . This bridge . . . was Thirty Foot in breadth.” Lindsay errs in stating [2903] that Semiramis made " bryggis.”

2906. On euerylk bryg scho maid ane strenth. This statement is due to a mistranslation of something in Diodorus. The error may lie in the details of the device which Semiramis used to prevent the bridge being swept away by the force of the current. Diodorus, f. 6ia, “ Ante columnas [of the bridge], ad impetum aquas scindendum, cursumque fluuij reprimendum, firmos composuit angulos, quo ab omni aquae vndique circumfluentis vi tutae essent.” Booth, 57, “ And before the Pillars, she made and placed Defences, with sharp pointed Angles, to receive the Water before it beat upon the flat sides of the Pillars, which caus’d the Course of the Water to run round by degrees gently and moderately as far as to the broad sides of the Pillars, so that the sharp Points of the Angles cut the Stream, and gave a check to its violence, and the roundness of them by little and little giving way, abated the force of the Current.” Lindsay, however, may be using another authority, as there are further statements which do not agree with those of Diodorus.

2907-2910. Diodorus, f. 6ob, says, 360 stadia. “ Moenia ambitu stadia trecenta et sexaginta complectebantur.” F. 6ia, " Altitude incredibilis audientibus, vt Ctesias Cnidius ait: vt autem Clitarchus, et qui cum Alexandro in Asiam profecti sunt, scripsere, pedum trecentorum sexa- gintaquinque. Addiderunt etiam, quolibet anni die stadium muri absolutum, vt tot sit stadiorum circuitus, quot dies annum conficiunt.” Booth, 57, “ She compass’d it round with a Wall of Three Hundred and Sixty Furlongs in Circuit. . . . Their height was such as exceeded all Mens belief that heard of it (as Ctesias Cnidius relates). But Clitarchus, and those who afterwards went over with Alexander into Asia, have written that the Walls were in Circuit Three Hundred Sixty Five Fur- longs ; the Queen making them of that Compass, to the end that the Furlongs should be as many in number as the Days of the Year.” In line 2709 Lindsay’s " as I said affore ” refers his readers back to his earlier measurements of Babylon in lines 1741-1742. See note to these lines. By some means not known to me Lindsay gives the measurements of Babylon as given by Herodotus, I. 178 [Rawlinson’s translation], “ The city stands on a broad plain, and is an exact square, a hundred and twenty furlongs in length each way, so that the entire circuit is four hundred and eighty furlongs. While such is its size, in magnificence there is no other city that approaches to it. It is surrounded, in the first place, by a broad and deep moat, full of water, behind which rises a wall fifty royal cubits in width, and two hundred in height.” The royal cubit measured about 1 ft. 10.4 in. A cubit of 1 ft. 10 in. would give a height of 366J feet.

2911-2913. Diodorus, f. 6ob, " Erat tanta operis magnificentia, vt in muri latitudine sex equorum currus vna prodire possent." Booth, 57, 360 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

" Such was the state and grandeur of the Work, that the Walls were of that breadth, as that Six Chariots abreast might be driven together upon them.”

2925-2928. I do not know Lindsay’s authority for this somewhat surprising statement. Babylon and Nineveh were 300 miles apart, Babylon on the Euphrates, Nineveh on the Tigris, not both, as Lindsay thinks, on the Euphrates.

2929-2930. Cf. Genesis ii. 14, “ And the fourth river [of the earthly Paradise] is Euphrates.” Lindsay frequently refers to the four rivers.

2933-2935. The proude Quene Pantasilia, The Princes of Amasona. Penthesilea, daughter of Ares and Otrera, and queen of the Amazons. After the death of Hector she came to help the Trojans, but was herself slain by Achilles. Thersites ridiculed his grief, and was slain by Achilles, whereupon Diomedes, a relative of Thersites, threw the body of the queen into the Scamander, but, according to some, Achilles buried it on the banks of the Xanthus. Lindsay again refers to Penthesilea in lines 3251-3255.

2937-2938. The fair Madin of France, Banter of Inglis Ordinance. Joan of Arc. Chalmers, III. 32, " The maid of Orleans, the daunter of English- men.” Laing, III. 195, " The fair maiden of France, the daunter of Englishmen, was the celebrated Joan of Arc, who, instigated by supposed visions, assumed, at the age of 27, the character of one inspired to deliver her country from the usurpations of the English. This was in the year 1425, and having especially distinguished herself at the siege of Orleans—hence her name, the Maid of Orleans. Her final condemnation to the stake, having been burned alive in the market- place of Rouen, reflects undying disgrace on the English monarch and his saintly advisers.”

2941-2944. Inly us : Julius Caesar. He and the three others mentioned by Lindsay were the great warrior-heroes of the Middle Ages. Their lives were dealt with fully by Seissel.

2949-2954. Quhat scho did in Ethopia. After building, or perhaps rebuilding, Babylon, Semiramis, according to Diodorus, marched with a great army into Ethiopia, where she encamped near Mount Bagistan. There she made a garden twelve furlongs in circuit, with a great fountain which watered the whole garden. The mountain was sacred to Jupiter, and on one side had steep rocks seventeen furlongs high. She cut out a piece from the lower portion, and caused her own image to be carved on it, with a hundred of her guard standing near. Then she wrote in Syriac that she had ascended to the top of the mountain by laying the packs of her beasts one upon another. Mount Bagistan : " a tall, almost perpendicular, three-peaked rock- mountain, near a place anciently called Bagistana,” in the Zagros highlands, a seven-ridged chain of highlands, not in Ethiopia, but between NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 361

Assyria and Media [Ragozin, The Story of Assyria, 198]. Bagistana, now Bisutun, 34 N., 45.7 E. A road from Ecbatana leads W.S.W. across the range, and then divides, one part going N.W. to Arbela, the other going S.S.E. to Susa.

2S50. And in the lands of Medea. Having done this she marched into Media, where, at the town of Chaonum, she encamped on rising ground, from which she saw a great rock, on which she made another garden, with houses of pleasure. Here she gave herself up to sexual pleasures. She would not marry, lest she should be deposed, but made gallants of her chief commanders, but after she had lain with them she cut off their heads (see note to lines 2961-2976). She then marched to Mount Zarceius, in Ecbatana (see note to lines 2955-2956), where she made another garden. Then to Mount Orontes (see note to lines 2957-2960). Then she made a progress through Persia, levelling rocks and mountains, thence to Egypt, once again to Ethiopia, and then for her last great expedition to India (see notes to lines 2985- 3232). 2955-2956. Off larceius the heych Montanis Scho gart ry ue down and mak thame planis. Diodorus, f. 64*, " Iter deinde per Ecbatanos flexit ad larcieum montem. Ad hunc multis stadijs per plura praecipitia ac conualles erat aditus. Cupiens ergo turn immortale sui monumentum relinquere, turn breuiorem facere viam, abscissis amfractibus, locisque concauis ad planum de- ductis, magno sumptu iter breuius reddidit, quod vsque ad hoc tempus Semiramis appellantur.” Booth, 60, “ From hence she march’d towards Ecbatana, and arriv’d at the Mountain Zarcheum, which being many Furlongs in Extent, and full of steep Precipices and craggy Rocks, there was no passing but by long and tedious Windings and Turnings. To leave therefore behind her an Eternal Monument of her Name, and to make a short Cut for her Passage, she caus’d the Rocks to be hew’d down, and the Valleys to be fill’d up with Earth, and so in a short time at a vast Expence laid the Way open and plain, which to this day is call’d Semiramis’s way.” Ecbatana : 'EK&drava, Hamadan, a large city in the north of Media, at the foot of Mount Orontes, the capital of Media, and later the summer residence of the Persian and Parthian kings. According to some, Semiramis was its founder. 34.8 N., 48.5 E. larceius . . . Montanis : probably the same as the Zagros mountains in what is now Kurdistan. 35.30 N., 46 E.

2957-2960. Gret Orontes, that Montane wycht . . . Diodorus, f. 64®, “ Ad Ecbatanam inde campestrem vrbem accedens, magno sumptu regiam aedificauit. Verum cum aqua ciuitas, nullis propinquis fontibus, careret, aquaeductum in earn vrbem admodum necessarium magna impensa laboreque perduxit. Est mons vrbi propinquus stadijs duodecim, nomine Orontes, asper, et accessu difficilis : vt cuius recto itinere ascensus vsque ad summitatem stadiorum sit vigintiquinque. Ex altera mentis parte lacus magnus fluuium efficit: quem ilia effosso 362 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY ab radice monte in vrbem induxit. Erat fossae latitude pedum quindecim, altitude quadragintaquinque." Booth, 60, “ When she came to Ecbatana, which is situated in a low and even Plain, she built there a stately Palace, and bestow’d more of her Care and Pains here than she had done at any other Place. For the City wanting Water (there being no Spring near) she plentifully supply’d it with good and wholesom W’ater, brought thither with a great deal of Toyl and Expence, after this manner : There’s a Mountain call’d Orontes, twelve Furlongs distant from the City, exceeding high and steep for the Space of five and twenty Furlongs up to the Top ; on the other side of this Mount there’s a great Mear which empties it self into the River. At the Foot of this Mountain she dug a Canal fifteen Foot in Breadth and forty in Depth, through which she convey’d Water in great Abundance into the City.”

2957. Orontes : Mount Orontes, 34.8 N., 48.5 E. A short distance away was Ecbatana, the capital of Media.

2961-2976. Diodorus, f. 64*, "Mediae Chaonam accessisset . . . vbi sumptuosa voluptatis deliciarumque causa aedificia, ex quibus et ortum et omnem exercitum (is in campis erat) spectare posset, erexit. Hoc in loco diutius commorata est, quieti deliciisque dedita. Nam alium virum capere noluit, verita ne imperio priuaretur. Sed eos ex militibus eligebat, appetebatque, qui in castris erant forma et decore prsestantes. Quod omnes postea priuabat vita.” Booth, 60, " She came to Chaone, a City of Media . . . where she made another very great Garden in the very Middle of the Rock, and built upon it stately Houses of Pleasure, whence she might both have a delightful Prospect into the Garden, and view the Army as they lay incamp’d below in the Plain ; being much delighted with this Place she stay’d here a considerable Time, giving up her self to all kinds of Pleasures and Delights, for she forebore marrying lest she should then be depos’d from the Government, and in the mean time she made Choice of the handsomest Commanders to be her Gallants ; but after they had layn with her she cut off their Heads.” It has already been explained that the Assyrian name of Semiramis, Shammuramat, means “ dove,” and that she was undoubtedly the goddess Ishtar in her double capacity of Goddess of Love and Goddess of War—Ishtar of Arbela and Ishtar of Nineveh. See note on Diodorus and the history of Assyria, note to lines 1962-1968. Chaone : now Kangawur, 34.34 N., 48.0 E., about thirty Roman miles S.W. of Ecbatana. Semiramis also gave her name to the Semiramidis Fossa, which extends from 35.6 N., 39.95 E., at a point on the Euphrates near Zenobia and Basilia, to 35.3 N., 40.6 E., at a point on the Araxes, a tributary of the Euphrates. In the south of Carmania, facing the entrance to the Persian Gulf, was also a Mons Semiramidis, now Mt. Shemil, 27.30 N., 57-0 E. 2976. Rycht creuelly. This has rather the force of "without mercy,” “ without hesitation,” rather than " with all cruelty." NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 363

2977-2984. None of these stories are in Diodorus. The story is taken from Justin, who, after stating that Semiramis and Alexander were the only two ancients ever to enter India, remarks, “ ad postremum, quum concubitum filij petisset ab eodem interfectus est.” " At last, conceiving a criminal passion for her son, she was killed by him.” Lindsay, however, does not conclude the story here. He reserves it for lines 3213-3216 : Seand his Mother vitious. And, with that, so ambitious. As myne Author doith specifye. He slew his Mother creuellye. Lindsay adds that he cannot find a definite reason why Ninyas, or Ninus, slew his mother. Some say to recover his freedom ; some for her adulterousness; Lindsay thinks it was " punissioun deuyne.” Diodorus says that after her return from India she was assaulted by a eunuch, through the treacherous contrivance of her son. This assault recalled to her mind the answer which the oracle at the temple of Jupiter Ammon in Lybia had given her, when she inquired of it how long she should live. The oracle had replied, " That she should leave this world, and afterwards be for ever honoured by some nations in Asia, when Ninyas her son should plot against her.” She therefore did not punish her son, but, surrendering the crown to him, disappeared, as if translated by the gods. Some say she was metamorphosed into a dove, and flew away from the palace with a flock which alighted there. Hence it was that the Assyrians worshipped doves, believing that IV. 44-48 mentions her metamorphosis. Cf. Complaynt of Scotland, E.E.T.S., p. 80.

Quhov the Quene Semeramis, with one gret Armie, Past to Ynde, And Faucht with the Kyng Stawrobates. And of hir Miser- RABYLL END. The main outlines are taken from Diodorus, who tells the history of the expedition to India at great length. I quote only the relevant portions.

2985-3021. Diodorus, f. 65a, " Constitutis ^Ethiopia Aigyptique rebus, Semiramis ad Bactrianos Asiae cum exercitu descendit, maximas habens copias. Cum diutius pacem egisset, honoris cupida excogitauit aliquod memoria dignum bellum gerere. Audiens igitur Indorum gentem maxi- mam inter caeteras orbis, regionem vero pulchram fertilemque esse, arma in Indiam vertit. Imperabat India ea tempestate rex Staurobates, maximo fultus exercitu, elephantisque plurimis bello aptis. Est India prae caeteris pulchritudine excellens, ac multis quae illam rigent flumin- ibus distincta, bisque fructus annuatim ferens. Adeo autem omnibus exuberat ad victum necessarijs, vt affatim vbilibet fructus praebeat. Dicitur nunquam in ea sterilitatem esse, aut fructuum vastitatem. Est et incredibilis elephantorum numerus, qui virtute et robore corporis multo Libycis praestant. Similiter auri, argenti, ferri, aeris, lapidum 364 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

praeterea pretiosorum, cseterarumque rerum quae ad delicias atque opes spectant, summa copia : quae singula nota Semiramidi, ad bellum Indicum eius animum impulere. Videns autem quantum bellum sus- ceptum esset, magnisque sibi viribus opus esse, omnibus prouinciarum praefectis mandauit, vt pro magnitudine prouinciarum iuniores aptos bello conscriberent, vtque nouas armaturas pararent. Reliquis quoque edixit vt post triennium in Bactris parati instructique adessent.” Booth, 61, " Semiramis having settl’d her Affairs in Egypt and Ethiopia, return’d with her Army into Asia to Bactria : And now having a great Army, and enjoying a long Peace, she had a longing Desire to perform some notable Exploit by her Arms. Hearing therefore that the Indians were the greatest Nation in the whole World, and had the largest and richest Tract of Land of all others, she resolv’d to make War upon them. Stabrohates was at that time King, who had innumerable Forces, and many Elephants bravely accoutred and fitted to strike Terror into the Hearts of his Enemies. For India for the Pleasantness of the Country excell’d all others, being water’d in every Place with many Rivers, so that the Land yielded every year a double Crop ; and by that Means was so rich and so abounded with Plenty of all things necessary for the Sustenance of Man’s Life, that it supply’d the In- habitants continually with such things as made them excessively rich, insomuch as it was never known that there was ever any Famine amongst them, the Climate being so happy and favourable ; and upon that account likewise there’s an incredible Number of Elephants, which for Courage and Strength of Body far excel those in Africa. Moreover this Country abounds in Gold, Silver, Brass, Iron and pretious Stones of all sorts, both for Profit and Pleasure. All which being nois’d abroad, so stirr’d up the Spirit of Semiramis, that (tho’ she had no Provocation given her) yet she was resolv’d upon the War against the Indians. But knowing that she had need of great Forces, she sent Dispatches to all the Provinces, with Command to the Governors to list the choicest young Men they could find, ordering the Proportion of Souldiers every Province and Country should send forth according to the Largeness of it; and commanded that all should furnish themselves with new Arms and Armour, and all appear in three years time at a general Randezvouz in Bactria bravely arm’d and accoutred in all Points.” For the explanation of the forms Staurobates and Stabrobates in the above extracts, see note to line 3069.

3002-3008. Lindsay’s list of countries is his own invention, and thus errs in including Greece among the countries subject to Semiramis. Diodorus gives a list of the countries conquered by Ninus. This includes most of those named by Lindsay, and others.

3025-3028. Diodorus says nothing of the sort. Here, therefore, is one of the two principal places in this section of the poem (line 3215 is the other) where one has strong suspicions that Lindsay is not using Diodorus and Justin himself, but an almost contemporary work in which the combination of the works of these two writers had already taken place. That contemporary work is not the Chronica Carionis, which devotes one short paragraph to Semiramis. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 365

3029-3046. Diodorus, f. 66a, “ Fuit peditum numerus, vt Ctesias tradit, ter decies centena milium, equitum milia quingenta, currus ad milia centum. Erant totidem numero homines supra camelos cum gladijs cubitorum quatuor. Naues diuisas ad duo milia : quas vna et elephantorum simulacra cameli deferebant.” Booth, 62, “ Her Army consisted (as Ctesias says) of three Millions of Foot, two hundred Thousand Horse, and a hundred Thousand Chariots, and a hundred Thousand Men mounted upon Camels with Swords four Cubits long. The Boats that might be taken asunder were two Thousand ; which the Camels carry’d by Land as they did the Mock-Elephants, as we have before declar’d.” For the mock-elephants, see note to lines 3119-3128. The reason why Semiramis took boats to India is explained in the note to line 3039.

3029. Cthesias. 1554 Ethesias. Laing, with the reading Ethesias, notes. III. 196, “ Such is the reading in all the editions of Lyndsay. Not finding the name of Ethesias in any work among the writers of antiquity, it occurred to me whether by mistaking the letter C for E the reference might not have been to the Greek historian Ctesias. Upon examination this conjecture proved to be well founded. . . . The first five books of ‘ the famous Diodore ’ were translated into Latin by the eminent scholar Poggio Bracciolini, who died in 1459. His translation was first printed in 1472, again in 1476, as well as at Basel in 1530 [1531]. It was from these extracts given by Diodorus, as they appear in Poggio’s translation, that the Scottish poet had any knowledge of this ancient writer, and here he found the name Ethesias. One or two extracts will sufficiently prove this. In mentioning the incredible number of men collected by Semiramis ... we read :— [i] . . . Fuit millitum numerus, ut Ethesias tradit . . . (Venetiis, 1476, folio, sign. e. iiij.) .... [ii] . . . Quemadmodum scribit Erodotus : quod Gnidius Ethesias improbat. [iii] . . . Vixit annos quemadmodum Ethesias Gnidius scripsit duos et sexaginta . . . It would be superfluous to quote other passages in which the name of Ethesias, in place of Ctesias, occurs as Lyndsay’s authority.” Some corrections to Laing’s note are necessary. Ethesias is not the reading in all the editions of Lindsay. The reading down to 1634 is Ethesias; ideH-iTTC* Ephesias ; 1754-1776 Ctesias : 1554 l5b Ethesias 1648 F411 Ephesias 1575 F5b Ethesius 1670 D3b Ephesias 1592 Gqh Ethesias 1712 E7b Ephesias 1614 H6a Ethesias 1714 E411 Ephesias 1634 G3a Ethesias 1720 D2a Ephesias 1754 D6b Ctesias 1776 Gib Ctesias Moreover, the editions of Poggio’s Diodorus down to 1515 alone contain the error Ethesias for Ctesias. I record the reading of the 366 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

three quotations from Diodorus given by Laing, reproduced above, for four editions : (i) 1476 e4b ethesias 1515 f. 4oa ethesias Basle 1531 S4b Ctesias Paris 1531 f. 66a Ctesias (ii) 1476 e4a ethesias I5I5 f- 39b ethesias Basle 1531 84® Ctesias Paris 1531 f. 65® Ctesias (iii) 1476 e5b ethesias 1515 f. 4ia ethesias Basle 1531 S4b Ctesias Paris 1531 f. 67b Ctesias The above inquiry is by no means as idle as might appear at first sight, for from it we can deduce some facts regarding Lindsay’s reading. If he used a Latin Diodorus he could not have used an edition later than 1515. He may, of course, have acquired one of the early editions fairly late in life. Otherwise it would look as though his early studies had been of a high order, suggesting a University education. On the other hand, he may have used a French or English history of the ancient world, based on Diodorus and Justin, in which the incorrect spelling appeared. Moreover, Macault’s French translation, Les Trois premiers Livres de I’histoire de Diodore Sicilien, historiographe Grec. Translatez de Latin en Francoys par maistre Anthoine Macault, notaire, secretaire et vallet de chambre du roy Francoys premier de ce nom. Paris : 1541, has the reading Ctesias, so that Lindsay could not have used this French translation of the early books of Diodorus, the only one available in print. For note on Ctesias, and on Diodorus’s indebtedness to his work, see note to lines 1962-1968.

3047-3068. Lindsay borrows, alters to biblical examples, and applies to Semiramis a caution which Diodorus had given to his readers not to be surprised at the size of the armies of Ninus. [Summary] Ninus’s army consisted of one million, seven hundred thousand foot, two hundred and ten thousand horse, and ten thousand hooked chariots. This number, says Diodorus, seems incredible, but those who reflect on the enormous extent and populousness of Asia will not be surprised. Darius had eight hundred thousand men in his war with the Bactrians ; Xerxes brought a huge army into Greece ; Dionysius led an army of one hundred and twenty thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse, out of Syracuse, and launched a navy of four hundred sail out of one port; the Romans, shortly before the time of Hannibal, had an army of a little less than a million fighting men, yet Italy, for numbers, is not to be compared with Asia. Moreover, the past populousness of Asia must not be computed by the present depopulation of its cities. 3055-3060. Cf. 2 Samuel xxiv. 9, [David had ordered Joab, the captain of the host, to number Israel], “And Joab gave up the sum of the NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 367 number of the people unto the king: and there were in Israel eight hundred thousand valiant men that drew the sword ; and the men of Judah were five hundred thousand men.” The total gives Lindsay’s figure of thirteen hundred thousand men. Chalmers, III. 37, "The ed. 1597 has interpolated 'threttie’ for ' threttene.' ” Laing, III. 198, " A mere typographical mistake like this cannot well be called an interpolation.” A correction must have later been made, for 1776 reads thirteen.

3069-3088. Diodorus, f. 66a, " Omnibus quae belli vsusposcit,praeparatis, [Stabrobates] nuncios ad Semiramidem iam appropinquantem mittens reprehendit eius ambitionem, quod mulla iniuria lacessita bellum sibi inferret. Multisque verbis earn per literas incusans, deosque inuocans testes minatus est, si acie victa esset, se illam cruci affixurum. Lecta epistola ridens Semiramis, Non verbis, sed virtute certandum esse respondit.” Booth, 62, " Having therefore made all these Preparations, he [Stab- robates] sent Embassadors to Semiramis (as she was on her March towards him) to complain and upbraid her for beginning a War without any provocation or Injury offer’d her ; and by his private Letters taxed her with her whorish Course of Life, and vow’d (calling the Gods to witness) that if he conquer'd her he would nail her to the Cross. When she read the Letters, she smil’d, and said, the Indian should presently have a Trial of her Valour by her Actions.”

3069. Stawrobates : Stabrobates. Laing, III. 198, " In the original, Diodorus calls him Stabrobates—Sra/Spo/SaTes; Lyndsay, from his mode of writing the name, undoubtedly followed the Latin version of Poggio. Wesseling, the editor of Diodorus [1746, 1793] and of Herodotus, says, that this Indian expedition of Semiramis and other matters related to her, were reckoned doubtful, even by the ancients.”

3089-3106, 3115-3118. Diodorus, f. 66b, " Deinde ad Indum perueniens, inuenta regis classe ad certamen parata, et ipsa suas naues electis militibus instruxit. Ibi durum certamen commissum est, ac diutius magnis vtrinque viribus pugnatum. Tandem superata Indorum classe, qua in pugna ad mille naues submersae sunt, multique mortales capti, pontem, quo facilior esset transitus, supra flumen construxit: prae- sidioque ab vtroque latere imposito, omneis copias traduxit, insulas quoque ac vrbes in flumine sitas cepit, ad centum milia hominum in seruitutem redactis.” Booth, 62, " When she came up with her Army to the River Indus she found the Enemies Fleet drawn up in a Line of Battle ; whereupon she forthwith drew up her own, and having n^ann’d it with the stoutest Souldiers, joyn’d Battle, yet so ordering the Matter as to have her Land-forces ready upon the Shear to be assisting as there should be Occasion. After a long and sharp Fight with Marks of Valour on both Sides, Semiramis was at length victorious, and sunk a Thousand of the Enemies Vessels, and took a great number of Prisoners. Puffed up with this Success she took in all the Cities and Islands that lay in the River, and carry'd away a hundred Thousand Captives.” 368 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

3093. His land. Chalmers, III. 38, " The ed. 1597 has interpolated ‘ lyfe ’ for ' land.’ ” 1776 reads life.

3107-3114. Diodorus, f. 66b, “ Classe amissa Indorum rex simulans suas copias procul a fiumine retro abduxit, vt hostes id formidine factum rati, fluuium transirent.” Booth, 62, " After this the Indian King drew off his Army (as if he fled for Fear) but in Truth to decoy his Enemies to pass the River.” Lindsay decorates the story by making Stabrobates retire to his capital to raise a new army.

3115-3118. See note to lines 3089-3106. In line 3118 Lindsay says that Semi-ramis took ten thousand prisoners. Diodorus says a hundred thousand.

3119-3128. Lindsay transfers this from the description of Semiramis’s preparations for the war. She gave her men three years in which to appear at her capital. The first two she spent in making boats to cross the Indus, because she knew India was bare of trees, and in making mock-elephants out of the skins of three hundred thousand black oxen, which she had stitched together in the shape of Indian elephants, of which she knew Stabrobates had a great number. These mock- elephants were moved by camels inside, and each guided by a man on top. These preparations she made in a guarded camp, so that news of her invention might not reach the enemy.

3121. Ten thousand Oxm hydis. Diodorus says three hundred thousand.

3125. Chalmers, III. 40, ' with ' in ed. 1597, in place of 'full of.’ 1776 reads with.

3129-3154. Diodorus gives a long account of the second battle, which I summarise. After the withdrawal of Stabrobates, Semiramis built a bridge of boats across the Indus, and marched into India, leaving a guard of three thousand men on the bridge. When she came up with the enemy she placed her mock-elephants in front of her army, and for a time the Indian army was completely deceived. But the deception was revealed when some of Semiramis’s soldiers were captured. These disclosed the truth. Thereupon Stabrobates was encouraged to commence battle. His horse, however, were terrified by the strange elephants, which had the appearance, but not the smell, of elephants, and stam- peded. Semiramis, thinking victory certain, routed the initial attack, but Stabrobates attacked afresh with foot-soldiers backed by elephants. The real elephants bore down all before them in great slaughter, tramp- ling some under foot, rending some with their teeth, or tossing others up into the air with their trunks, so that the ground was soon covered with dead, and the rest of the. Assyrians fled from the field.

3155-3175. Stabrobates was mounted on an elephant, and charged with his army. He searched out Semiramis, first wounded her with an arrow, and then with a dart in the shoulder, as she wheeled horse in flight. She fled from the field of battle, soon outdistancing Stabrobates. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 369

3176-3190. The Assyrians fled to the bridge of boats, pursued by the Indians. The crush was so great that men trampled each other down, and many were forced off the bridge into the river. When the greater part of her army was over, Semiramis, according to Diodorus, cut the ropes of the bridge, which floated in several parts downstream, and multitudes were drowned. Semiramis now had a safe barrier between her army and that of the enemy. Stabrobates, warned by heaven against further pursuit, did not follow, while Semiramis, after making an exchange of prisoners, returned home with scarce one-third of her great army. Lindsay alters the facts in a way which is very interesting. He makes Semiramis fight with Stabrobates in more heroic fashion than does Diodorus. Moreover, he does not say that it was by her orders that the ropes of the bridge were cut. He says that the boats broke asunder through the great press of men on them. By such (surely harmless) means did the Middle Ages save the honour of its heroines, though Lindsay later condemns her life and conduct.

3180. For the period at the end of this line, substitute a comma.

3182. Insert a period at the end of this line.

3191-3196. Lindsay’s interpolation.

3197-3204. See note to lines 3176-3190.

3205-3208. Lindsay’s interpolation.

3210-3222. See note to lines 2977-2984.

3219. Insert comma at end of line.

3220. Sum sayis, for hir Adultrie. Lambeth MS. 332 reads “ And sum sayis, . . .,” which is metrically better.

3223-3232. Diodorus, f. 67b, “ Imperitauit vniuersae Asiae praeter Indos. Vixit annos, quemadmodum Ctesias Gnidius scripsit, duos et sexaginta, cum quadraginta duobus regnasset.” Booth, 63, “ And this was the End of Semiramis Queen of all Asia, except India, after she had liv’d Sixty two years, and reign’d Forty two. And these are the Things which Ctesias the Cnidian reports of her in his History.”

3233-3272. Lindsay’s own commentary.

3233-3236. Cf. Deuteronomy xxii. 5, “ The woman shall not wear that which pertaineth unto a man, neither shall a man put on a woman's garment: for all that do so are abomination unto the Lord thy God.”

3237-3238. The keeping of kind is much stressed in Genesis and Leviticus. Cf. Genesis i. 11, 12, 21, 24, 25 ; vi. 20 ; vii. 14 ; Leviticus xi. 14, 29; xix. 19. 370 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

3239-3240. Cf. Genesis iii. 16, “ Unto the woman he [God] said, . . . and thy desire shall be to thy husband, and he shall rule over thee.” This is more emphatically stated in the Vulgate : " et sub viri potestate eris, et ipse dominabitur tui.” Cf. also Titus ii. 5, " [the young women] . . . obedient to their own husbands” [“ subdita viris suis”]. Cf. Mon., 1051-1076.

3243-3246. Cf. lines 2811-2846.

3247-3250. A not too tactful remark, considering that at this moment Marie de Lorraine was endeavouring to secure the regency, and did so within a short time, and that Scotland was then ruled in the name of a young queen.

3253. Pantasilia. See note to lines 2933-2936.

3256-3264. These lines introduce the next section of the poem, the history of Sardanapalus [3273-3381]. This is a convenient place to quote the remarks of Herodotus on Semiramis. Herodotus, I. 184, " Many sovereigns have ruled over this city of Babylon, and lent their aid to the building of its walls and the adorn- ment of its temples, of whom I shall make mention in my Assyrian history. Among them were two women. Of these, the earlier, called Semiramis, held the throne five generations before the later princess. She raised certain embankments well worthy of inspection, in the plain near Babylon, to control the river, which, till then, used to overflow, and flood the whole country round about.” Herodotus treats Semiramis almost with contempt, but this is perhaps in order to give greater glory to the second queen, Nitocris, “ a wiser princess than her predecessor,” to whom he devotes much space. Herodotus, however, had a disarming habit of being right when least expected, though no queen named Nitocris is known. Some writers suppose that she was the wife of Nebuchadnezzar, and mother of Belshazzar, but there was an Egyptian queen of that name, also reputed a builder, and some confusion may have resulted. Carion gives as wretched an account of the reign of Semiramis as of Nimrod and Ninus, and he is certainly not Lindsay’s authority. His account of the reign, Lynne’s translation, f. 7a, is as follows :

“ Of quene Semiramis. Semiramis the mother of the chylde, ruled her selfe after the kynges decease. For she feared in so newe a kyngdome, and where they were not all yet of their fre wyll subdued, that for the chyldes youth, the people mighte haue speded to rebellion, and lest she shoulde be despysed, by reason of woman kynde; wherfore she vsed mans garment, and fayned her to be the kynges chyld. She was doughtye and excellent in princely affayres, and augmented the borders of the dominion wyth vanquishynge countries, and making fortresses. She raygned happely and with great prayse xlij. yeres. She fortifyed Babilon with costly buyldynges, dyches NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHe) 371 and walles enuyroned about it. When the mother was deade, Ninias the sonne raygned wyth good quietnesse : and of this wyse was the superiorite of the worlde and Monarchye by the Assyrians a great season. But, forasmuche as there is not much written of the kynges folowyng, I will passe over the rehearsall of their names, because the good reader can not well kepe them in mynde. Whoso wyll knowe them, may seke them by manye other writers.” Of Sardanapalus Carion says about the same amount.

Quhov king Sardanapalus, for his vitious life, maid ane miser- ABYLL END. 3273-3276. Diodorus and the other historians of the Assyrians pass over the thirty or more intervening monarchs between Semiramis and Sardanapalus. They say that Semiramis’s son, Ninyas, or Ninus, proved efieminate, and shut himself up in his palace with his concubines. His successors followed his example down to the last Assyrian king, Sardanapalus. Diodorus says that there were thirty monarchs between Ninyas and Sardanapalus, or thirty-two between Ninus and Sardana- palus. Justin does not state the number of monarchs. St Jerome’s Interpretatio Chronicae Eusebii is the authority for Lindsay’s statement that Sardanapalus was the thirty-sixth monarch from Ninus. Lindsay made use of a late edition of this work. See notes to lines 1962-1968, and 3376-338i- 3285-3286. Diodorus gives an account of the reign of Sardanapalus. For the Greek confusion of the name Asshurbanipal, and their invention of the name Sardanapalus, see note to lines 1962-1968.

3287-3290. Diodorus, f. 69a, " Sardanapalus a Nino trigesimus rex, vltimus vero Assy riorum, excessit omnes superiores desidia ac voluptate.” Booth, 65, “ Sardanapalus, the Thirtieth from Ninus, and the last King of the Assyrians, exceeded all his Predecessors in Sloth and Luxury.” 3293-3308. Diodorus, f. 69a, " Nam praeterquam quod a nullis exterius conspiciebatur, vitam muliebrem duxit, cum pellicibus, veste turn purpurea indutus, turn molli lana contexta. Stola insuper muliebri faciem totumque corpus in modum pellicis fuco componens, vltra luxum muliebrem lasciuiebat: vocem fcemineam loquendo imitatus. Non solum cibum potumque qui voluptatem praeberent, continue appe- tebat, sed luxuriae quoque deditus, nunc viri, nunc mulieris vice abute- batur, omni posthabita sexus ac pudoris cura. Adeo vero deliciae, turpis voluptas, incontinentiaque in eo viguere, vt successoribus post obitum suum in sepulchro inscribi barbarica lingua mandarit . . . [See note to lines 3367-3373 ] Booth, 65, " For besides that, he was seen of none out of his Family, he led a most effeminate Life: For wallowing in pleasure and wanton Dalliances, he cloathed himself in Womens Attire, and spun fine Wool and Purple amongst the throngs of his Whores and Concubines. He 372 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

painted likewise his Face, and deckt his whole Body with other Allure- ments like a Strumpet, and was more lascivious than the most wanton Curtezan. He imitated likewise a Womans Voice, and not only daily inured himself to such Meat and Drink as might incite and stir up his lascivious Lusts, but gratify’d them by filthy Catamites [By Sodomy], as well as Whores and Strumpets, and without all sense of Modesty, abusing both Sexes, slighted Shame, the concomitant of filthy and impure Actions ; and proceeded to such a degree of Voluptuousness and sordid Uncleanness, that he composed verses for his Epitaph, with a Command to his Successors to have them inscrib’d upon his Tomb after his Death." [See note to lines 3367-3373.]

3309-3334. Lindsay does not tell quite the same story as Diodorus. In Diodorus, Arbaces, a Median general, in command of the annual detachment of Median troops sent one year to protect the capital, was persuaded by Belesis, the governor of Nineveh, who had become an intimate friend, to commence a revolt against the king. Arbaces thereupon entered into a league with the governors of the provinces who promised him support. In order to plan his attack on the palace, Arbaces made it his business to view the palace secretly, so that he might observe the king’s mode of life. This so disgusted him that he was much more determined to overthrow him.

3315, 3331. Arbates : Arbaces, governor of Media. Lindsay’s spelling of the name probably due to the older spelling in Diodorus, Arbactes.

3325. Chalmers, III. 48, " The ed. 1597 has interpolated ‘ majesties ’ for ‘ maisteris.’ ” 1776 reads majesty’s.

3335-3338. Diodorus, f. 70®, “ Arbaces ad Medos reuersus, illis persuasit vt pro imperio, Persis vt pro libertate sumerent arma. Similiter et Belesus Babylonios impulit ad libertatem.” Booth, 66, " Arbaces prevail’d with the Medes to invade the Assyrian Empire, and drew in the Persians in hopes of Liberty, to join in the Con- federacy. Belesis in like manner persuaded the Babylonians to stand up for their Liberties.” Diodorus explains that the troops chosen were those who would arrive to serve as new guards in the capital. 3339-3340. Sardanapalus won three battles against the rebels, Arbaces being wounded in the third, and his armies being driven into the hills. Then Arbaces was able to win over an army which was on its way from Bactria to join Sardanapalus, and while the king was feasting to celebrate his victories, Arbaces again attacked, by night.

3341-3366. Sardanapalus and his army fled to Nineveh, where they were besieged. Sardanapalus sent his three sons and two daughters for safety to Paphlagonia, and, inspired by an ancient prophecy that Nineveh could never be taken until the river became its enemy, sent to the provinces for assistance. The siege lasted two years without avail. In the third year heavy rains so swelled the river that it rose to NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 373 a great height, flooded part of the city, and washed away the wall for a distance of twenty furlongs. Seeing that the prophecy was about to be fulfilled, Sardanapalus had built a great pyre of wood in his palace court. On this pyre he heaped all his gold, silver, and royal apparel, and enclosing inside the pyre his eunuchs and concubines, set it on fire, and entered the flames himself.

3367-3373. Sardanapalus had apparently written his epitaph during the height of his power and luxury. The following note continues from the extract from Diodorus quoted in the note to lines 3293-3308. Diodorus, f. bg6, " . . . vt successoribus post obitum suum in sepulchre inscribi barbarica lingua mandarit, quod postmodum graecus interpre- tatus est: Haec habeo quae comedi, et quae cum amore et voluptate percepi. Ea plurima et praecipua relicta sunt.” Booth, 65, " he composed Verses for his Epitaph, with a Command to his Successors to have them inscrib’d upon his Tomb after his Death, which were thus Translated by a Grecian out of the Barbarian Language ” [quotes Clitarchus’s version, and a version in Cicero, for which see below]. The epitaph exists in many forms, for its epigrammatic force has made as much appeal as the moral, if not more. Among the Greek versions are the following : (i) by Phoenix of Colophon, in the poem Ninos, in Fragmenta Choliambica [ed. A. D. Knox (Loeb), 242-44, with a version in Greek prose]; (ii) Greek Anthology, xvi. 27 [Loeb edn., V. 174] ; (iii) Polybius, viii. 3 [Loeb edn.. III. 468] ; (iv) versions by Choerilus, Clitarchus, Aristobulus, in Athenseus, Deipnosophistce, viii. 335f-337a [Loeb edn., IV. 24], xii. 528-530 ; Strabo, Geography, XIV. v. 9 [Loeb edn., VI. 340]. Aristotle refers to Sardanapalus in the Nicomachean Ethics, I. v. 3 [Loeb edn., 14], and Athenseus refers to him again in Deipnosophistce, x. 41211 [Loeb edn., IV. 369]. The epitaph is also quoted by Clement of Alexandria [Works, Anti-Nicene Christian Library, p. 67]. Strabo (7?. 63 B.C.-30 a.d.) and Athenseus (ft. 210 B.C.), who both quote from Aristobulus, a Greek historian who accompanied Alexander on his campaigns, and in his eighty-fifth year wrote a work on the conqueror’s campaigns, say that Sardanapalus founded Anchiale, and that he was buried there. “ Here,” says Strabo, " is a tomb of Sardanapalus, and a stone figure which represents the fingers of the right hand as snapping together, and the following inscription in Assyrian letters : ‘ Sardanapalus, the son of Anacyndaraxes, built Anchiale and Tarsus in one day. Eat, drink, be merry, because all things else are not worth this,’ meaning the snapping of the fingers. Chcerilus also mentions this inscription ; and indeed the following verses are everywhere known : ' Mine are all that I have eaten, and the delights of love that I have enjoyed ; but those numerous blessings have been left behind.’ ” Anchiale (now Kazulu), 36.48 N., 34.42 E., and Tarsus (now Tarsus), 36.54 N., 34.58 E., the birthplace of St Paul, are both in the old province of Cilicia, Asia Minor. The belief that Sardanapalus built these towns is also recorded by St Jerome, Interpretatio Chronicae Eusebii Pamphili [Pat. Lat., xxvii. 338]. VOL. III. 2 B 374 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Some MSS. make the epitaph much longer, which is as follows : “ Well aware that thou art by nature mortal, magnify the desires of thy heart, delighting thyself in merriments; there is no enjoyment for thee after death. Mine are all the food I have eaten, and my loose indulgences, and the delights of love that I have enjoyed ; but those numerous blessings have been left behind. This to mortal men is wise advice on how to live.” This, however, is almost identical with that quoted for Chrisippus in Athenaeus, viii. 336a. The short epitaph held favour, and that used by Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, V. xxxv. ioi [Loeb edn., p. 526], translated from Athenseus, viii. 336s [lines 4-5], is best known : Haec habeo, quae edi quaeque exsaturata libido Hausit: at ilia iacent multa et praeclara relicta. All I have eaten and wantoned and pleasures or love I have tasted. These I possess but have left all else of my riches behind me. [Trans. J. E. King, Loeb edn., Tusculan Disputations, p. 527.]

I have not traced the text from which Lindsay took his version of the epitaph, of which I offer the translation : “ Since thou knowest thyself mortal, satisfy thy soul with present delights (for after death is no pleasure), and with love, and feasting, and the soft luxuries of Sardana- palus.” Some modern writers on Assyria think that it represents to a certain degree the character and habits of the real Sardanapalus, Asshurbanipal, but that philosophy is common enough in all ages: " Let us eat, drink, and be merry, for to-morrow we die." One line of Lindsay’s version is to be found in Juvenal, Satires, x. 362 : cupiat nihil et potiores Herculis aerumnas credat saevosque labores et Venere et cenis et pluma Sardanapalli. [Juvenal, ed. Mayor, I. 52.]

3374-3381. Lindsay states, on the authority of Eusebius, that the Assyrian monarchy lasted 1240 years, from Ninus to Sardanapalus. Laing, III. 199, " The passage [in Eusebius] relating to the termination of the Assyrian monarchy, is as follows : ' Usque ad id tempus fuisse Regie [reges, corrected by Laing, III. 213, note to line 5733, as Reges] Assyriorum autem anni regni Assyriorum a primo anno Nini supputantur 1240.’ (fol. 5i[b].) ” Laing gives a note on Eusebius, which I replace by the following : Eusebius, surnamed Pamphili to commemorate his friendship for Pamphilus, Bishop of Caesarea, was born in Palestine about 264 a.d., was made Bishop of Caesarea in 315, and died about 340. He wrote ten works which have survived. 1. The Chronicon, which does not survive in its original form, but as edited, translated into Latin, and extended by St Jerome, as the Interpretatio Chronica Eusebii Pamphili. A brief outline of the ancient empires is followed by synchronological tables, based, not on the history of Diodorus, but on that of Africanus, and extending down to the year 327 a.d. 2. The Praparatio Evangelica. 3. The Demonstratio Evangelica. 4. The Ecclesiastical History, a history of Christianity from the birth of Christ to the death of Licinus, 324 a.d. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 375

5. De Martyribus Palastince, an account of the persecutions of Diocletian and Maximin from 303-310 a.d. Five other works are extant, one a panegyrical biography of the Emperor Constantine. I have already described the 5. Hieronymi Interpretatio Chronica Ensebii Pamphili (note to lines 1962-1968). Laing thinks, and I see no ground for disagreement, though there is no definite proof, that Lindsay may have used the edition published at Paris in 1518. This work had then been extended considerably, but the work of the various con- tributors was kept separate. It contained (i) Eusebius’s work, as edited by Jerome, covering from Ninus, King of Assyria, to 329 a.d. ; (ii) Jerome’s addendum, from 330 to 381 a.d. ; (iii) the appendix of Prosper of Acquitaine, from 382 to 419 a.d. It was again edited and extended by Mathaeus Palmerius, and published at Milan in 1475, and Venice 1483. It was further extended and brought down to 1511 by Matthias Palmerius, and published at Paris in 1512, 1518, 1529, and 1536. It was one of the Paris editions which Lindsay used, for in line 4557 he cites the authority of Palmerius. The 1518 edition bore the following title: Eusebii Casariensis Episcopi Chronicon : quod Hier- onymus presbyter diuino eius ingenio Latinum facere curauit / et usque in Valentem Cassarem Romano adiecit eloquio. Ad quern et Prosper et Matthaus Palmerius / et Matthias Palmerius complura addidere. Quibus demum nonnulla ad hac vsque tempora subsecuta : adiecta sunt. Henricus Stephanus. [Colophon] Absolutum est in alma Parisiorum Academia hoc Eusebij Ccesariensis de temporibus Chronicon; cum nonnullis additionibus huic operi non parum accommodis, per Henricum Stephanum, in formularia literarum arte opificem / illius maxima cura et diligentia. Anno ab incarnatione domini cuncta gubernantis Millesimo quingentesimo decimo octauo / Octobris trigesima die.

The Third Part. The Misarabyll Distructioun of the Fyue Cieteis callit Sodome, Gomore, Syboin, Segore, and Adama, with thare hole REGIOUN. Lindsay now returns to Seissel, Le Premier Volume de Orose, as his principal authority, though, as before, he also draws considerably on the Vulgate. He acknowledges the authority of “ Orocius ” in line 3484, and that of the Vulgate in the marginal reference at line 3392, so far as the story of Sodome and Gomorrah itself is concerned. This acknowledgment, however, does not cover the whole of the section, the last portion of which [3530-3597] is a rapid summary of the main features of the First Monarchy, drawn from Seissel. Between the two sections are a few lines, 3518-3527, based on Carion, Chronica Carionis, attempting to fix a date for the burning of the five towns. I quote Carion’s description in the note to lines 3518-3527. Lindsay again refers to this event in Ane Satyre, 1701-1705. Correc- tion is the speaker, and he has just compared Rex Humanitas, sleeping in the arms of Lady Sensualitie, with Sardanapalus. He continues : Remember how, into the tyme of Noy, For the foull stinck and sin of lechery, 376 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

God be my wande did all the warld destroy. Sodome and Gomore richt sa full rigorously. For that vyld sin war brunt maist cruelly. 3393. Gen. xix. The story of Sodom and Gomorrah is told in Genesis xviii. 16-33 and Genesis xix. Seissel’s account is based directly on this, so closely, in fact, that there is no need to quote from him, down to line 3455. Lindsay, like Seissel and other mediaeval commentators, heightens the picture of the sins committed at these towns. This attitude was traditional. The peoples of the five towns were believed to have been descended from the " Sons of Seth ” and the " Daughters of Cain ” [Monarche, 1211-1242], and had inherited all the vices of the latter. A short hexameter poem, De Sodoma [text in Corpus Scriptorum Ecrtesi- asticorum Latinorum, xxiii. 212], ascribed, without evidence, to both Tertullian (a.d. ? 160- ? 240) and St Cyprian (a.d. ? 220-258), set the fashion for depicting the vices of the five towns. In the Psychomachia of Prudentius (a.d. 348- ? 405), the virgin Pudicitia is attacked by Sodomita Libido with a sulphurous torch, but slays him. The most famous work dealing with this subject was the Liber Gomorrhianus of Peter Damian (a.d. 1007-1072), a diatribe against the unnatural vices of man. These works form the background of the picture of the vices of both the people destroyed in the Flood, and the people of the five towns [Monarche, 1217-1246, 3393-3405, 3430-3435, 3472-3475]- 3402. This line may be the conclusion of lines 3398-3401. See next note. 3403-3405. The names of the five cities are not in Genesis xviii. or xix., but in Genesis xiv. 2, where in the Vulgate the names are Sodom, Gomorrah, Adama, Seboim, and Segor, as in Lindsay, and in the Author- ised Version Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboiim and Zoar. Cf. also Genesis x. 19, xiv. 8, and Hosea xi. 8. Segor, or Zoah, was the place to which Lot first went after leaving Sodom, Genesis xiv. 23, and here his wife looked back, and from here Lot ascended the mountain with his two daughters. 3438. His wyfe wes turnit in A stone. Cf. line 3453, “ Scho wes transformit in a stone.” Vulgate, Genesis xix. 26, “ versa est in statuam salis.” Perhaps Lindsay effects the alteration for greater ease in rhyming. There is a vivid woodcut of the flight from Sodom, with Lot’s wife, half-turning back, already a pillar of salt from feet to neck (and looking remarkably like a stone pillar), in the Liber Chronicarum, f. 2Ia. 3456-3487. This is taken from Seissel, f. 31®, Lindsay acknowledging the authority of “ Orocius ” in line 3484. Seissel, f. 31*, “ et si tost quil le fut ainsi cruellement mauldicte feu suphurin et fouldre du ciel descendit si terrible que [3458] toutes les haultes tours pallais salles et forteresses brusloient tellement que de [3460-65] tous ceulx qui y estoient demeurez puis que les anges en furent partis neschappa aucun / car il neust peu fouyr [3403-05] Avecques NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 377 sodome la ou la destruction commenca furent bruslees et destruictes quatre autres citez / cestassauoir adama / gomorre seboin et segor auec tout le pays de lentour et enuiron la ou regnoit le mauldit peche sodomite / [3486] tellement que .xxvi. lieues en long et [3487] sept en large toute la region fut bruslee [3465] hommes / femmes / bestes et maisons si quil ny demeura que [3478] la terre / laquelle finablement fondit en abisme [3497] Et y a maintenant [3482] vng lac deaue noire [3483] orde puante et infame que les vngs appellent le lac au deable [3480]. Les autres lappellent la morte mer / car en icelle ne peuent viures les poissons /les bestes nen scauroient boire / . . • [etc].’’ 3459. Bastail^eis. Chalmers, III. 53, " strong holds : Several of the border-strengths, in Roxburgh, and Berwickshire, were called Bastile- houses.” Laing, III. 200, " In old English, ‘ Bastile, a temporary wooden tower, formerly used in military and naval warfare. Some- times the term is applied to any tower or fortification.’—Halliwell.” O.E.D., tower or bastion of a castle ; fortified tower ; in siege operations a wooden tower on wheels. F. bastille.

3482. Blak as tar. Not in Seissel. Lindsay may here be indebted to Carion, who describes the area " as though it were ful of pitche.” Cf. St Augustine, De Civitate Dei, XXI. viii., “ Terra Sodomorum non fuit utique ut nunc est, sed iacebat simili ceteris facie eademque uel etiam uberiore fecunditate pollebat: nam Dei paradise in diuinis eloquiis conparata est. Haec postea quam tacta de caelo est, sicut illorum quoque adtestatur historia et nunc ab eis qui ueniunt ad loca ilia conspicitur, prodigiosa fuligine horrori est et poma eius interiorem fauillam mendaci superfacie maturitatis includunt.”

3486-3487. Of lenth, fyftye my Its and two, A nd fourtene myle in breid, also. Cf. the measurements given by Seissel above, “ .xxxvi. lieues en long et sept en large." There were two leagues to the mile: cf. table of measurements, note to The Dreme, 639.

3487. Fourtene myle. Chalmers, III. 54, " ' fourtie ’ is put for' fourtene,’ in the ed. 1597." The error was corrected : 1776 fourteen.

3488-3515. Cf. Genesis xix. 30-38. Lindsay may have used Seissel’s account. Seissel, f. 3ib, “ Quant ainsi que dit est le bon homme loth et ses deux filles se furent arretez en ceste montaigne la ou ilz ne voyoient aucune creature [3496-97] Les deux ieunes filles simples dentendement cuydoient que le monde fut pery en la destruction de sodome ainsi quil auoit este par le deluge / et que leur pere seul homme / et elles deux seulles femmes estoient demeurees au monde [3501-02] pour ceste cause de liberent ilz entre elles deux quilz estoit licite quilz eussent la communi- cation de leur pere affin dauoir lignee et de fait furent fermees en ce propos tellement que pour venir a leur intention et faire leur voulente auecques leur pere ainsi quelles auoient propose [3506] elles le firent tant boire que le bon homme qui estoit caduc fut yure et perturbe de 378 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY son sens par telle que sa fille aisnee se concha auec luy et eurent compaignie ensemble si que elle fut encainte dung filz lequel apres sa natiuite fut nommee moab Pareillement vne autre fois lautre fille qui estoit la plus ieune conuint auec son pere par tel moyen que auoit fait sa seur et eut vng filz qui fut nomme aaron / desquels enfans yssit grande lignee et tindrent vne grande partie dasie en leur domination En ceste montaigne fina loth ses iours et fut la ensepulture." 3489. That he tyll A wyld Montane past. Evidently, from Chalmers’s note, III. 54, altered in or before 1597. 1776 That to a mountain wild he past. 3514. Off quhome two Nationis did proceid. The elder daughter’s child was Moab, from whom descended the Moabites : the younger daughter’s child was (Vulgate) Ammon, (Authorised Version) Ben-ammi, from whom descended the Ammonites. Cf. Genesis, xix. 37-38. 3518-3527. This is the first time Lindsay acknowledges a debt to the Chronica Carionis. Chronica Carionis, trans. W. Lynne as The thre bakes of cronicles. f. 10. “ Of the destruction of Sodome. [3524-25] The foure score and nyntenth year of Abrahams age hath GOD for thee abhominable euyll dedes, horrible and vncomly lecheryes, destroied fyue cities : Sodome, and Gomorre, and the other cities lyeng therby, burnyng them with fyre from heauen. The place where the cityes were is become a great marasse, whose length and bredth conteyneth the space of certain miles : euen yet at this time as though it were ful of [3482] pitche doth burne with continual smoke and vapor for a token of Gods indignacion & vengeaunce for so greate synnes. This happened the [3519] thre hundreth and [3520] fourscore & eleuenth yere after the floude [3522], after that Noe was deade the fourtieth and one. Of thys wyse hath God vther whyles wytnessed to the worlde, that he wyll bee auenged and iudge synners.” It is clear that, perhaps with the exception of " ful of pitche,” Lindsay is not indebted to Carion for the description of the burning of Sodom and Gomorrah. He has only taken from the English translation the note of chronology. This extract was first quoted by Laing, III. 201, but Laing believed that Lindsay owed the whole of this section of the poem to Carion. It was not so. 3530-3551. Lindsay again keeps to Seissel, but the four marginal references to the Vulgate indicate that, as before, where Seissel offers a portion of biblical history, Lindsay checks it with the Bible. 3534. Exod. i. The Hebrews went into Egypt after Joseph had risen in Pharaoh’s household. The immigration is described in Genesis xlvi. After Joseph’s death a new Pharaoh oppressed them, because of their great numbers, and after a period of slavery and persecution of all kinds, God sent the plagues on Egypt. The exodus from Egypt is not described until Exodus xii. 31, but there is no need to emend the marginal reference, for Lindsay apparently wishes readers to become acquainted with the whole story. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 379

3539. Exod. xiiii. The passage of the Red Sea is described in Exodus xiv. 21-31.

3542-3543. Cf. Exodus xvi. 35, " And the children of Israel did eat manna for forty years, until they came to a land inhabited.” Cf. also Numbers xiv. 33, 34 ; Deuteronomy ii. 7, viii. 2, 4 ; Joshua v. 6, xiv. 7, &c. Carion does not mention the forty years.

3544-3545. Exod. xx. Cf. Exodus xix., where the Hebrews come to Sinai; and Exodus xx., where Moses receives the tables of the law.

3546-3547. losue Hi. The form of the name is that of the Vulgate. Joshua succeeded Moses as leader of the people. In Joshua iii. the Jews arrive at Jordan, and cross it (verses 15-17). Carion does not mention Joshua.

3552-3589. Carion gives brief descriptions of the events here hastily summarised by Lindsay. At this point Lindsay deserts Seissel altogether for the briefer historian. Seissel gives each history at great length, borrowing much from the Troy Book. The brevity of Lindsay’s explanation of the Trojan War, however, has a direct parallel with Carion’s, f. 21, " the occasyon of the Troian battayl is spronge of adultery. For Paris the sonne of the Troian king, led away Helena the wyfe of Menelaus prince of Greece.” Lindsay’s account of Hercules differs slightly from Carion’s. Carion does not mention " Dyonere.” But Lindsay owes the reference to Livy [3574, ” Titus Leuius ”], to Carion, f. 26®, " But how Romolus dyd ordeyne hys kingdome, & what warres he made, doth Titus liuius wryte.” The brevity of Carion is also imitated by Lindsay for the description of events in Greece [3582-3589]. Carion, f. 24b, “ Of Homerus and Hesiodus. By the Grekes only were first the best learned poetes, which were partly musicians, partly priestes : some of them also were wel sene in phisyck and astronomy. These comprysed their wysdome and learnyng with verses & short sentences. But among them, whose workes are yet manyfest, were Homerus and Hesiodus the chiefe.” I think that Carion is here Lindsay’s authority, although there are similar brief descriptions of Homer and Hesiod in other works. This is the sole reference to Homer in Lindsay, who had previously praised Hesiod in line 229. In the next section of the poem Lindsay acknowledges his debt to Carion.

3566. Dyonere, his wyfe. Laing, III. 201, “ So in the earlier writers [?]. In the Lond. edit. 1566, Edinb. 1582, &c., it is Dianira, that is Deianira of the classical writers, who by her jealousy of Omphale was the cause of the death of Hercules.” 1776 Deiamira. Deianira was the daughter of Oeneus of Calydon. Hercules won her in combat with Achelous, god of the river Thestius. After three years of marriage Hercules accidentally killed Eunomus at the house of Oeneus, and, in accordance with the law, went into exile with his wife. When they came to the river Evenus, across which the centaur Nessus carried travellers, Hercules forded across, leaving Nessus to carry Deianira. 380 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Nessus attempted to outrage her, and, hearing her screams, Hercules shot Nessus through the heart with an arrow. Nessus gave Deianira his blood, to ensure her husband’s fidelity. When later Hercules killed Eurytus of Oechalia, and took his daughter lole prisoner, Deianira became jealous, and steeped a white garment which Hercules intended to wear while making a sacrifice in the blood of Nessus. When Hercules wore the garment the poison which the blood contained caused excruciat- ing agony, and when he attempted to tear it off it stuck to his flesh, and with it he tore away pieces of his body. Seeing what she had un- wittingly done, Deianira hanged herself. Hercules ascended Mount Oeta, where he made a funeral pyre on which he mounted, ordering it to be set on fire. None obeyed him, until a shepherd, Poeas, who was passing by, was prevailed upon to do so. During the burning Zeus sent a thunder-cloud, in which he was carried to Olympus, and married Hebe, daughter of Hera.

3579. AncL end.it with misaritie. Chalmers, III. 58, “ miseritie,” for the rhyme, in the ed. 1552 and 1558 : the ed. 1568, 1574, and 1597 have substituted " greit miserie.” Laing, Iff. 202, adds, “ The edit. 1582 and 1592 also read greit miserie." It was rather to be expected that 1574, 1582, 1592, and 1597 should follow 1568. My predecessors did not notice the same thing happening in other places. Miseritie seems to have offended Charteris’s ear. Cf. also : 3673. 1554 He deit with 1776 He died with great misery greit miseritie. [defective]. 4971. 1554 Eterne Misaritie. 1776 Eternal misery. 5079. 1554 Sum tyme in gret 1776 And some time in great Misaritie. misery. 5003. 1554 with gret miseritie. 1776 with great misery. 5085. 1554 of gret misaritie. 1776 of greater misery. 3586. Hesiodus. 1776 Hedosius.

3590- 3591. All universal histories make the events described in lines 3552-3589 fall in the first monarchy.

3591- 3597. This reference to Abraham was probably made because Seissel writes at tremendous length of the life of Abraham.

Ane Schort Discriptioun of the second, thrid, and ferd Monarche. Lindsay now, after occupying nearly three thousand lines over the early history of the world down to the end of the first monarchy, dis- poses of the second, third, and fourth monarchies in 528 [3598-4125]. This brevity is, I think, due to the direct influence of Carion, who passes over the four monarchies swiftly, in order to devote the greater part of his book to the German Empire. Lindsay may be said to adopt a similar plan, and, with the example of Carion before him, hastens over centuries of history. In Lindsay’s case the end is not the glorifica- NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 381 tion of Germany, but the discussion of the spiritual kingdom and the coming of Christ’s kingdom. Throughout, Lindsay keeps one eye on the Vulgate. Title. Monarche. Lambeth MS. 332 reads Monarcheis, which is correct.

[The Second Monarchy—Persia.] 3600-3623. Carion begins the second monarchy on f. 27b, and devotes ff. 31-36 to a description of the reign of Cyrus.

3600-3605. Carion, f. 31, “ Of Cyrus. Cyrus the fyrst Prince of the Monarch of the parsians is rekened one amonge the moost doughtyest Kynges & lordes of the worlde.”

3606-3611. Carion, f. 35, devotes some space to the delivery of the Jews '* out of Babylonycall captiuite."

3611. In Babilone, sewin score of %eris. Chalmers, III. 59, “ So in the earliest editions : the ed. 1597 has put ‘full sevintie yeiris.' ” On the other hand, the Lambeth MS. reading line 3817 is, according to the E.E.T.S. editor, “ thre score of ^eiris,” instead of “ thre score and ten jeris." The latter reading does not possess the usual movement of Lindsay’s lines, and may be a clumsy emendation. If Lindsay originally wrote " three score of ^eiris,” then his figures are easily understood. For the passage 3802-3825 he quotes the authority of Baruch vi. Baruch vi. 2 reads, " Ingressi itaque in Babylonem, eritis ibi annis plurimis, et temporibus longis, usque ad generationes septem." The authority for a captivity of seventy years is Jeremiah xxv. 12 and xxix. 10. But in Jeremiah xxvii. 7 is an estimate of three generations : “ Et servient ei omnes gentes, et filio ejus, et filio filii ejus, donee veniat tempus terrse ejus et ipsius.” [“ All nations shall serve him [Nebuchad- rezzar], and his son, and his son’s son, &c."] We therefore have a basis for Lindsay’s seven score years [3611], and his three score years [Lambeth MS. reading, 3817]. He has apparently taken a generation to mean twenty years. But I suggest that the reading of line 3611 be amended as suggested, and that the reading of line 3817 in 1554 be retained.

3612-3613. Carion, f. 35b, " Cyrus, to whom God had [3613] geuen thys [3612] grace also, that t[h]rough Daniel the prophet, he was come to the [3613] knowledge of the true fayeth, and true worshyp of God.’’

3614-3615. Carion, f. 36®, " Cyrus vsed hym [Daniel] for a counsall geuer.”

3616-3617. Carione at lenth doith specific. That is, at length for Carion, who is hastening over this part of his work, but too long to quote in full. Carion says that “ The father of Cyrus was a prince, or a gouernour of Persia, borne of the ofsprynge of Sem : his mother was borne of the kynges blude of Medes. And Herodotus wryteth, that Astyages kynge of the Medes sawe in a dreame, out of hys daughters wombe to grow 382 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY a vyne, whose sprynge should ouershadowe whole Asia.” It was prophesied that she should bear a mighty prince. When Cyrus was born, Astyages thought that Persia would conquer his kingdom, and ordered Harpagus to slay the child, which was given to a shepherd who was ordered to leave it to die of hunger on a hillside. The shepherd’s wife had just given birth to a still-born child, and the infants were exchanged. Cyrus was brought up as a shepherd’s child, and was later identified.

3619-3620. Carion describes the war between Cyrus and Croesus on f- 33- 3624-3639. Carion, f. 36, “ Of the death of Cyrus. Whan Babilon was subdued, the Scythians, beyng wyld men, & fearce fell into the borders of Cyrus kyngdome, Cyrus commendyne his royalme to his sonne Cambyses, went with an army to represse the force of the enemies. At the fyrst [3629] vanquished he the Scythians, and toke the yonge kyng of them prysoner. Howbeit Herodotus wryteth that the Perses lykewise were ouerthrowen of the cruel natyon, and that Cyrus hymself was slayen in that battayl, and that [3631] Tomyris the quene [3634] cast his heade [3635] into a pott full of mens bloude [3636], and sayde wyth hygh reproch : Satiate the selfe now wyth blude, wherewyth thou neuer couldest be fylled. Thys was a cruell dede.” The story is told in detail by Herodotus, I. 20 r. When Cyrus had conquered the Babylonians he desired to subdue the Massagetae, whom some called a Scythian people. The Massagetae were ruled by Queen Tomyris, whose husband was dead. Cyrus sent a message, with a pretence of wooing her for his wife, but Tomyris well understood that he coveted her kingdom. At first Cyrus defeated the Massagetae, capturing Spar- gapises, the son of Tomyris, who sent a message demanding his release, and that Cyrus should leave her country. Cyrus would not listen. Spargapises escaped, but later was killed by guile. Tomyris collected her forces, and defeated Cyrus in a great battle. Cyrus himself was killed, and after the battle Tomyris filled a skin with human blood, and sought for Cyrus’s body. When she found it, she put his head into the skin, saying, “ Though I live and conquer, thou hast undone me, overcoming my son by guile ; but even as I threatened, so will I do, and give thee thy fill of blood.” Although Carion, and Lindsay after him, quote the authority of Herodotus, their version of the story comes from Justin, I. 8. Justin concludes, “ Caput Cyri amputatum in vtrem humano sanguine repletum conijci regina iubet cum hac ex probratione crudelitatis. Satia te sanguine (inquit) quern sitisti.” There is also a version in Valerius Maximus, Dictorum Factorumque Memorabilium Exempla, IX. x. Ext. 1, “ Tomyris, quae caput Cyri abscisum in utrem humano sanguine repletum demitti iussit exprobrans illi insatiabilem cruoris sitim simulque poenas occisi ab eo filii sui exigens. . . .” [Teubner]. Lindsay seems to have known both these historians, and his account of what Tomyris said is a combination of the short direct speech reported by Justin, with the longer comment ascribed to her by Valerius added. The speech given to her by Lindsay is totally different from that given to her by Carion. Peter Comestor also notes the story, Historia Scholastica, Liber NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 383

Danielis, cap. xix., “ Postea vero transgressus Araxem a regina Massa- getarum Thomiri victus, et occisus est. Quae caput ejus praecisum in utrem plenum sanguine humano projiciens, insultando dixit: Satiare sanguine quem sitisti.” Cyrus reigned b.c. 558-528. The Massagetae lived beyond the Araxes (Oxus) in what is now Balkh and Bokhara. They were barbarous neighbours of the Persians, skilful in the making of gold ornaments.

3630. Cerus is an incorrect form. Lambeth MS. 332 reads Cyrus.

[The Third Monarchy—Greece.] 3640-3661. Carion, like Lindsay, passes over the history of Greece very swiftly. Lindsay says that the Darius who was overthrown by Alex- ander the Great was the tenth king from Cyrus [3623, 3648]. The Cronica Cvonicarum, f. 37b-38a, enumerates three kings called Darius : (i) the fourth king after Cyrus ; (ii) Darius Nothes, the tenth king after Cyrus ; (iii) Darius, son of Arsames, the fourteenth king. This last was the Darius overthrown by Alexander. Carion does not state that Darius was the tenth king, and thus Lindsay has consulted another authority and confused it. Justin enumerates five kings of Persia named Darius : (i) Darius, son of Hyspastes; (ii) son of Xerxes ; (iii) Darius Nothus; (iv) son of Artaxerxes Mnemnon; (v) Darius Codomannus, whom Alexander defeated. Eusebius, Chronicon, also makes Darius, son of Arsames, the fourteenth king after Cyrus. Alexander begins the Third Monarchy [3642, " thrid Impyre”]. Lindsay could have derived the history of his campaigns from many sources. They were dealt with by all universal histories, and in detail by Seissel. In Carion the history of the Third Monarchy covers ff. 59b- 83b down to the death of Pompey. The life of Alexander covers ff. 6oa- 64*. Carion does not devote much space to the war against Darius : “ Uanquyshyng also in battaill Darius the kynge, he put hym to flighte. But Darius renewynge an boost, was vanquyshed.” Carion does not tell of Alexander’s death by poison, which Lindsay recounts in lines 3660-3661. Carion states that Alexander " raynged after his father Phylypps departure, no lenger than twelue yeare, and seuen monethes,” and does not refer to his death. The Cronica Croni- carum, f. 38b, may have supplied this. After conquering Persia, Alex- ander returned to Babylon, “ puis sen retourna en Babylone ou il espousa la fille de Darius / et illec peu apres en vng grand conuiue quil faisoit fut empoisonne / dont il mourut cinq ans apres quil eut regne sur tout le monde. . . . Voyez Plutarch Justinus / et Quintus Curtius.” Plutarch's Life of Alexander tells the story of Alexander’s death from fever following a banquet. Not until six years later was the use of poison suspected, whereupon “ his mother Olympias put many men to death, and cast the ashes of Idas into the wind, that was dead before, for that it was said he gave him poyson in his drinke.” Justin, xii. i3-I5, tells the story in detail, but says that the poison was discovered at once. Lindsay again summarises Alexander’s reign in lines 4175-4181. 384 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

3642. The paragraph division at this line, here placed in 1554, should have been at line 3640.

3650-3655. Allexander the Conquerour . . . In Inglis tonng, in his gret buke . . . Cf. The Buik of Alexander, ed. Professor R. L. G. Ritchie, 4 vols., S.T.S. Ritchie, I. xxvi., xlix., discusses the wide popularity of the Alexander romances in Scotland, and notes that Wynton (c. 1420, Wallace, iv. 1262) says that Alexander’s deeds are contained in so many other books that he need not descant on them. Lindsay evidently refers to a folio printed in England, and the B.M. contains six leaves, sigs. O-P only, of such a folio, printed c. 1550. Lindsay may possibly be referring to this edition, of which, by the special reference made to it, he evidently possessed a copy. To the general popularity of the Alexander cycle throughout Europe it is hardly necessary to refer. 3662-3665. Again Lindsay has deserted Carion, for the reference to Lucan is not made by the German historian. Lucan, Pharsalia, x. 20-52, introduces into the theme of Caesar in Egypt two digressive passages, of which this description of Alexander is one : Macetum fines latebrasque suorum Deseruit victasque patri despexit Athenas, Perque Asiae populos fatis urgentibus actus Humana cum strage ruit gladiumque per omnes Exegit gentes : ignotos miscuit amnes Persarum Euphraten, Indorum sanguine Gangen : Terrarum fatale malum fulmenque, quod omnes Percuteret pariter populos, et sidus iniquum Gentibus. Pharsalia, x. 28-36.

" He left his own obscure realm of Macedonia ; he spurned Athens which his father had conquered ; driven by the impulse of destiny, he rushed through the peoples of Asia, mowing down mankind ; he drove his sword home in the breast of every nation ; he defiled distant rivers, the Euphrates and the Ganges, with Persian and Indian blood ; he was a pestilence to earth, a thunderbolt that struck all peoples alike, a comet of disaster to mankind.” [Loeb edn., pp. 592-93.] First quoted by Laing, III. 202. Lucan also compares Caesar to a thunderbolt. Cf. Pharsalia, i. 151-54. 3673. Cf. note to line 3576. 3674-3675. The account of the division of Alexander’s empire after his death may have been taken from one of many sources. Carion deals with it on f. 64, the Cronica Cronicarum on f. 39b.

[The Fourth Monarchy—Rome.] 3676-3693. Carion considers the Fourth Monarchy to have begun with Julius Caesar. F. 84*, “ The fourth and laste Monarchy, namely of the Romane empyre[.] lulius Caesar." NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 385

3676-3677. Cesar lulyus . . . Pompeyus. Caius Julius Caesar, born 12th July b.c. 100, and murdered in the Capitol by Brutus, Cassius, and their friends, 15th March b.c. 44. Mediaeval interest in Caesar centred round his war with Pompey and his assassination, the only two points which Lindsay mentions. Caesar became consul in 61, and formed a league with Pompey and Crassus, and in 59 Pompey married Caesar’s daughter Julia, she dying in September 54. In 50 Pompey, jealous at Caesar’s great victories in Gaul and Britain, became estranged, and in 49 attempted to have Caesar deprived of his command by the Senate. Caesar marched on Rome, and Pompey fled to Capua, thence to Brin- disium, and so to Greece. Caesar followed him, and after suffering preliminary defeats, Caesar signally vanquished Pompey’s army at Pharsalia, 9th August 48. Pompey fled to Egypt, but was murdered on landing. Caesar put his murderers to death. The story of Caesar being offered the crown and of his assassination is too well known, in general outline, through Shakespeare’s Julius Ccesar, to require comment. Lindsay again summarises the war between Caesar and Pompey and the assassination of Caesar in lines 4203-4223. Cf. also The Deployatioun, 75-76.

3686. Gentyll lulyus. Cf. The Dreme, 34, " gentyll lulyus.’’ Gentyll (in these quotations), noble, of high rank, worthy.

3689. Carion, f. 84“, "Wherefore raigned lulius in peace, nomore but flue monethes.” Caesar was made imperator immediately after his return to Rome in September b.c. 45, after defeating Pompey’s sons, Sextus and Cneius, in Spain. He was murdered on 15th March b.c. 44.

3690-3693. Carion, f. 84a, “ He was stycked through in the Senate of Cassius and Brutus wyth their companyons.”

3694-3707. Under the heading " Augustus,” Carion, f. 86s, gives an account of Octavius Caesar.

3695, 3701. Octauiane. Originally called Caius Octavius, but called Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus after his adoption by his great-uncle, but given the title Augustus in b.c. 27, by which title he is better known. Born b.c. 63, he first served his uncle in Spain against the sons of Pompey. He was at Apollonia when Julius Caesar was assassinated in b.c. 44, and after a fourteen years’ struggle against Lepidus and Antony he became master of the Roman world. On the death of Lepidus he became pontifex maximus. His chief wars, apart from those against Lepidus and Antony, were in Spain and Gaul, to protect the Roman possessions against invasion. He died, aged seventy-six, at Nola, 29th August a.d. 14, and was succeeded by Tiberius, the son of his third wife by her first marriage. Lindsay’s account of Augustus as " one of the best ” [3696] is generally ascribed to, but in view of the civil war between the triumvirs and the wars in Spain and Gaul, it is not absolutely true that his reign was one of “ peace and rest ” [3697], though he was not warlike. 386 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

3700-3707. Carion, f. 85b, “ This is the begynnynge of the Roman monarchye, the whych God hath paynted very horribly in the prophet Daniell: and wytnesseth . . . that Christ shall come in the same monarchy, and therefore shal it be the last . . f. 87* "... for CHRISTE our LORD, very God and man, was borne into thys lyfe of the virgin Mary euen the two and fortyeth yeare of Augustus raygne." Carion does not mention Bethlehem.

3724-3730. Carion, f. 5a, " Of the fyrst Monarchye. That it maye be vnderstande[d] how the worke of God muste be knowen and honored in those thynges that the magistrate or superiorite doeth: we haue aduertysed before in the preface, that God willed to entertayne the world by foure Monarchyes, to the intent that policye, iustice and correction mighte be entertayned amonge men.” This, however, was the commonly accepted theory in Lindsay’s day.

3725. Dani. vii. This marginal reference controls the whole of this section of the poem down to line 3783. 3734-3747. Daniel . . . His secund Chepture. Nebuchadnezzar’s dream is not actually related by the king. He dreams, and calls his magicians, astrologers, and sorcerers first to tell him the dream, and then interpret it. They are unable to do so, and Daniel is called. The dream is repeated to Daniel in another dream. He describes it in verses 31-35. Lindsay’s rendering differs slightly from that in the Bible, but it was the one generally accepted. Verse 32, " This image’s head was of fine gold, his breast and his arms of silver, his belly and thighs of brass. 33. His legs of iron, his feet part of iron and part of clay.” The Vulgate, verse 32, reads, " porro venter et femora ex aere," whence Lindsay’s " copper,” aes meaning both brass and copper. Lindsay states that the belly was of copper, and the thighs and legs of Iron : Daniel states that the belly and thighs were of brass and the legs of iron. We must not forget Dante’s marvellous application of this vision. When Virgil is escorting Dante through the third division of the seventh circle, they pass through the forest of self-slayers, and later meet a streamlet of blood issuing from the forest. Virgil thereupon discourses of an ancient statue on Mount Ida in Crete : Within the mount, upright An ancient form there stands, and huge, that turns His shoulders towards Damiata ; and at Rome, As in his mirror, looks. Of finest gold His head is shaped, pure silver are the breast And arms, thence to the middle is of brass. And downward all beneath well-temper’d steel, Save the right foot of potter’s clay, on which Than on the other more erect he stands. Each part, except the gold, is rent throughout; And from the fissure tears distil, which join’d Penetrate to that cave. They in their course. Thus far precipitated down the rock. Form Acheron, and Styx, and Phlegethon ; NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 387

Then by this straiten’d channel passing hence Beneath, e’en to the lowest depth of all. Form there Cocytus. . . . Inferno, trans. Cary, xiv. 98-114. In lines 3744-3747 Lindsay states that the stone which broke the feet of the image came from a mountain. Daniel says that it simply appeared, and, after destroying the image, grew till it became a mountain. 3736. Nabuchodonosor. Cf. 2429, 2438. The correct Assyrian form is Nebuchadrezzar (Nebu-kudurri-utsur, Nebo protect the throne). The incorrect form in Daniel, Nebuchadnezzar, is due to the writer of that book, and it proves that he was not a contemporary of Daniel, but one who lived many years later. The other names in Daniel are also incorrect forms of Assyrian names (Abednego for Abed-nabu ; Bel- shazzar for Belteshazzar, Balatu-utsur, &c.). Ezekiel xxvi. 7, xxix. 18, xxx. 10, uses the more correct form Nebuchadrezzar. The form used by Lindsay, Nabuchodonosor, is that in the Vulgate. Lindsay again refers to Nebuchadnezzar in lines 4168-4174.

3738. Insert a comma at the end of this line. Boith heych and breid refers to the Ymage.

3748-3760. The interpretation has varied from time to time. It was formerly thought that Daniel was written about the time assigned to it in the Bible, 607-534 B C-> but it is now believed to have been written not earher than 165 b.c., and that its matter is concerned with the struggle of the Jews against Antiochus Epiphanes, B.c. 175, the book being called forth as a spiritual consolation for the Jews during the persecutions of Antiochus, just as the persecutions of Nero produced the Apocalypse of St John, to hearten the Christians in Rome and Asia in time of trouble. In both works the same theme is conveyed through mystical visions—the impermanence of the kingdoms of earth and the immortality of the kingdom of God, which is foreordained to achieve ultimate victory. The conception that the world must pass through four ages is of great antiquity. Hesiod names five ages, four metallic : (i) the Golden, under the care of Saturn ; (ii) the Silver, under Jupiter ; (iii) the Brazen, under Neptune ; (iv) the Heroic, under Mars ; (v) the Iron, or present age, under Pluto. Farrar, The Book of Daniel, 153, n. 1, cites others, notably the vision of Zoroaster: " Zoroaster saw a tree from whose roots sprang four trees of gold, silver, steel, and brass ; and Ormuzd said to him, ‘ This is the world ; and the four trees are the four “ times ” which are coming.’ After the fourth comes, according to Persian doctrine, Sosiosh, the Saviour.’’ The interpretation of the vision has produced volumes. The earliest interpretations were made by the Rabbis, and acquired from them by the Fathers. The difficulty has been the interpretation of the fourth empire. This was formerly identified as the Roman Empire, the Epistle of Barnabas, iv. 4, 6, first recording this. Variations have taken place from time to time, and some have even held that it refers to the Moham- 388 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY medan empire. The second empire has also occasioned difficulty, whether that of the Persians, or those of the Medes and Persians. Lindsay Peter Comestor. [3724-3769. 4224.4234] Modern. [Daniel ii. 1 AND CaRION. Golden Head: Babylonian. Assyrian. Babylonian. Silver Breast Median and Persian, Persian. Median. and arms : [Copper belly] Copper belly Greek, Greek. Persian. and thighs: [Iron thighs and legs] Iron Legs: Roman. Roman. Greek. Iron and Clay Present dav. Kingdoms of the feet : Seleucidas in Asia and the Ptolemies in Egypt. The modern identifications reject the Roman as the fourth empire, because it is argued that when the four empires reappear in the vision of the four beasts [Daniel viii.], there is no question that the fourth empire is that of Alexander and his successors. The identification of the fourth empire with Rome probably originated in the Jewish desire to see the end of the Roman Empire, under which they suffered, and which they hated, this identification being acquired by the early Fathers, and so passing into Christian interpretation. Lindsay again refers to the four empires in the next section of the poem and to the image more particularly in lines 4224-4234.

3770. Kyng. Chalmers, III. 66, "The ed. 1597 has put ‘God’ for ‘ King.’ ” 1776 God.

3774-3787. The aucht of Daniel. Daniel vii. 1-8 records the vision of the four beasts, but Daniel viii. records the vision of the ram with two horns and the he-goat. The identification of the animals with the empires is really derived from the seventh chapter. Daniel vii. describes the four beasts : (i) the lion with eagle’s wings, which were plucked off, and the lion made to stand on earth as a man, and a man’s heart was given to it; (ii) a bear, which raised itself up on one side, and had three ribs in its mouth ; (iii) a leopard, which had four heads, and on its back the four wings of a fowl; (iv) an unnamed beast, dreadful and terrible, with iron teeth, devouring and destroying, with a great horn, which suddenly snaps off, and is replaced by ten horns. These are identified in verses 15-28 as four kings which will arise in earth, but they shall all be overthrown by the saints of the Most High. The fourth beast receives particular notice, because it defeats the angels, until overthrown by the Ancient of Days. This beast with the single great horn represents Alexander the Great, its snapping his sudden death, while the ten horns represent the division of his kingdom into ten kingdoms. Carion, f. 5b, and others identify the empires as follows : " The Lyonesse sygnifyeth the force of the Assyrians. The Beere sygnifieth NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 389 the Persian empyxe. The Leoparde signifieth Alexander. By the fourth beast are the Romans signified.” Daniel viii. tells of the ram with two horns, one of which grows up after the first, grows higher, and pushes westward, northward, and southward. Later comes a he-goat from the west, with a horn between his eyes. The goat overthrows the ram, but later his great horn was broken and four small horns took its place. The identification of the animals is given to Daniel by the angel Gabriel. “ 20. The ram which thou sawest having two horns are the kings of Media and Persia. 21. And the rough goat is the king of Grecia : and the great horn that is between his eyes is the first king ” [Alexander the Great]. Lindsay does not make use of the vision of the four beasts, and Carion does not make use of the vision of the ram and the goat. Lindsay is not a meek follower of Carion. 3784-3787. Gabriel’s interpretation of the second vision of the beasts is taken to imply God's foreknowledge of events to come. 3786. Supprysit: put down, suppressed. Chalmers, III. 66, “ oppressed, kept under.” So Spenser : Yet nathemore him suffred to arise : But, still suppressing—. [Faerie Queene, VI. viii. 18. 2-3.] Supprise : to attack unexpectedly, trap, outrage, overcome, suppress. Here the latter meaning is given, implying loss of liberty by conquest. O.F. suprise, variant of surprise, from surprendre, sousprendre.

3788-3789. Tytus . . . Sonne and Air to Uespasiane. See the next section of the poem.

Of ye most miserabyl and most terrabill distructioun of Ierusalem. The actual treatment of this does not begin until line 3952, the note to which contains a discussion of Lindsay’s authority or authorities. From line 3794 until the conclusion of the poem, with the exception of the commentary passages, 4126-4244, 4743-4973, and the final Exhorta- tioun, 6267-6338, consists of an elaboration of a favourite mediaeval theme derived from Jewish and early Christian eschatology, whereby the destruction of Jerusalem, or the world, is prophesied. Confused theological interpretation developed these originally identical things (Jerusalem apparently symbolising the world) into two separate prophesies : the destruction of Jerusalem itself, a prophecy ostensibly fulfilled by the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus in a.d. 70, and the ultimate destruction of the world before the final coming of Christ in triumph, his coming accompanying the separation of the good from the wicked in a last judgment of the deeds of mankind. Between the destruction of Jerusalem and the coming of Christ, however, is the reign of anti-Christ on earth, which Lindsay identifies with the Papacy. The various units of the last half of the poem—(i) the trial of Christ and the consequent destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, 3794-4125 ; VOL. III. 2 C 39° THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

(ii) the Papall Monarchie, or reign of anti-Christ, 4245-4742, with an elaboration of this theme in lines 4743-4973 ; (iii) the death, 5058- 5x71 ; (iv) a further description of the anti-Christ, 5172-5253 ; (v) the time of, and signs before, the day of the last judgment, 5254-5553 ; (vi) the coming of Christ to hold the last judgment, 5554-5925 ; (vii) Christ’s condemnation of the wicked, 5926-6105 ; (viii) the heavenly reward of everlasting life to the good, 6106-6266—form a poetical and theological sequence, although Lindsay himself divides the events on earth by placing the descriptions of the destruction of Jerusalem and the reign of anti-Christ in the third book, and the events of the coming of Christ and the last judgment in book four. They are, however, to be regarded as an organic theological unit. 3798. The moist and manyfest misarie. This line appears defective, but it survived in all editions down to 1776. The and appears to me both ungrammatical and extrametric al.

3802-3807. Baru. vi. Baruch vi. is not the authority for the statement that Jerusalem was destroyed twice. The Epistle of Jeremy (Baruch vi.) purported to have been addressed to the captive Hebrews before they were taken to Babylon, but [3804-3825] idolatry is not there specified as the cause of the capture of Jerusalem, simply, " Because of the sins ye have committed before God.” The accusation of idolatry is rather to be sought in Jeremiah xxv. 6, where God, speaking through Jeremiah, advises Israel to turn from evil, “ And go not after other gods to serve them, and to worship them."

3808-3817. The date of the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar is a biblical calculation. Cf. the date, 590 b.c., in the Authorised Version, Jeremiah xxxix. Eusebius’s calculation was that the town was captured 1427 years after the birth of Abraham, the birth of Christ taking place 2014 years after the birth of Abraham. This gives a date 587 b.c. Some modern authorities accept the date 588 B.c., but no definite date is ascertainable from the Jewish writings, as there was no system of chronology. 3817. The space of thre score and ten %eris. Cf. note to line 3611. 3819. The Transmigratioun : the removal of the Jews to Babylon, the Captivity. According to O.E.D. the word was last used in this sense in the Douai Bible, 1609, and is now obsolete, but it survives among Nonconformists. Late L. transmigration-em, change of country. 3820-3821. Cf. Jeremiah xxv. 8-11. 3822-3825. Cyrus, king of Pers, As Daniell heth done rehers. Daniel ix. records the promise of God to obtain the liberty of the Jews in seventy weeks’ time, and it is usually assumed that this was efiected by a decree of Cyrus in 536 b.c. This is, of course, on the assumption that the book of Daniel was written at the time of the Babylonian captivity. But as Farrar demonstrates, it cannot have been written before the second century b.c. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 391

3826. In line 3803 Lindsay had said that Jerusalem had been destroyed twice. The first occasion, by Nebuchadrezzar, he described in lines 3804-3825. He now turns to what history in his day said was the second, the capture of Jerusalem by Titus, a.d. 70, although the intermediate capture by Antiochus Epiphanes, b.c. 170, this being the one really referred to in Daniel viii. 9, 10, xi. 28, and throughout the whole book, was well known to the Middle Ages through the Books of the Maccabees in the Vulgate. 3834-3835. The Emprioure Uespasiane He did deuyse that Sege, certane. See note to line 3952. 3836-3849. Luc. xix.

3850-3855. Mathew xxiii. Cf. Matthew xxiii. 37, “ Jerusalem, Jeru- salem, quae occidis prophetas, et lapidas eos qui ad te missi sunt, quoties volui congregare filios tuos, quemadmodum gallina congregat pullos suos sub alas, et noluisti 1 ” Lindsay transfers the first part of this verse to lines 3867-3868. This passage begins another prophecy by Christ of the destruction of Jerusalem, detailed in Chap. xxiv.

3852. As errand scheip bene with thare hirdis. Chalmers, III. 69, “ ‘ As wandrand scheip ar with thair hirdis,’ in ed. 1597.” 1776 As wandring sheep are without herds. 3859. So that the warld sail on the wounder. 1776 So all the world shall at thee wonder. 3860-3861. Mathew xxiiii. Matthew xxiv. 1-2, " 1. Et egressus Jesus de templo, ibat. Et accesserunt discipuli ejus, ut ostenderent ei aedifica- tiones templi. 2. Ipse autem respondens dixit illis: Videtis haec omnia ? Amen dico vobis, non relinquetur hie lapis super lapidem, qui non destruatur.” Lindsay’s " sail be tred doun amang the sand ” is not in the prophecy, and he may have contrived it from the allusion in Matthew vii. 26 to the foolish man who built his house upon sand. 392 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

3866- 3883. There is an error in the punctuation of this passage. The period at the end of line 3871 should be replaced by a semi-colon. The passage is a single-verse paragraph formed of an elaborate cor- relative, the first element being in three parts [“ For ” (3867) . . . "For” (3872) . . . "Thocht" (3874)], the second element being the “ ?it ” of line 3881.

3867- 3868. Cf. quotation cited as note to lines 3850-3855.

3874. Thocht, be his gret power diuyne. The Lambeth MS. 332 reading, “ Thocht he be his gret power diuyne ” is metrically an improvement.

3875. Ihon. ii. John ii. 1-10, the miracle of the changing of the water into wine at the marriage feast of Cana.

3877-3880. Cf. Matthew xi. 5, “ Cseci vident, claudi ambulant, leprosi mundantur, surdi audiunt, mortui resurgunt, pauperes evangelizantur.” Lindsay gives no marginal reference to this general authority, but gives a particular reference to the raising of the dead, mentioned in line 3880. Because of this I give references to the other miracles. Cf. also Luke vii. 22, and Matthew xxi. 14, xv. 30-31. It is important to note that the Wyclifhte New Testament translates " claudi ” by “ crokid men ” [Lindsay’s “ crukit men ” of line 3878]. Tyndale reads " lame men.”

3877. Cf. John ix. 1-7, the miracle of the restoring of sight to the man blind from birth. 3878. Cf. Matthew xv. 30-31, xxi. 14. 3879. Cf. Matthew viii. 2, xxvi. 6 ; Mark i. 40, xiv. 3 ; Luke xvii. 12. 3880. Ihon xi. John xi. 1-44 tells of the raising of Lazarus from the dead. 3881. Math. x. This marginal reference is incorrect. This chapter describes how Christ sent his disciples into the world to preach the Gospel. The correct reference is probably John viii. 40, " Nunc autem quaeritis me interficere, hominem qui veritatem vobis locutus sum, quam audivi a Deo.” 3884. The Byschoppis, princis of the preistis. Lindsay cites Mathew xxvii. as his authority. Matthew xxvii. 1, “ . . . principes sacerdotum . . .” Tyndale, “ chefe preestes ” ; Wycliffe, " princes of prestis,” here and elsewhere. Lindsay, however, may be making a direct translation of the Vulgate. Cf. also Cursor Mundi, Cotton MS. 16039, " Caiphas f>air biscop was ” : this poem also translates “ principes sacerdotum " as " princes of the prestes.” Lindsay uses lines 3884-3885 again : see 4052-4053. Cf. lines 27-28, 2645.

3893. I ho. xix. The change of reference to John xix. is perhaps to attract attention to the story of Christ’s trial and crucifixion by quoting NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 393 another gospel. Lindsay appears to have written this account solely from the Gospels. Except therefore where a special note is essential I do not give authorities. 3895-3897. An extra-biblical decoration. Ane penny breid : Chalmers, III. 71, " The breadth of a penny piece.” See note to line 4533. 3906. That Innocent. See note to line 4075. 3910. Grunschyng : grumbling, protesting. Crunch : O.E.D. " Perhaps a modification of Grutch, v., influenced by Grunt." Sc. Obs. exc, arch.

3914-3919. There is no biblical parallel, but the theme originated in the account of the streams of blood and water which flowed from Christ’s side after he had been struck with the lance. Cf. John xix. 34, and lines 3924-3926. 3917. The bulryng stremis reid. Chalmers, III. 72, " buttering is gurgling, boiling, from the Fr. bouillir, perhaps : So the Butters of Buchan, where the sea boils under a natural arch of the rock.” Butler, verb. Cf. Sw. bullr-a, Dan. buldre, to roar. One sense is indicated by Papyngo 95, " buller lyke ane bull.” Another, concerned with foaming or bubbling water, and perhaps influenced by F. bouillir, O.F. bullir, to boil, by Tragedie 338, “ Quhow I laye bulrand, baithit in my blude ” ; Deploratioun 45, " So did this prince throw bulryng stremis wode," and Mon. 1553, " The gret Occiane, Quhilk did nocht spred sic bulryng strandis . . . ouirthort the landis.” 3922. Consummatum est. Cf. John xix. 30, " Cum ergo accepisset Jesus acetum, dixit: Consummatum est. Ft inclinato capite, tradidit spiritum.” 3926-3933. Mainly based on Matthew xxvii. 51-52. 3934. loseph of Abaramathie : Joseph of Arimathaea. Cf. Matthew xxvii. 57-60, Mark xv. 43-47, Luke xxiii. 50-56, John xix. 38-42. The form Abaramathie is not that of the Vulgate, and is unmetrical. I do not find it elsewhere, and suggest emendation. Chalmers, III. 73, reads Arimathie, indicating that an emendation was made early, but the E.E.T.S. editor gives the reading of the Lambeth MS. as Aber- namathie. Lindsay’s error, whether personal or that of another authority, is easily explained. It is derived from a Latin commentator. Cf. Peter Comestor, Historia Scholastica, In Evangelia, cap. clxxx, “ Cum autem sero factum esset, Joseph decurio, id est, unus de ordine curiae, ab Arimatha [italics mine], quae est Ramatha, civitas Helcanae patris Samuelis, dives et justus.” Clearly, at some time, " Joseph ab Ari- matha " has become “ Joseph of Abaramatha." 3937. Ihon. xx. Cf. John xx. 1-18. 3940. Actis i. This marginal reference, placed here in 1554, would be better at line 3941. 394 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

3947-3949. Adis v. The marginal reference is incorrect, and should be amended to Adis iv.

3948. Stewin thay stonit to the dede. Cf. Ads vii.

3949. Frame lames the les thay straik the hede. Cf. Ads xii. 2, “ And he killed James the brother of John with the sword.” See Index of Biblical and Theological References.

3950-3951. This wes the cause, in condusionn. Off thare creuell confusioun. The persecution of Christ and his apostles was the cause of the dis- ruption of the Jewish kingdom after the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, a.d. 70. This Lindsay is about to describe.

3950. Adis vi. In Ads vi. is described the appointment of the first seven deacons, and the false accusations against Stephen. His death by stoning is recorded in Acts vii.

3952. Lindsay begins this account of the siege of Jerusalem by citing the authority of Josephus. He did not, however, make use of Josephus. He made use of an anonymous poem which has come down in two forms and under several names. The titles in three of the MSS. will show both the matter of the poem and the variants in the titles : (i) Hie Incepit Distruccio lerarusalem [sic] quo modo Titus & Vaspasianus obsederunt & distruxerunt lerusalem et vi[n]dicarunt mortem Domini Ihu Xpl. (ii) Here bygynnith pe sege of lerusalem. (iii) The dystruccyon of Iherusalem. The two forms of the poem have been separately published :— (i) The older form, edited by E. Kdlbing and Mabel Day from Bodl. MS. Laud. Misc. 656, with variants from six other MSS., was published as The Siege of Jerusalem by the E.E.T.S. in 1932 [O.S. 188]. This version is in unrhymed alliterative quatrains, beginning— In Tiberyus tyme, : pe trewe emperour, Sir Sesar hym sulf 1 seysed in Rome, Whyle Pylat was prouost : vnder pat prince riche & ^ewen iustice also : in Judeus londis. This poem belongs to the school of alliterative verse writers in quatrains which flourished towards the close of the fourteenth century, represented by Patience and The Parlement of the Three Ages, and was written after the Alliterative Troy Book, from which it borrows lines and short passages. (ii) Titus and Vespasian; or, the Destruction of Jerusalem. The oldest MS. was written c. 1400 [Laud Misc. 622]. This poem was written in over 5000 octosyllabic couplets of the following type :— purghout pe toun bigan go faille Of all manere of vitaille, Soo pat pe strengre slogh oper ; pe fader pe sone, systour pe brother. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 395

The text was edited from seven MSS. by J. A. Herbert as Titus and Vespasian ; or, the Destruction of Jerusalem, for the Roxburghe Club, 1905- Interest in the subject did not end with the invention of printing. English, French, and Dutch printed editions in verse and prose are found. The French printed editions descend from a twelfth century chanson de geste, La Destruction de Jerusalem. (a) [A\Pres quarante ans que nostre seigneur dieu iesucrist fut mis en crois en iherusalem . . . [endf Cy est la fin de ce present tractic intitule la destruction de iherusalem. Fol. ? 1480. B.M., IB. 41577. [Another edition] ? Lyons : ? 1485. Fol. B.M., IB. 42294. (b) La destruction de la cite de Jherusalem et des juifz. [Paris] : Godart: ? 1510. B.M., 0.41^.14(2). (c) The dystruccyon of Iherusalem by Vespasian and Tytus. 40. Wynken de Worde. ? 1517. B.M., C.25.k-5. Id) Die destructie van der stat van iherusalem. Antwerp: ? 1540. B.M., C.32.f.io. Other studies and texts are as follows (a) Professor E. von Dobschiitz, Christusbilder, in Gebhart and Harnack, Texte und untersuchungen zur geschichte der altchristlichen literatur, Neue Folge, Vol. iii. (1899). This traces the history of the combination of the legend of the Holy Vernicle with the siege of Jeru- salem (see later note). (b) F. Bergau, Untersuchungen iiber quelle und verfasser des mittel- englischen reimgedichts, The Vengeance of God's Death. Dissertation. Konigsberg : 1901. (c) The Sege of Jerusalem. Nach dem Bodl. MS. Laud F. 22,656, herausgegeben von G. Steffer. Marburg : 1891. The Descent of the Legend.—The legend is composed of a number of units which were originally separate : (a) the story of Christ’s trial and death ; (6) the Veronica legend ; (c) the siege of Jerusalem, as told by Josephus. The work of combining these three stories is typical of mediaeval religious ingenuity. First had to be invented a link between the story of Christ’s death and that of the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, in a.d. 70. This was easy enough, for it had simply to be based on Christ’s apparent warning to the Jews [see notes to lines 3794-3951] that the destruction of their capital was imminent. The second step was more difficult, for obviously the destruction of Jerusalem, if to be regarded as a punishment on the Jews for crucifying Christ, could not be carried out by a non-Christian. Since therefore the Emperor Titus destroyed the city, he had to be converted to Christianity, and with him his father, and predecessor on the imperial throne, Vespasian, for he also was occupied with the affairs in Palestine which led up to the capture of Jerusalem by the Romans. The method taken to bring about the conversion of both Vespasian and Titus was to introduce the legend of the Holy Vernicle. This was not achieved at once. Originally the legend of St Veronica and the Holy Vernicle was connected with the Emperor Tiberius, who, afflicted with a disease, heard of the marvellous cures effected by a man named Jesus in Palestine, and sent to the governor of that province, one Pilate, for the man to be sent to Rome. Pilate sent back 396 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY word that Christ had been put to death. But St Veronica went to Rome bearing a cloth which she had used to wipe the face of Jesus as He was bearing the cross. The touch of this cured Tiberius. Pilate was tried and banished, and according to some MSS. committed suicide. This story was developed in the Apocryphal Gospels, in four narratives concerning Pilate : (i) The Letter of Pontius Pilate, which he wrote to the Roman Emperor concerning our Lord Jesus Christ; (ii) The Report of Pilate the Procurator concerning our Lord Jesus Christ, sent to Rome to Tiberius Ccesar (existing in two forms) ; (iii) The Giving up of Pontius Pilate (this concerning the legend of the Holy Vernicle healing Tiberius) ; and (iv) The Death of Pilate. English texts of these will be found in Apocryphal Gospels, Acts, and Revelations, translated by Alexander Walker, Anti-Nicene Christian Library. Tischendorfi’s edition of the third piece makes use of five MSS., the earliest of which belongs to the twelfth century. According to Kolbing and Day, Siege, of Jerusalem, xvi., Dobschiitz assigns the story to the sixth century, and uses a Latin prose version, Cura Sanitatis Tiberius, of which they note an English prose version in the British Museum, MS. Harl. 149. Next comes the Vindicta Salvatoris, probably composed in Aquitaine about the year 700. An old English translation of this work was made in the eleventh century. Titus is now the main figure. He is ruler of Acquitaine in the time of Tiberius, and suffers from cancer in the face. Nathan, the son of Naum, bringing tribute from Palestine to Rome, is driven out of his course and lands at Bordeaux. He is taken before Titus, who asks if there is any cure for his disease, and Nathan tells him of Christ's miracles and His death. Titus inveighs against Tiberius for not having punished the Jews who were guilty of such a crime, and is at once cured for his defence of Christ. He then vows vengeance on the Jews, is baptised, and sends for his “brother” Vespasian. They lead an army into Judaea. “ King ” Archelaus of Palestine and Pilate, stricken with fear, shut themselves up in Jerusalem, where the Jews sufier the pangs of severe famine before Titus captures the city. The siege lasts seven years, after which many Jews are put to death and the remainder sold at thirty a penny. Titus and Vespasian then inquire if there is any portrait of Christ, and finding that Veronica possesses one, they send her with the portrait and Pilate to Tiberius. Tiberius is healed by the Holy Vernicle, and Pilate is imprisoned and commits suicide. Various intermediate texts, which make Vespasian the sufierer from a plague of wasps in the nose instead of Tiberius, lead to the chanson de geste called La Destruction de Jerusalem in 2300 Alexandrines, probably composed in the twelfth century. The story next appears in the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine, composed in the latter half of the thirteenth century, in the life of St James the Less (Legenda Aurea, ed. Graesse, 298 : Scottish Legends of the Saints, ed. W. M. Metcalfe, S.T.S., I. 150), and is followed by a large group of prose versions in many languages, the oldest extant MS. being a Provencal version done shortly before 1375. This version cuts away the early portion of the legend, and begins forty years after the Crucifixion. Vespasian is now the emperor, and the hero of the poem, NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 397 his face being devoured by cancer. He is also a leper. His healing leads to the siege of Jerusalem as before. The two main English poetical versions, represented by The Siege of Jerusalem and Titus and Vespasian, do not offer identical accounts of the siege. Titus and Vespasian is clearly the later version, for, in the usual mediaeval manner, obscure or hazy points in the Siege are clearer, and there is the normal development of the story of Mary, the woman who ate her child, into the number of ladies who ate their children. Lindsay has used the Titus and Vespasian version, but seems to have added one or two details from the Scottish Lives of the Saints. (i) In lines 3992-4000 Lindsay says that the ladies of the town slew their children, and that the soldiers stole the bodies to eat themselves. This agrees with Titus and Vespasian, and not with The Siege of Jeru- salem. See note to lines 3992-4000. (ii) In lines 4028-4040 Lindsay describes the massacre of the Jews following the surrender of the town. This again agrees with Titus and Vespasian, and not with The Siege of Jerusalem. See note. Lindsay quotes Josephus as his authority. This is because Josephus is liberally quoted by both the above poems as the authority for the details of the siege. But the poems were anonymous, and Lindsay, as in the case of his use of SeisseTs Le Premier Volume de Orose, which was published anonymously, cites the authority referred to in the work he is using. This only applies to his use of anonymous works. Editions of Josephus were available, but only in Latin. The Antiquities and Wars of the Jews were first published in 1470, the Antiquities first published separately in 1480. There were many Latin editions in the early sixteenth century. The first English translation, done by Thomas Lodge, did not appear until 1602. A French translation by Francois Bourgoing appeared at Lyons in 1558. A German translation by Caspar Hedio appeared at Strassburg in 1544. Josephus had been much used by Higden, Polychronicon, and also the revised Josephus made by Hegesippus. It will have been noticed that the siege of Jerusalem is made consequent upon the trial and death of Christ. Lindsay also adopts this view. It was one commonly held in mediaeval theology, but it may have been reimpressed on Lindsay by the poem. I think, however, that his account of the trial is taken from the Bible. Carion’s Version.—Carion's version offers parallels with Lindsay’s. There are two line-parallels, and the story of the mothers is similar. Carion, trans. Lynne, f. 92, " Of the last destruction of lerusalem [3957]. In the seconde yeare of Uespasianus began [3969] Titus the son of Uespasian to besyege the cytie lerusalem, when Easter began to be kept in the moneth of Apryll, and afterwarde in the moneth of September dyd he spoile and burn it. But in the meane tyme was so great mysery in the cytie for hunger, vproure and inwarde man- slaughter [3830], as neuer was red to haue bene in any cytie [3992-4000]. The mothers dyghted their owne chyldren to satisfye their hunger, but in uayne : For the souldyours tooke them awaye from them par force, and deuoured them, and the mothers dyed with hunger the whiles. Many slew themselues [4081]. losephus wryteth that in the cyty were about ten [Lindsay, 4085, ‘ alewin ’] hundreth thousand persons. For 398 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

because it was Easter, a very great multitude came together into the cytie. Besydes this, they that dwelt here and there in villages, in all lewry, drue all together to Hierusalem, for none other cause, but that they trusted to bee in sauegarde by the defence of so well a fortified citie. In so great nomber of people, the moste parte nerehande dyed with hunger, pestilence, and sworde [4106]. Titus send syxtene thousand to Alexandria, to do seruice none other wyse then slaues [4108], He brought twoo thousand with hym [4112], whiche hee shewed in a triumphe [4115], and caste them to wylde beastes in common games to be toren in pieces. . . . This destruction of Jerusalem befell in the second yeare of Uespasianus : and it was the thre score and fortene yeare after Christes natiuite, the fortieth [Lindsay, 3956, ‘ twa and fourty ’] yeare after that Christ had suffered his passion.” Where Carion’s figures or dates differ from Lindsay’s, the Latin (I537) and French (1553) texts of Carion are identical with the English text. I quote from Josephus, Wars of the Jews, Whiston’s translation, for two reasons : (a) to check the accuracy of the account of the siege as given by mediaeval poems and by Lindsay ; (b) to note those portions for which Josephus is not the original authority, though he may be cited as such.

3952-3959. Josephus does not mention Christ, and thus the calculations given here are not to be found in his work. The ascription of some such dating of the siege is found early in mediaeval theology. Cf. Polychronicon, Rolls Series, IV. 450, " Et ut ipsi Udaei de praeoccupa- tione calumniam aut excusationem non heberent, per xla annos ex- pectavit per apostolorum praedicationem ad conuertendum sollicitant, per signa stupenda eos terrere curauit.” I do not find the time of forty-two years anywhere mentioned. All authorities say forty.

3958. Cf. Josephus, VI. iv. 8, " And thus was Jerusalem taken, in the second year of Vespasian.” Lindsay, however, states that the war began in the second year of Vespasian : this is incorrect. 3960-3967. Cf. Josephus, VI. ix. 3, " the greater part of whom [those who perished in the siege] were indeed of the same nation (with the citizens of Jerusalem), but not belonging to the city itself; for they were come up from all the country to the feast of unleavened bread, and were on a sudden shut up by an army, which, at the very first, occasioned so great a straitness among them that there came a pesti- lential destruction upon them, and soon afterward such a famine as destroyed them utterly.” 3964-3967. A difficult passage, perhaps ungrammatical.

3964. Thare : 1776 where, which is a better reading, with a comma at end of line 3963- 3965. That would be better replaced by To or On. No early emendation was made, but 1776 reads To. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 399

3966. The tyme of Peace : the time of Pasche, here, the Passover, the word Pasch being used for both the Jewish Passover and the Christian Easter. Pasch : O.F. pasche, pasque (Mod. F. pdque), from L. pascha, from Gk. ndaxa, from Heb. pesakh, a passing over, the Passover, from pasakh, to pass over. Lindsay here, and in lines 4120-4121, uses the form Peace, as a rhyme with grace ; elsewhere he uses the more common form Pasch. The form Peace, however, survives to the present time.

3967. Insert period at end of line.

3969. Tytus, the Sonne of Uespasiane. Titus Flavius Sabinus Ves- pasianus, son of the Emperor Vespasian, born 30th December, a.d. 40. After serving in Britain and Germany, he commanded a legion under his father in the Jewish wars, and when Vespasian returned to Italy in 69, after having been proclaimed emperor, Titus remained to finish the subjugation of Palestine. Jerusalem was captured on the 8th September 70, and Titus returned in triumph to Rome in 71. He succeeded his father in 79, and died 13th September 81, being succeeded by his brother, Domitian. His father, also named Titus Flavius Sabinus Vespasianus, was born of low rank, 17th November a.d. 9. Vespasian served as tribunus militum in Thrace, and as quaestor in Crete and Cyrene, later becoming aedile and praetor. He married Flavia Domitilla, the daughter of a Roman eques, by whom he had two sons, Titus and Domitian, both of whom succeeded him. In 43 he was legatus legionis in Britain, and reduced the Isle of Wight; he became consul in 51, and was pro-consul of Africa under Nero. In 66 he was sent by Nero to subdue the Jews, and acquired a military reputation. When war broke out between Otho and Vitellius, on the death of Galba, he was regarded as the strong man of the empire, and was proclaimed emperor on Otho’s death. He returned to Rome, leaving his son Titus to prosecute the war in Palestine, and in 71 they triumphed together at Rome. During Ves- pasian’s reign North Wales and Anglesey were subdued by Agricola, 78. Vespasian died 24th June 79, and was succeeded by Titus.

3974. The Romanis lappitthame about. Lappit: lapped, enfold, swathe, envelop, surround. The Romans surrounded the town so closely that none might escape. M.E. lappe. Josephus, V. ii. 4, says that the siege began with the Romans building three walls right round the town. 1776 leaped.

3975. Sax moneth did that Sege indure. This period is stated in all early texts. Josephus allots an “ interval of near six months ” from the coming of Titus to besiege the city, to the great extremity of famine to which the defenders were reduced. This occupied Book V. of his work. Book VI. allots another month for the final capture. Josephus does not state exactly when the siege began, but states, VI. x. r, that it was surrendered on the eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].

3978-3991. Josephus gives periodic descriptions of the state of famine in the town, the misery of the besieged being increased by internal 400 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

disorders between the Jewish factions, and by robbery and pillage to discover concealed food.

3984-3985. Josephus does not give details of the eating of these animals, though it may be assumed. Neither the Siege of Jerusalem nor Titus and Vespasian give these details. But cf. the Scottish Lives of the Saints [Sf James the Less], S.T.S., I. 170, lines 679-682 : for nothire wes lewit in pat towne hwnde, na catte, na ^et ratone, hyde, na skyne, na ^et aid schone vnhetyne [uneaten], be pis wes done. Only the latter portion comes from Josephus, who mentions the chewing of leather in all forms, to stave off the pangs of hunger. 3986-3987. Ryche men behuffit tyll eait thare gold, Syne deit of hunger many fold. This is a mediaeval embellishment of statements by Josephus, who states that men who wished to escape sometimes ate their gold, so that they might not be robbed, and yet might recover it afterwards. Josephus does not say that the rich ate their gold instead of food. See note to lines 4102-4105, where the story of the eaten gold is resumed.

3989. The quik behufit tyll eit the deid. See note to lines 3992-4000.

3990-3991. The fylth of Closettis many eit ; To lenth thare lyfe thay thocht it sweit. Cf. Josephus, V. xiii. 7, “ Some persons were driven to that terrible distress as to search the common shores and old dunghills of cattle, and to eat the dung which they got there ; and what they of old could not endure so much as to see they now used as food.” Shores : sewers. The old word Closettis was replaced in later editions by privies, as in 1776. An interesting history lies behind the change. Closet, as " closet of ease,” is first recorded in O.E.D. under 1662. In Scots the word closet, under date 1533 and 1535, is found, meaning " sewer ” [possibly also ” cesspool ”], a translation of L. cloaca, the origin of the Scots word being unknown. Jamieson suggests a derivation from O.F. clusan, caverne. Cf. Bellenden, Livy (1822), 70, "He drew mony closettis, condittis, and sinkis fra the hight of the town to the low partis thairof, to purge the samin of all corrupcion and filth,” and Stewart, Chronicle of Scotland (1535), III. 499, “ Out-throw ane closet quhair the filth dyd ryn | of all that place.” Lindsay uses the word in the same sense : his use is not recorded in O.E.D. The earliest use of privy is in Barbour, Bruce (1375), V. 556.

3992-4000. Josephus, VI. iii. 4, tells the story of a woman named Mary, of wealthy and noble family, who fled from Bethlehem to Jeru- salem, for safety. During the siege she was robbed of her wealth and food, and was driven to slay her infant boy, and roast him. She ate one-half, and kept the other half concealed. The smell of roasting NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 401 having attracted the food-robbers, they threatened her with death if she did not deliver up the food she had. She said she had kept a portion for them, and uncovered the remains, inviting them to partake. Horri- fied, they left the house. The story was repeated in mediaeval accounts of the siege, bul; during the fifteenth century it was embroidered, to make it appear that acts of cannibalism were common during the siege. The Legenda Aurea (St James the Less), for example, tells the story in its simplest form, as in Josephus ; so, too. The Siege of Jerusalem, lines 1077-1096. The Siege calls Mary " a myld wyf.” Titus and Vespasian, however, makes cannibalism a common practice. Cf. Herbert’s text, pp. 153-157 : J’urghout pe toun bigan to faille Of all manere of vitaille, Soo pat pe strengre slogh oper ; pe fader pe sone, systour pe brother ; Men and wymmen her children ete. And yche man oper by every strete. The poem then tells the story of Mary : A riche lady of pat centre, Of large landes and eke of fee (Mary she hight sikerly, A Cristen womman prively [secretly] . . . The last two lines are embellishment of the narrative. The story in Titus and Vespasian, as in The Siege of Jerusalem, is that Jerusalem -was governed during the siege by “ King ” Archelaus and Pilate, who knew that Titus wished to punish him for having killed Christ forty years before. Mary’s rank varies with different narratives. In Wynken de Worde’s edition, c. 1517, she is the widow of a king of Africa who had died when Christ was crucified (the germ of Mary’s Christian faith, but very, very far from Josephus). In Josephus Mary lives alone with her son, an infant sucking at the breast. In the Siege she has a “ barn,” but in Titus and Vespasian, and in Wynken de Worde’s version, she has an only daughter, and lives with a noble lady named Clarice, who has an only son. Both children die of famine, and Clarice suggests that they should cut up and roast Mary’s child for food. Mary faints at the suggestion, but an angel of God appears to her, and commands her to roast and eat the child in fulfilment of Christ’s prophecy [which Lindsay quotes in lines 4001-4015]. The queen obeys, cutting and roasting a quarter. The king of Jerusalem and Pilate smell the good odour of roasting, and, hungry themselves, send a sergeant to trace its origin. The sergeant takes ten or twelve other sergeants, and, tracing the odour to Mary’s house, demands some of the meat in Pilate’s name. The queen prepares to cut up the remaining three quarters, but the sergeants are so horrified that they return in haste to Pilate, who, according to Wynken de Worde’s text, was " ryght dolent and dysconforted ” at what he heard, but did nothing, leaving Mary and Clarice, after eating the first child, to eat the second. In Titus and Vespasian, however, the story ends differently, and 402 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

offers a rendering which tallies with Lindsay’s. Here Pilate smells the roasting while sitting in his tower, and orders it to be brought to him : pei wente and fonde where it was, And come and tolde hym all pe caas. And whan pei had tolde him pis sawe, pan was Pilate nothyng fawe. And then pe Jewes pider ronne. Upon his erand they bygonne. And her liflode bare hem froo. pan pese wymmen had mych woo, And bilefte in mychel drede. For noo more store pei ne had at nede [lines 3473-3482.] It is also from Titus and Vespasian that Lindsay probably takes his story of the rich eating gold, though it is found elsewhere. In this poem, after Pilate has had the human food brought to him, he forbids people to eat their children, and suggests that they should eat gold and silver. The rich also attempt to stay their hunger with precious stones, but finding that these things are of no use, the people return to cannibalism. Lindsay omits all mention of Pilate, and may have regarded his supposed presence at the siege as fictitious, which it, of course, is. The story is found in its simpler form in Higden’s Polychronicon, IV. x., from the Christianised paraphrase of Josephus compiled by Hegesippus. But it exists in other mediaeval religious works, especially Books of Hours. Herbert, for example, illustrates his edition of Titus and Vespasian with reproductions from B.M. Egerton MS. 2781, a Book of Hours written and illuminated in England in the first half of the fourteenth century. The two plates he uses depict, among other incidents, the two women eating their children. The story of the Hebrew mother who ate her child is more than once referred to in the sixteenth century. It forms the subject of an epigram by Sir Thomas Wyatt [Wyatt, Poems, ed. Foxwell, I. 55] : In dowtfull brest, whilst moderly pitie, With furyous famyn stondyth at debate Sayth Hebrew moder : “ O child unhappye “ Retorne thi blood where thou hadst milk of late ; “ Yeld me those lyms that I made unto thee, " And entre there where thou wert generat; " For of on body agaynst all nature, “ To a nother must I make sepulture.” Miss Foxwell states, without proof, that this epigram was written in Spain, 1537-1539, and suggests that Wyatt had become acquainted with Don Hurtado de Mendoza, a collector of MSS., one of whose manuscripts being used for printing the first Josephus [Miss Foxwell does not say Latin or Greek]. She imagines Wyatt reading the story in Mendoza’s library, but her imagination led her astray : Wyatt attributes to the mother words not found in Josephus, but in The Siege of Jerusalem, 1080-84, from the Polychronicon. Either of these may have been Wyatt’s authority. The story also appears in Nashe’s Christes Teares over Jerusalem, NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 403

1593 [Nashe, Works, ed. M'Kerrow, II. 71-77 : ed. Grosart, IV. 105-115]. Nashe gives a vivid impressionistic description of the siege, and makes a great feature of the mother eating her child. He calls the mother Miriam. 4001-4013. Luc. xxiiii. The marginal reference is incorrect, and should be amended to Luc. xxiii. Cf. Luke xxiii. 27-30, " Sequebatur autem ilium multa turba populi et mulierum, quae plangebant et lamenta- bantur eum. 28. Conversus autem ad illas Jesus, dixit: Filiae Jeru- salem, nolite flere super me ; sed super vos ipsas flete, et super filios vestros; 29. Quoniam ecce venient dies, in quibus dicent: Beatae steriles, et ventres qui non genuerunt, et ubera quae non lactaverunt. 30. Tunc incipient dicere montibus : Cadite super nos ; et collibus : Operite nos.” 4015. That day. The period of the siege of Jerusalem, which Christ is supposed to be prophesying in the quotation above. 4016-4027. While these lines have an origin in Josephus, and on the mediaeval accounts of the siege, it must not be forgotten that to the Middle Ages war meant three things : the sword, famine, and pestilence; and no description of war could be complete without mention of them. The origin of the three evils is biblical. Cf. Ezekiel vi. 11, " Alas for all the evil abominations of the house of Israel! for they shall fall by the sword, by the famine, and by the pestilence." Lindsay describes the work of the sword in the next passage. 4028-4051. The Siege does not tell of the massacres which followed the capture of the last portion of the town, but Titus and Vespasian does. Lindsay rather heightens the description, especially in lines 4038-4041. Cf. Josephus, VI. viii. 5. Mediaeval descriptions of the temple were florid ; they portray it as decorated from top to bottom with precious stones [4046]. The defence of the temple, which was strongly built, was one of the features of the siege. Josephus gives a full description of the temple in Book V., chap, vi., immediately following a description of the lay-out and defences of the city. Josephus says that the pillars were unit blocks of marble, and that the walls and gates were covered with gold and silver, but does not mention any precious stones, except those on the robes of the priests. The temple was, like the city, captured piecemeal, and was finally destroyed by fire. Its walls were razed to the ground, and every effort made to obliterate the home of Judaism. The Siege says that the site of Jerusalem was ploughed over, and the site of the temple ploughed over with salt, but there may be some confusion here with the more complete obliteration of the site by Hadrian (reigned 117-138) after a fresh revolt of the Jews against the Roman settlers in a colony on the site of Jerusalem called Aelia Capitolina. The revolt broke out in 131, and was not crushed until 136, by which time Palestine had been made practically a wilderness. 4049. Sancta Sanctorum : the Holy of Holies in the temple. Emenda- tion to sanctum sanctorum is not necessary. While sanctum sanctorum 404 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY is the more common reading [cf. Exodus xxvi. 34], the Vulgate frequently uses sancta sanctorum [cf. Exodus xl. 11]. The change was, however, made in the early editions : 1776 Sanctum Sanctorum. 4052-4053. Cf. lines 3884-3885, and note. 4054. The gret vengeance. The vengeance of Christ, the Vindicta Salva- toris, on the Jews for having crucified Him. Cf. lines 4058-4059, and note to lines 4098-4105. 4060. It: the death of Christ, mentioned in the previous line. 4062-4064. Lindsay here recalls Christ’s prophecy of the fall of Jeru- salem for having slain prophets, Matthew xxiii. The allusion to Abel and Zacharias is taken from verse 35 : “ Ut veniat super vos omnis sanguis Justus, qui effusus est super terram, a sanguine Abel justi usque ad sanguinem Zachariae, filii Barachiae, quem occidistis inter templum et altare.” The story of Zacharias is told in 2 Chronicles xxiv. 20-22. “ And the Spirit of God came upon Zechariah the son of Jehoida the priest, which stood above the people, and said unto them, Thus saith God, Why transgress ye the commandments of the Lord, that ye cannot prosper ? because ye have forsaken the Lord, he hath also forsaken you. 21. And they conspired against him, and stoned him with stones at the commandment of the king in the court of the house of the Lord. 22. Thus Joash the king remembered not the kindness which Jehoida his father had done to him, but slew his son. And when he died, he said. The Lord look upon it, and require it.” The murder of Abel by Cain is narrated in Genesis iv. 1-15. 4068-4069. See note to lines 4082-4087. 4070-4078. Math, xxvii. Cf. Pilate’s words to the Jews, Matthew xxvii. 24-25. “ Videns autem Pilatus quia nihil proficeret, sed magis tumultus fieret, accepta aqua, lavit manus coram populo, dicens : Innocens ego sum a sanguine justi hujus ; vos videritis. 25. Et respondens uni versus populus, dixit: Sanguis ejus super nos, et super filios nostros.”

4078. Our Generatioun : our sons, lit. those whom we generate. L. generation-em. 4082-4087. Josephus, VI. ix. 3, “ Now the number of those that were carried captive during this whole war was collected to be ninety-seven thousand ; as was the number of those that perished during the whole siege eleven hundred thousand.” Both the Siege [1171] and Titus and Vespasian give the number of slain as 1,100,000, but only Titus and Vespasian gives the number sold as captives. All texts of Carion give the number of slain incorrectly as 1,000,000. Herbert’s main text of Titus and Vespasian, however, gives the number of slain, rather curiously, as “ An hundrede thousand elleven sithe.” 4086. Off Presonaris, weill tauld and sene. Young men only were sold as slaves. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 405

4087-4088. Great numbers of Jews were driven into Egypt, and others northwards, and eastwards across the Euphrates, but sufficient were left to leave Palestine still a Jewish country. Their descendants revolted under Hadrian, when they were again scattered through the surrounding countries, but the tradition remains in popular belief that the dispersion of the Jews took place after the fall of Jerusalem in the year 70. 4090-4097. I do not find a general statement regarding the holding of land by Jews in Europe. They came to England with the Norman conqueror. Down to the middle of the thirteenth century there was no objection to Jews in England holding land received in gage, but they seldom took possession. Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, I. 468-75 (2nd ed.), “ However, late in Henry III.’s reign it became apparent that the Jews were holding lands in fee and that they had military tenants below them ; they were claiming the ward- ships and marriages of infant heirs, and were even daring to present Christian clerks to Christian bishops for induction into Christian churches. This was not to be borne. In 1271 the edict went forth that they were no longer to hold free tenement, though they might keep their own houses.” There was no actual law to prevent them from holding lands, and Pollock and Maitland note that in feoffments made by certain convents it was common to find the stipulation that the land was not to be sold or gaged to Jews. In law the Jews were the king’s serfs, and Bracton stated that " the Jew can have nothing that is his own, for whatever he acquires, he acquires, not for himself, but for the king ; for the Jews live not for themselves but for others, and so they acquire not for themselves but for others.” They were expelled from England in 1290, and not officially readmitted until 1654 ; but as individual Jews are found in England in the reign of Elizabeth, it is clear that the ban was falling into disuse. Even now the Jews are not attached to the land, although they were once skilled agriculturists. 4095. Sen this day fyuetene hundreth %eir. The calculation was altered in the seventeenth century editions to sixteen hundred year, and this retained to 1776. See a similar alteration of dates in note to line 5295. 4098-4105. This ancient tradition that the Jews were bound together in groups of thirty, and sold thirty a penny, is an old Christian tradition, which takes on permanent form in the Vindicta Salvatoris of the sixth or seventh centuries. The story varies in detail. In the Vindicta Salvatoris, Vespasian asks what should be done with the Jews who remained alive after the massacre, and Titus replies, “ They sold our Lord for thirty silver pieces, and we will give thirty Jews for one silver piece.” In The Siege of Jerusalem, Pilate tells Titus of the death of Christ, and how he was sold for thirty pence. Titus curses him who made the purchase, and orders the Jews to be sold in the market-place : Ay for a peny of pris, : who-so pay wolde, J'rytty Jewes in a prom : prongen in ropis. So were pey bargayned & boujt ! & brojt out of londe. [lines 1315-17.] VOL. III. 2 D 406 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

In Tiius and Vespasian the story is more complicated, and is directly connected with the story that the Jews had eaten their gold, silver, and jewels. When finally the Jews surrender the town, Titus enters with 3000 armed men, and a massacre follows. Those who were seized and bound, says the poem, with a peculiar touch of inversion, were slain. Those who were bound were tied hand and foot, and piled in heaps. The Christians in the town were, of course, spared, and they revealed to Titus that the Jews had hidden their gold, silver, and jewels by eating them. Titus rejoices at this intelligence, summons the Christians throughout Judea, and sells the captive Jews to them at the rate of thirty a penny, telling the buyers to torture their captives to death to obtain their treasures. The story was developed from what Josephus tells us. When many of the Jews deserted the town, to escape death by starvation, they swallowed their gold, “ that they might not be found out by the robbers ; and when they had escaped to the Romans, went to stool, and had wherewith to provide plentifully for themselves : for Titus let a great number of them go away into the country whither they pleased [V. x. 1]. The trick was discovered later in the siege, when deserters, “ puffed up with famine and swelled like men in a dropsy,” died, “ burst asunder,” through eating too greedily when they reached the Roman camp. Some Syrian deserters were then noticed cutting open the bodies, extracting the gold, and selling it to the Romans in such quantities that the price dropped from twenty-five drachmas to twelve. Soon new deserters were deliberately slain for their gold, and Josephus says that in one night alone 2000 were thus " dissected ” [V. xiii. 4-5]. The mediaeval narrators hold up this gruesome business until after the capture of the town, and make it part of the dread vengeance of Christ. One of Herbert’s illustrations depicts a " parcel ” of Jews being led away by a purchaser, exactly after the manner in which damned souls were depicted as being led to hell by a devil. To the unencumbered Protestant mind such a conception of Christ as a revengeful deity is revolting, but it must be remembered that the fathers inherited their conception of God from Judaism. God, or Jahweh, was a half-Babylonical deity who ruled by punishment, and whose instruments were war, famine, and pestilence. The conception survives to the present day in the conception of a God who is ever regarding human actions with disapproving eye. It is still the basis of Roman Catholicism. The prayer, " Have mercy on us, O God,” presupposes a wrathful, or revengeful, or punitory deity. Favours from God are obtained through prayers to the saints, who plead with God. 4106-4117. The description of the disposal of the prisoners in Titus and Vespasian is rather too long for quotation. The young men were taken to Egypt to be sold as slaves : the rest graced Titus’s triumph in Rome. Josephus says, VI. viii. 2, that many of those who deserted during the siege were sold at a very low price, " and that because such as were sold were very many and the buyers were very few.” Even so, Titus allowed forty thousand Jews to go where they pleased. In VI. ix. 2 he says that after the massacre the tallest and most beautiful NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 407 young men about seventeen years of age were sent to the Egyptian mines, but a great number were sent to the theatres in the province to be destroyed by the sword and by wild beasts. During the sorting out of the young men, eleven thousand persons perished from famine. In VII. iii. Josephus says that while Titus was wintering at Caesarea, he celebrated the birthdays of his father and brother by the slaughter of another two thousand five hundred in the amphitheatre. Further massacres took place at Antioch and other places. This almost un- exampled exhibition of Roman fury seems to have been the outcome of revulsion from Jewish religious fanaticism, oriental political deceptions, and military treacheries.

Off ye miserabyll end Off Cerxane tyrane Princis. And SPECIALLYE, THE BeGYNNARIS OF THE FOUR MONARCHEIS. The next section of the poem, covering lines 4126-4244, might best be described as a sermon on two texts : (i) the transitoriness of human life ; (ii) the use made by God of tyrant kings to punish an evil world. The latter is illustrated by outstanding examples of tyrants : Pharaoh, Nebuchadrezzar, Alexander the Great, Hannibal, Julius Caesar, and Pompey. Of these, all but Pharaoh and Hannibal have already been treated, but their reigns are once more summarised, as if to stress the theme.

4135. Seis : sees, seats.

4136. Mortall fallis : mortal falls, falls from power which brought them to death. Cf. Lydgate, The Falls of Princes.

4140. For, siclyke as the snaw doith melt in May. Cf. lines 2596, 4233.

4141. Throuch the reflex of Phebus bemys brycht. Cf. line 170.

4146. Rycht cruellye, tharefor, wes sched thare blude. Cf. Matthew xxvi. 52, " omnes enim qui acceperint gladium, gladio peribunt.”

4146-4153. Lindsay has before stressed the use by God of chosen scourges, the word being used figuratively in Isaiah for any instrument used by God in executing his judgments. Cf. Isaiah x. 26, “ And the Lord of hosts shall stir up a scourge for him according to the slaughter of Midian at the rock of Oreb : and as his rod was upon the sea, so shall he lift it up after the manner of Egypt.” God thus used an angel to destroy the Assyrians, 2 Kings xix. 35 ; Isaiah xxxvii. 36.

4159. Mesit. 1776 appeased. Mese: to mitigate, appease, settle disputes.

4161. Exo. vii. Exodus vii. describes the visit of Moses and Aaron to Pharaoh to obtain a relaxation of the harsh treatment of the Jews, but Pharaoh’s heart hardens against the chosen people. 408 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

4163. His awin peculier peple : God’s own particular people. Cf. Deuteronomy xiv. 2, “ Quoniam populus sanctus es Domino Deo tuo, et te elegit ut sis ei in populum peculiarem, de cunctis gentibus quae sunt super terram.” Cf. also Deuteronomy xxvi. 26 ; 1 Peter ii. 9.

4164. He wrocht on hym vengence. The plagues sent on Egypt are probably referred to.

4167. Exo. xiiii. Exodus xiv. describes the passage of the Red Sea and the destruction of Pharaoh’s army. 1776 takes he in line 4166 to mean Pharaoh, and, noticing the clumsy construction of the two lines, alters thame drownit to was drowned. The he of line 4166, however, refers back to the he of line 4164, and to God in line 4161. The his of line 4166 refers back to the hym of line 4164, and to Pharo in line 4161. 4168-4174. Dan. iiii. The Biblical reference affects only the last three lines of the stanza. Nebuchadrezzar had captured Jerusalem, and had taken the Jews in captivity to Babylon. Daniel iv. narrates the end of Nebuchadrezzar, whose passing has been revealed to him in a dream, which Daniel is called upon to interpret. His land will come to ruin, and he himself will be brought to poverty, and will be cast out from men. Daniel iv. 28 says that twelve months later the dream came true.

4173. And hym transformit in ane heist brutell. A liberal interpretation of Daniel iv. 32, “ And they shall drive thee from men, and thy dwelling shall be with the beasts of the field : they shall make thee to eat grass as oxen . . .”

4174. Sewin qeris and more, as wryttis Daniell. Another free interpretation. The above verse continues, ‘‘ . . . and seven times pass over thee,” taken to signify the annual ploughing of the land. The reason for this punishment of Nebuchadrezzar is that he should learn the power of God. The verse continues, “ . . . until thou know that the most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will.”

4175-4181. A brief summary of the events of Alexander the Great’s reign, already given in lines 3642-3673. The only additional fact is that the poisoning of Alexander took place in Babylon.

4181. Add a period to the end of this line.

4182-4202. These three stanzas summarise the life of Hannibal. Han- nibal was born b.c. 247, and from an early age was dedicated to enmity with Rome. He became commander-in-chief of the Carthaginian forces on the assassination of Hasdrubal in 221, and continued the subjugation of Spain commenced by his father Hamilcar. The second Punic War broke out in 218, after the Romans had demanded the surrender of Hannibal for the breach of a truce. Hannibal took the NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 409

ofiensive, and commenced to march on Italy, crossing the Pyrenees, and marching along the south coast of Gaul. He then followed the Rhone northwards, and crossed the Alps at the beginning of winter, losing heavily in men, and reaching Italy with only 20,000 foot and 6000 horse. At first he defeated the Roman troops in Italy, and Han- nibal was then joined by the Gauls, who had hitherto opposed his progress. The first great battle was fought at Lake Trasimenus, when 15.000 prisoners were taken by Hannibal. He then crossed the Apen- nines, harassed by a new Roman army. Another Roman army of 90.000 men marched into Apulia, and Hannibal gave battle to these just below the town of Cannae. This large Roman army was anni- hilated, between forty and fifty thousand men being killed [4191]. Eighty senators [4192 “ thretty ’’] were slain. Lindsay next mentions Hannibal’s suicide by poison. After the battle of Cdnnae South Italy revolted from Rome, and Hannibal endeavoured, but in vain, to subdue Italy. His failure was largely due to the change in Roman tactics, for they no longer opposed him with large armies, but harried his troops, and for three or four years neither side could claim victory. Hannibal’s forces were cut off from their base, and he had to fight a series of delaying actions until his brother Hasdrubal should appear in the north of Italy with fresh troops. These did not reach Italy until 207, when they were immediately defeated. This decided the issue of the war in Italy, and kept Hannibal on the defensive for four years. In 203 he crossed to Africa, to be defeated by Scipio, at Zama, in 202. Peace followed in 201, but Hannibal set to work to raise fresh troops. He was not supported by one of the political parties at Carthage, which denounced him to the Romans for entering into a treaty with Antiochus the Great of Syria (b.c. 223-187), the conqueror of Palestine in 198, to take up arms against Rome. Hannibal fled from Carthage to the court of Antiochus, b.c. 193, and after the defeat of Antiochus the surrender of Hannibal was demanded by the Romans. Hannibal took refuge at the court of Prusias, king of Bithynia, but in 183 the Romans, who still feared him, demanded his surrender, and seeing further escape impossible, he took poison. Cf. Livy, xxii. 49. Livy says that 45,000 Roman infantry, 2700 cavalry, almost as many citizens and allies, 29 tribunes, and 80 senators were slain.

4191. By presonaris. 1776 Attour captains.

4198. His glorye. 1776 his vain glore. Lindsay’s account of Hannibal is not taken from Carion, who says nothing about the three heaped bushels of rings, the thirty or eighty senators and twenty lords, nor of the death of Hannibal.

4103-4223. See notes to lines 3676-3693. Lindsay now describes the earlier history of the wars between Julius Caesar and Pompey. Pompey’s conquest of the Orient [4208] was principally achieved by his defeat of Mithridates. During Pompey’s absence in the East Caesar had become a power in Rome, and the senate refused to sanction Pompey's distribution of lands in the East to his veterans. For a time Pompey 4io THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY and Caesar worked together against the senate, and joined with Crassus, and their combination crushed the aristocracy at Rome. Pompey married Caesar’s daughter, Julia, to cement their alliance. When Caesar went to Gaul in 58 Pompey remained at Rome ; and while Caesar was gaining renown and power Pompey was losing the confidence of all parties in Rome. The link between them was broken when Julia died in 54, and it was then seen that there must be a contest for power between the two men. War finally broke out, and Pompey was defeated at Pharsalia in 48. He crossed to Egypt, but was murdered on landing. Cf. Deploratioun, 75-76. 4211. Thre hundreth .M. : three hundred thousand.

4215-4220. Cf. lines 2686-3693.

4221. Dethis. 1776 deeds.

4224-4232. See notes to lines 3724-3787.

4231. Is. 1776 in, with sense closing at end of line 4233.

4233. The gret Impyris ar meltit dene away. Cf. line 2596.

4238-4244. This stanza forecasts the later theme of the poem, which will deal with the coming end of the world.

4238. Darth : dearth. 1776 death. The change may not be due to carelessness, but to difficulty in seeing any difference between dearth and hunger.

Heir followis the fyft Spirituall, And Papall Monarchie. Laing, III. 204, '* In the earlier editions this title reads. The Fyft Spirituall Monarchie, &c. In the London edit., 1566, and subsequent copies, it is more correctly given ' The First Spirituall and Papall Monarchie.’ The author himself expressly limited his Dialog to the Four Great Monarchies : The Assyrian, the Persian, the Greek, and the Roman Empires. The Spirituall or Papall monarchy, he introduces, as it were incidentally.” The last sentence indicates how much Laing misunderstood Lindsay’s intentions. Laing reads. III. 96, " The Fyrst Spirituall and Papall Monarchie.” A similar change took place in the Scottish editions, but I have not traced the date of the alteration. It appears in 1776. Laing, III. 112, and 1776, however, both ignore Lindsay’s repeated statement that the Papal Monarchy was the fifth, in line 4740 [Laing, 4735]. Chalmers, III. 86, 106, reads fyft in both places, and makes no comment. The change had not apparently been made in the Scottish editions before 1597. Lindsay believed that there were five monarchies : (i) the golden, or Assyrian ; (ii) the silver, or Persian ; (iii) the copper, or Greek ; (iv) the iron, or Roman ; and (v) the iron and clay, or post-Roman. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 4II

This latter he chooses to identify with the papal domination of Europe, extending from the fall of Rome to his own day, the fall of which he believed was imminent. He was helped, perhaps, to this conclusion by the biblical prophecies that the fourth empire would be succeeded by the reign, or empire, of Antichrist. This empire he identifies with the papal monarchy, and it, in turn, is to be succeeded, according to the Bible, by the coming of Christ on earth. Laing, the English editions, and the later Scottish editions are, however, right in one thing, due to the careless wording of the section heading. The papal domination of Europe was not the fift spirituall monarchy; it was simply the fifth monarchy, but it happened to be spiritual, or papal. To some the section heading may read better as the first spiritual monarchy, meaning the first spiritual monarchy on earth, as opposed to the second spiritual monarchy which will be established on earth after the second coming of Christ. But this is not Lindsay’s meaning. The words Spirituall and Pap all are parenthetic : The Fyft {Spirituall, and Pap all) Monarchic.

4262. Impyrand: lit. empiring, holding dominion as an empire. Chalmers, III. 87, " domineering,” which he may not have intended to sound as harsh as it does. The line is repeated as line 4394.

4265-4266. Lambeth MS. 332 omits this couplet.

4281-4310. This section enumerates the Roman hierarchy, beginning with the Pope as head of the Church.

4281. This potent pope of Rome : The reigning Pope was Julius III. (1550-1555), but Lindsay does not refer to any in particular.

4284. His Princis. This is not merely an allusion to the “ princis of preistis ” [3884, 4052], but to the establishment of the Church in Rome as a court, the Curia Romana [see note to line 4743]. The princes of the Church are the cardinals.

4285. Cardinallis : cardinals. The Papal Council, or Sacred College, consists of seventy ecclesiastical princes (six cardinal bishops, fifty cardinal priests, and fourteen cardinal deacons), whose chief function is to elect the Pope from among their own number.

4286. Archibyschoppis : archbishops, chief bishops, superintending the bishops of provinces. 4286. Byschoppis : bishops. A Bishop is the spiritual and administrative head of a diocese.

4290. Collegis full of cunnyng Clerkis : colleges full of learned clerks (clerics). A college is a community of clergy living in a foundation and devoted to religious services.

4291. Abottis : abbots. An abbot is the head or superior of an abbey. 412 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

4291. Priouris : priors. A prior is the superior of a religious house or order, in an abbey next under the abbot, the superior of a friary, or the superior of a house of Canons-Regular.

4293. Officiallis, with thare Procuratouris. Officiallis : an official is a presiding officer or judge of an archbishop’s or bishop's court. Pro- curatouris : procurators. The procurator was the official agent of the church, or of a religious house, especially in law matters. Lindsay states that their “ langsum law," long-drawn-out law delays, ruined the poor. 4295. Archdenis: archdeacons. The archdeacon was originally the chief attendant on a bishop ; later he acquired a rank next to the bishop. 4295. Denis : deans. A dean is a head or president of ten monks in a monastery, or the head of a chapter or body of canons of a collegiate or cathedral church. 4296. Doctouris of Diuyntie : Doctors of Divinity. ft2Sl. Chantouris : chanters, cantors. A cantor is a priest who sings masses in a chantry, or a precentor or chief singer in a choir.

4297. Sacristanis : sacristans, sacrists, sextons. The sacrist of a parish church was charged with the custody of the sacred vessels. Before the Reformation he was always in orders. 4298. Tresoureris : treasurers, in charge of the revenues and funds of the church, or of religious houses. 4298. Subdenis : subdeans, officials immediately below deans in rank, and acting as deputies. 4299. Preistis Seculeris : secular priests, priests not living in monastic seclusion but in the world, and thus distinguished from the regular priests. 4300. Personis : parsons. A parson is the holder of a parochial benefice and is in full possession of its rights and dues. 4300. Uicaris : vicars. Originally a vicar was a substitute for a parson or rector; later the incumbent of a parish of which the tithes had been impropriated or appropriated.

4300. Monhis : monks. A monk is a member of a brotherhood living apart from the world under vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. 4300. Freris : friars, members of the mendicant orders. 4305. Fair Ladyis of Relegioun ; nuns and abbesses, members of sister- hoods, vowed, like monks, to poverty, chastity, and obedience. The reference is satirical: Lindsay insists that they were “ fair and frail." NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 413

4307. Fals Heremitis, fassonit lyke the freris : deceitful hermits, garbed like friars. Lindsay has little use for hermits : he knew the hermit of Loretto too well. Eremite, alternative of hermit, late L. eremita, O.F. heremite.

4308. Proude parische clerkis. The parish clerk is an official appointed by the incumbent of a parish to assist in church services and duties. Before the Reformation he was usually a member of one of the five minor orders, and in the church service was responsible for the responses.

4308. Pardoneris : pardoners. A pardoner was a person licensed to sell papal pardons and indulgences.

4309. Gryntaris : granaters. Chalmers, III. 88, “ bailiffs : a granary, among the country people, in Scotland, is called a gryntal-Yiouse : Car- dinal Beaton had his granitarius, or manager of the victual, as we may learn from the cardinal’s account book, in the Advocate’s Library [National Library of Scotland].” L. granatarius, graneterius, keeper of a steward or granary. Lindsay again links the granater with the chamberlain, Satyre 2495 : Thir is my Grainter and my Chalmerlaine, And hes my gould and geir vnder hir cuiris. 4309. Chamberlanis : chamberlains, strictly bedchamber attendants, or officers charged with the management of the private chambers of the higher members of the Church.

4310. Thare temporall Courtissianis . temporal courtiers, lay members of the papal curia. F. courtisan. It. cortigians, courtier.

4332-4333. Thow moste go luke the Canon law, Boith in the Sext and Clementene. Chalmers, III. 89, " Such is the reading of the oldest ed.: The allusion is to the Works of Pomponius Sextus, the great jurist of the 3d century, and to the Collections of Pope Clement, which were published, in 1317, after his death." This makes Lindsay very learned indeed, and Laing, III. 204, rightly castigates Chalmers : “ In the old editions there is no special difference, unless that the English editions, 1566, &c., have Boith in Sextus. It is quite absurd to mention the old Roman jurist Pomponius Sextus (who flourished in the second century, before Canon law was in existence), of whose writings only some fragments are preserved. The collection to which Lyndsay refers is the Liber Sextus Decretalium D. Bonifacii Papae VIII. It consists of Five books, but was called Liber Sextus, being intended as Supplementary to the collections of the Decretals of Pope Gregory IX., which is divided into Five books. These Decretals form no inconsiderable portion of the great body of Ecclesiastical Law of the Romish Church, known as the ‘ Corpus Juris Canonici.’ The other work mentioned by Lyndsay is the ‘ Constitutiones 4I4 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

dementis Papae V. in Concilio Vienensi editae.’ Several editions of these works were printed during the fifteenth century.” The Sext was the sixth book added to the Decretals, the collection of papal decrees forming part of Canon Law, by Pope Boniface VIII. (1294-1303). The Clementines were the constitutions collected by Pope Clement V. (1305-1314), forming the seventh book of the Decretals. The Catholic Dictionary, 1897, i. 115, states, " Of these five collections —namely, the Decretals, the Sext, the Clementine, the Extravagants of John XXII. [1316-1334], and the Extravagants Common—the ‘ Corpus Juris Ecclesiastical ’ is made up.”

4337-4342. 1776 divides these lines between the speakers, allotting 4337 to Courtiour, 4338-4341 to Experience, changing Quod I [4338] to Quod he, and 4342 to Courtiour.

4348. His Maiestie : the Pope’s regal, or imperial, estate and powers.

4349-4356. Lindsay’s sarcasm in these lines strikes at the whole basis of papal power. This is formed from Christ’s words to Peter, Matthew xvi. 18-19, " And I say also unto thee. That thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church ; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. 19. And I will give unto thee the keys of heaven : and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven : and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven.” The Roman Catholic Church takes this to signify Christ’s nomination of Peter as head of the Church, and to indicate the legislative authority entrusted to him. Christ is understood to be using rabbinical law terms, in binding (prohibiting), and loosing (making legal). Protestants do not agree that by these words Peter was given supreme power, for the same gift of binding and loosing was later given to all the disciples (Matthew xviii. 18), but the reply to this criticism is that to Peter alone was given the keys of heaven, and that therefore Christ singled out Peter for pre- eminence, while according legislative authority to all the apostles. Lindsay’s sarcastic treatment of the Roman Catholic claim is perhaps untheological, but it is based on centuries of extravagant claims made for papal infallibility. The claim is perhaps a just one, if papal actions and laws are the result of God acting through the Church, as indeed is claimed. But so many Popes and high Church authorities have been men of evil that God can hardly be said to have acted for good through them. This is the attitude of the Protestant: Lindsay furthers the general argument by practically stating that God is in the power of the Church, for both good and evil. The Church, however, tries to protect itself by arguing that the private life of the priest does not matter ; it is a moot point.

4392. Nocht half so glorious : not half so full of glory—i.e., of temporal glory, or power.

4399. Craftelye. 1776 cruelly.

4400. Mycht. 1776 right. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 415

4405. Two and thretty gude papis in Rome . . . 4409. Tyll Syluester the Confessoure. The number depends on whether the list begins with St Peter, or with the first Pope after St Peter, St Linus. Godfrey of Viterbo's Catalogus omnium pontificum Romanorum, “ Pars Vicesima ” of his Pantheon [Migne, Pat. Lat., cxcviii. ion], commencing with St Linus, makes Pope Sylvester the thirty-second Pope. The Catholic Encyclopedia, commencing with St Peter, makes Pope Sylvester the thirty-third. St Peter died ? 67: St Linus was Pope ? 67-? 79 : St Sylvester was Pope 314-335. See note to line 4409. Gude: 1776 great. The change alters Lindsay’s meaning, which is that the Popes before Sylvester were good, holy ; those after were land-grabbers, hence unholy.

4407. The Thrinfald Diadame : the three-fold diadem of the Popes, officially called the Tiara. The crowning of the Pope with a beehive- shaped cap seems to have been done quite early in the history of the Church, but gradually were added the three crowns and the small cross on top. There are various accounts of the development of the tiara. The Catholic Encyclopedia, " Tiara,” states that the first mention of the triple crown is in an inventory dated 1315-1316, and this statement may be relied on. Other accounts state that Pope Hormasdas (514-523) added to the simple cap till then worn by the Popes the crown sent to him by Clovis ; that Pope Boniface VIII. (1224-1303) added the second crown during his wars with Philip the Fair ; and that the third crown was added by Pope John XXIII. (1410-1415). Thereafter it symbolised the three qualities of the pope : (i) as High Priest, or head of the Church ; (ii) as Emperor, or sole arbiter of ecclesiastical affairs ; (iii) as King, or ruler of the kings of the earth. Among the Reformers the tiara became, as in Lindsay, the symbol of popish arrogance. The tiara is not worn for religious ceremonies, only in non-liturgical processions. At ceremonies the Pope wears a mitre, like other bishops.

4409. Syluester the Confessoure. Date of birth unknown: Pope from 314 to his death, 31st December 335. His association with the Emperor Constantine (see note to line 4410), as depicted by Lindsay and other mediaeval writers, is admitted to be contrary to historical fact. The main points of this legend, which goes back to a forged Vita heati Syl- vester, and the forged Donatio Constantini, are that Sylvester was persecuted by Constantine, who was healed, and then baptised, by Sylvester. The emperor in turn gave gifts of land, with great rights to the Pope and the Church, and convened a council of 275 bishops at Rome. There is a faint basis for all this to be found in the life of Con- stantine. See next note.

4410. Constantene the Emprioure : the Roman Emperor, Constantine the Great, born c. 280, became emperor 306 ; died 336. His life has two interests for students of history : (i) his struggle with Maxentius for imperial power at Rome ; (ii) his protection and final adoption of the Christian faith. The first does not concern us. It ended with the defeat of Maxentius at Saxa Rubra, a village near Rome, on 27th October 312, his opponent perishing in the river. When marching south to meet Maxentius, 416 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Constantine is said to have seen in the sky a luminous cross bearing the legend ev joiny vUa, or Hoc vinces, by this, conquer ; while the night before the battle a vision commanded him to inscribe on the shields of his soldiers the sacred monogram X and P interlinked. The story sounds like a typical mediaeval biographical forgery, to explain on religious grounds something which otherwise seemed inexplicable, a Roman emperor's protection of Christianity. Immediately after the battle he issued the Edict of Milan, early in 313, granting freedom of worship to Christians, but this edict did no more than place Christianity on an equal footing with the widespread worship of Mithra. Constantine's victory had secured for him the western part of the Roman Empire; the eastern empire was ruled by Licinus and Maximinus, both of whom had succeeded Galerius, who had died in 3x1. In 3x3 I.icinus defeated Maximinus at Tarsus. War broke out between Con- stantine and Licinus in 314, although Licinus had married Constantine's sister, Constantia, the year before. Licinus was twice defeated, and surrendered Illyricum, Macedonia, and Achaia to the victor. Peace lasted nine years, but war broke out again in 323, when Licinus was defeated, and was later murdered by orders of Constantine. The latter had been endeavouring to rule in Rome as a semi-divine, but found some opposition from the Romans. He therefore moved to Byzantium, the capital of the eastern empire, and renamed it Constantinople in 330. Throughout his reign, in both west and east, he was anxious for Christian support. He secured this to a great extent by the Edict of Milan, 313, but continued to show favour to the ecclesiastics. He granted them freedom from taxation and compulsory service, and from the obligatory State services. He granted the Church the right to inherit property, and he established Sunday as a day of worship, though he was really granting little in this, for Mithraism also celebrated Sunday and Christmas. He also removed the State disabilities against celibacy, to favour the priests, and he recognised a system of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Here again, however, he was only granting to the Christians what was already permitted to the Jews. Lastly, he ordered the civil authorities to accept the testimony of the bishops as sufficient, and ordered them to enforce the decisions of the bishops. He thus could be said to have placed the Church on a sound footing. Certainly he ended the persecutions ; he made the Church a unity, and granted it legal recognition and administrative powers. But whether he acted from political motives, in order to secure Christian support, or from sympathy with the Christians is not really known, though he is said to have been baptised shortly before his death by Eusebius. The former is very strongly suspected to have been his original motive at all events, though he may have been attracted to the faith later. In one particular he may be said to have directed the destinies of Christianity, for he supported the bishops at the great council of Nicaea (Nice) in 324, which rejected Arianism. It is not to be wondered at that the early Church, which had suffered repeated persecutions during the first two and a half centuries of its career, should have felt compelled to attribute Constantine’s protection of the Church to divine intervention. But the stories of the vision of the cross in the sky, and the command in a dream, belong to the same NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 417 realm of mediaeval forgery as the story of the " conversion ” of the Emperor Vespasian, which has been already discussed, and may be safely rejected. Constantine probably did not foresee the tremendous growth of the Christian faith as the result of his protection, and was largely concerned in using the Christians as a political party to be won over by grants.

4409-4412. The story of Constantine’s gift of Italy to the Church is admitted by Catholic authorities to be based on a forged document, the Donatio Constantini. Constantine, however, granted the Church the right to inherit property, and the forgery was undoubtedly made to establish the Church’s right to lands and property in Italy, the origin of which it could not explain or trace. The legend was that when Constantine departed to Byzantium he piously handed over Italy to the Church as its temporal possession, and that he actually left Italy so that he could make the gift. Even now the Church does not know how it acquired the lands and property of the Lateran palace, and assumes that they were given by Constantine [Catholic Encydopcedia, “ States of the Church ”]. It believes that the gift was made in 321, but Lindsay records the older tradition in lines 4417-4418, that the gift was made when Constantine went to Byzantium in the year 330, a not-unmagical figure for an age which believed in the symbolism of numbers. Christ was thought to have died at the age of thirty. The year 330 is ten times thirty, plus thirty. However much in theory the realm of Italy belonged to the Church, it was not so in practice. c. 476. Italy was the Kingdom of Odoacer. c. 520. Italy part of the Ostrogothic Kingdom. Hth century : Italy, except the Duchy of Benevento, became part of the empire of Charlemagne. 843. Italy became part of the Kingdom of Lothar. 10th century : first traces of the Papal States. The lands claimed by the Pope were : (i) the Patrimony of St Peter, a strip of land along the west coast of Italy, about 150 miles long and 40 wide, divided almost in half by the Tiber ; (ii) Umbria ; (iii) the Marches of Ancona ; (iv) Romagna; (v) Emilia. The emperor almost claimed the sovereignty of these lands. The Papacy had no uniform system of government of these lands, which they claimed throughout the Middle Ages. Some districts were governed by communes, some by monasteries, some by feudal lords, others by papal vicars. The papal authority was weakest in Emilia and Romagna. The history of the Papacy in Italy in the Middle Ages is the development of papal authority over these lands, and the claims made to Ferrara and Urbino. By the end of the fifteenth century the parts effectively controlled by the Papacy were the Patrimony, Umbria, and the Marches. During the sixteenth century the Popes extended their sovereignty by war, seizing opportunities afforded by the contest between the Empire and France. Pope Julius II. followed up the conquest of towns of the Romagna, by seizing Perugia and Bologna in 1506, Rimini and Faenza in 1508, recovering the latter from Venice, which had seized it in 1503. The Duchies of Parma and Piacenza were obtained in 1515, but later 418 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

given up. By the middle of the sixteenth century all this territory was under a more or less unified government, and was known as the Papal States, bounded on the south by the kingdom of the two Sicilies, on the west by the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, and a host of minor Italian republics to the north. In 1598 the Duchy of Ferrara was added to the papal dominions, and in 1631 the Duchy of Urbino. The Papal States acquired no further land. In i860, during the slow process of the unification of Italy, the Papal States, with the exception of the Patrimony of St Peter, were annexed, together with Tuscany, Parma, Modena, Naples, and Sicily, to Sardinia. By 1866 the unification of Italy was complete, save for the Patrimony. In September 1870 Rome was captured by the Italian patriots, and became the capital of Italy, and the temporal rule of the Pope, except over the Vatican, the Lateran Palace, and the private estate of Castel Gandolfo, came to an end.

4415. Quhen that the Pape wes maid ane kyng. The Pope would become a king, in law, when he received the temporal dominion of the Patrimony of St Peter. Lindsay, of course, believed that Constantine gave Pope Sylvester the kingdom of Italy to rule over as a king.

4417-4418. This Act wes done, withouttin weir, Frame Christis deith thre hundreth %eir. This proves that Lindsay believed that Constantine gave Italy to Sylvester when in the year 330 he departed for Byzantium. 4419-4420. Than Lady Sensualitie Tuke Lugeing in that gret Cetie, This sounds as though Lindsay believes that pre-Sylvestrian Rome was not a place of sin. We need not agree with him. But it is only right to point out that even in the Middle Ages Rome was famous for its brothels, and the Papacy generally for its wickedness. It is even said that one of the attractions of Rome, for pilgrims, was that prosti- tutes of all nations were to be had. 4423-4426. “ Then kings in all nations, created foundations for priests. They thought it great merit and honour to imitate the Emperor.” Which emperor ? 4427-4432. Lindsay has already referred to the foundation of abbeys in Scotland by David I. of Scotland (1084-1153). See note to The Tragedie of the Late Cardinal Beaton, 414-420, and cf. Satyre, 2952- 2959. 4436. Abufe the Empriouris Maieste : above the imperial dignity of the emperor, who in Lindsay’s day was the greatest temporal power in the world. 4438. The Empriours landis : the lands of the Holy Roman Emperor, which were supposed to have descended lineally from the old Roman Empire, and to which, therefore, Italy was deemed to belong. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 419

4439-4446. The charge is at first sight true, but it must be remembered that the immense efforts made by the Church to the close of the eighth century were to convert the heathen. Two stages are seen : (i) the conversion of the Mithra-worshippers and other pagans of the old Roman Empire, the greatest efforts undoubtedly being made in the first three centuries of the Church ; (ii) the conversion of the pagan hordes from the north who swept over Europe between the third and eighth centuries. After the Christianisation of Europe the missionary zeal of the Church died away, and with its increasing power as a holder of land and property undoubtedly became too great a supporter of the systems of land-tenure to bother with the freedom of the people. Yet it must be remembered that the Church could, and did, use its hold over the people to exact reforms. 4465. 1776 shows this line to have been given later to Courteour, in conclusion to his speech, 4463-64. I think the emendation sound, and suggest that it be accepted, repunctuating the last two lines. 4467. The three biblical references which Lindsay cites at this point have different messages to convey : Math, xxviii. Cf. Matthew xxviii. 19, " Go ye therefore, and teach all nations.” Ihon xv. Cf. John xv., especially 10, “ If ye keep my commandments, ye shall abide in my love. ... 12. This is my commandment, That ye love one another, as I have loved you.” Acti. i. Cf. Acts i., especially 8, " Ye shall receive power, after that the Holy Ghost is come upon you : and ye shall be witnesses unto me both in Jerusalem, and in all Judaea, and in Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth.” 4470. His Institutioun : The establishment of the Eucharist, the Lord’s Supper, or Communion, by Christ. Cf. Matthew xxvi. 26-30. 1776 reads “ Contrair Christ’s institution.” 4471. His last conuentioun. Convention : a meeting convened for the pursuance of a common object. Here, Christ’s last meeting with His disciples. 4473-4476. Cf. Mark xvi. 14-20, especially 15, " And he said unto them. Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature. . . . 19. So then after the Lord had spoken unto them, he was received up into heaven.” 4479. See note to lines 4709-4732. 1776 Corps, presents. ? Meaning forgotten. 4479. Offerandis : offerings.

4480. Nor gett Lordschipis of temporall landis. A Lordship is strictly the land belonging to a lord : Lindsay protests against the administration of non-ecclesiastical lands by the Church. 1776, “ Nor yet lordships, nor temporal lands.” This destroys Lindsay’s meaning. 420 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

4489-4490. Mat. iiii. Cf. Matthew iv. 17, " From that time Jesus began to preach.” 4494. Quhilk garris the peple now abhor thame. Chalmers, III. 96, “ ‘ now abhor thame ’ is the reading of the ed. 1552, 1558. It was changed to ‘ mok thame with schame,’ by subsequent editions.” Laing, III. 206, " This is the reading of Scot’s first edition, and also of Jascuy’s in 1558. Purfoote’s editions alter the last line— Which makes the people now to abhor thame : [which can hardly be called an alteration], while in Scot’s second edition (1559), and later copies, there is this emendation : Quhilk garris the peple mok thame with schame.” I have not checked the reading of 1559, but 1776 reads “ which makes the people mock for shame.” The emendation was probably made to escape the double rhymes " for thame—abhor thame.” 4495. Ihon m. Cf. John vi. 15, " When Jesus therefore perceived that they would come and take him by force, and make him a king, he departed again into a mountain himself alone.” 4505-4525. One of the sensational stories of the Middle Ages, but incorrect. Lindsay [4506] quotes the authority of Carion, whose version is as follows [trans. Lynne, f. I59b] : “ For Frederick the Emperoure sawe that the byshops of Rome coulde reste by no meanes. Moreouer consydered he also, that besyde that hys sonne was taken, what was chaunged to the Emperours that were afore hym. Wherefore Frederick vsed submission and moste lowly humblenesse. For he came to Uenice, and layed hymselfe downe before the Churche dore afore the Romyshe byshop, and suffred hymselfe to be troden with his fete : who com- maunded also to be cried out : Thou shalt treade vpon the adder and coccatrice, and then dyd he absolue hym at the last, Frederick sayde contrariwyse, that he did not shewe that lowlynesse to Alexander, but to Peter. Whereunto aunswered Alexander : both to me and to Peter.” It is dear that Lindsay has had access to another source, for Carion does not give the date, and does not mention that the clergy sang the verse, of which he only quotes half. That source was itself incorrect in its date : this was not 1156, as given by Lindsay [4509], but 1177. Skeat, Specimens, 1394-1579, 452, accepting Lindsay’s date, goes hope- lessly astray in a note on this passage. The story is not concerned with the consecration of Frederick I. as Emperor of Germany in Rome, 1155, by Adrian IV. (1154-1159), but with the reconciliation of Fred- erick with Adrian’s successor, Alexander III. (1159-1181), the Pope named by Lindsay [4510], after the defeat of the Emperor at Legnano, 29th May 1176. On 1st August 1177, almost one hundred years after the humiliation of Henry IV. of Germany by Gregory VII. at Canossa, Frederick met Alexander III. outside the Cathedral of St Mark, Venice [4513]. The emperor prostrated himself. Alexander, whose own letters show that he had no desire to humiliate Frederick, with tears in his eyes, raised Frederick from the ground, and gave him the kiss of peace, and led him into the Cathedral. The story that Alexander set his foot NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 421 on Frederick’s neck, with the words “ Thou shalt tread upon the lion and adder," &c., is of later growth. The story quoted by Skeat that Frederick, at a meeting with Adrian IV., " consented to prostrate himself before him, to kiss his foot, to hold his stirrup, and to lead the white palfrey on which he rode,” by which Skeat proposed to “ correct ” Lindsay, can be quickly disposed of. When Frederick arrived in Rome (not Venice) on his first Italian expedition (1154), Adrian, with whom he had made a treaty against the Lombards, came out to meet him. There was a custom for the temporal monarch, on such occasions, to lead the Pope’s horse, and to hold the stirrup for him to dismount, but Frederick seems, despite the alliance, to have been reluctant to do so on this occasion. The two stories are widely different, and all that is necessary is to correct line 4509 to " Alewin hundreth and sewin and sevintie.” Laing, III. 206, quotes a not dissimilar account from Foxe, Actes and Monuments, 1565 [1563], f. 41, “ So the Emperour cumming to Venis; at Saincte Markes church, where the Bishop was, there to take his absolution was bid to knele downe at the Pope’s feete. The proude Pope setting his foote upon the Emperour’s necke, said the verse of the Psalme : Super aspidem et basiliscum ambulabis et concultabis leonem et draconem. That is. Thou shalt walke upon the adder, and the basiliske : and shalt treade downe the lion and the dragon, etc., to whom the Emperor answering againe, saide, Non tibi, sed Petro, that is. Not to thee, but to Peter. The Pope againe, Et mihi, et Petro. The Emperour fearing to give any occasion of further quareling, helde his peace, and so was absoyled, and peace made betwene them. The conditions whereof were these : First, that he should receave Alexander for the trew Pope. Secondly, that he shulde restore agayn to the Church of Rome, all that he had taken awaye before.” H. K. Mann, Lives of the Popes in the Middle Ages, x. 128, denies the truth of the story, and says that it is flouted by modern authors. Robertson, History of the Christian Church, v. 199, Hodgson, Early History of Venice, 317 ff., and Balzani, The Popes and the Hohen- staufen, do not mention it. Mann states that Spinello Aretino, c. 1400, adorned the walls of the Palazzo Publico of Siena with frescoes depicting this and other apocryphal scenes from the life of Alexander. These frescoes would certainly popularise the story, but perhaps more famous would be the painting of this scene in the Sala Regia in the Vatican.

4521-4522. Super Aspidem . . . draconem. Vulgate, Psalm xc. 13 (not, as Laing, III. 207, says, Vulgate, Psalm xci. 15. In the Authorised Version it appears in Psalm xci. 13). 1568 first adds a translation of the verse, which appears in all editions to 1776 : That is, thou sal gang vp5 the edder & the Coketrice. And thow sail tred down the Lioun & the Dragoun. In 1776 this appears as: That is. Thou shalt walk upon the adder and cocatrice. And thou shalt tread down the lion and dragon. I suggest that Henry Charteris added the translation. VOL. III. 2 E 422 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

4527-4528. Cf. John xiii. i-io.

4531-4534. Luc. ix. Cf. Luke ix. 58, " Dixit illi Jesus : Vulpes foveas habent, et volucres caeli nidos; Filius autem hominis non habet ubi caput reclinet.” Cf. Satyrs, 3574-3577 : Birds hes thair nests, and todis hes thair den, Bot Christ lesus the Saviour of man In all this warld hes nocht ane penny braid, Quhair on he may repois his heavinlie head. Ane penny breid : see note to line 3896.

4537-4540. Cf. Satyrs, 2751-2754, especially the last two lines : Our bishops with thair lustie rokats quhyte, Thay flow in riches royallie and delyte : Lyke Paradice bene thair palices and places, And wants na pleasour of the fairest faces. 4539. Prelattis places. 1776 pleasant places.

4540. Fair paces. 1776 their faces.

4543. Actis iiii. Cf. Acts iv. 31-37. Those newly converted by the Apostles are reported to have sold their houses and lands, and to have laid the proceeds at the feet of the Apostles, who distributed the money among the poor. Lindsay misinterprets this passage, for the Apostles were not offered " property,” and the money laid at their feet was not for personal use. These early converts were putting into practice Christ’s command, Matthew xix. 21, "If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast, and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven.” Lindsay’s general thesis is, of course, correct: only his reference is weak. 4544. Propertie. 1776 prosperity. 4547. Ihon xix. Cf. John xix. 2, “ And the soldiers platted a crown of thorns, and put it on his head.” 4555. Bot his Successoure, gude Pope lohne. Successoure, as head of the Church. Pope lohne. The only Pope John who resided at Avignon was John XXII. (1316-1334). His immediate predecessor, Pope Clement V., had transferred the Papal See to Avignon on account of opposition and turbulence at Rome. Pope John’s greed and arrogance resulted in a great split in the Church, the Emperor, Lewis IV., gathering round him a host of Franciscan Friars, and two of the greatest mediaeval thinkers, Marsilius of Padua and William of Ockham, as controver- sialists and pamphleters, but Lewis submitted in 1329, after his deser- tion by the Romans.

4561. /Is dois Indyte Palmerius. Laing, III. 207, " Palmerius in his additions to the Chronicle of Eusebius (see note to line 3377) may NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 423 be quoted, in regard to the accumulated wealth of Pope John XXII., elected 7th August 1316. He died at Avignon, 4th December 1334, in the 90th year of his age.” Laing then quotes from the 1518 edition of Eusebius : this I give, corrected by a fresh transcript. [1334] f. I45b. " loannes pontifex aetatis suae anno .90. pridie Nonas Decembrias Auinione moritur / relinquens in Thesauris suis ingentem vim auri atque argenti : cuius recta computatio fuit aurearum drach- marum .25. milia [,] hoc est millies .25. milia: quod scripsisse arduum quippe videtur / nec legitur alijs temporibus ecclesia Romana fuisse locupletior.” Laing continues, " Platina in his Lives of the Popes, as translated by Sir Paul Rycaut, says that John XXIII. [sic], ‘ In the year 1334, just when John [XXIII.] [sic] the Pope died in the ninetieth year of his age, and the nineteenth year and fourth month of his Pontificate, and left behind him in the treasury such a mass of gold, as never any Pope did before him ’ (p. 310).”

4569. Ikon. ii. Cf. Johnii. 1-11.

4573-4574. I do not find evidence that the apostles except Peter were married, but oriental literature does not usually mention wives without special reason.

4575-4576. That Peter was married is indicated in Matthew viii. 14, Luke iv. 38, Mark i. 30, where we read of “ Peter’s [Simon’s] wife’s mother ” being cured of fever by Christ.

4579-4580. Cf. x Corinthians vii. 9, "Quod si non se continte, nubant; melius est enim nubere quam uri.” This is said to the non-married and widowed. 4589. Mat. xvii. Cf. Matthew xvii. 24-27.

4593-4594. Probably based on the Vulgate Version of Romans xiii. 1-7. Here St Paul talks of the duty and submission which we owe to rulers (“ principes ”). Authorised Version rubric " magistrates.”

4595-4604. Pope Celistene . . . Henry the Empriour. Laing, III. 207, "This was Pope Celestine III. (1191-1198). According to Palmerius, after stating that his Pontifical coronation was celebrated on the 16 Kal. Maij 1192 [Caelestinus .16. kalendas Maias sua pontificali coronatione in Paschali solemnitate celebrate:], he adds, ‘ Postridie Henricum Romae coronavit ’ (fol. I38[a]). Platina passes over in silence the mention of this Pope’s insolent treatment of the Emperor in first crowning him, and then kicking the crown from his head, to shew, as Lyndsay expresses it, his authority not only to make kings and emperors, but also to deprive them of their kingdoms.” There is a reason for Platina’s silence. The truth of the story is denied by modern writers. Frederick I. [ante 4505-4525] was succeeded in 1190 as Emperor of Germany by his son, Henry VI. Henry entered Italy to subdue Sicily, which had thrown off the German allegiance by raising Tancred, Count of Lecce, 424 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

an illegitimate son of Roger II. of Sicily, to the throne. Tancred was supported by Richard I. of England, and by Pope Clement III., who, however, died in March 1191. The new Pope, Cardinal Hyacinth, deferred his coronation in order to avoid bestowing the imperial crown on Henry, but the latter bought over the Romans by surrendering Tusculum to them. Pressure was then brought to bear on the Pope, and on 14th April he was consecrated as Pope Celestine III., and later crowned Henry and Constance of Sicily, Henry’s queen, as Emperor and Empress of Germany. Mann, Lives of the Popes in the Middle Ages, X. (1159-1198'; 396, gives a long description of the coronation scene, and in a footnote describes the version recorded by Lindsay as “ silly.” He states that Roger of Hoveden [Chronica Rogeri de Hoveden, iii. 102, Rolls Series (1860-1871)] is the authority for this version. Roger’s account is as follows : “ Deinde introduxit eos dominus papa in ecclesiam, et unxit eum in imperatorem, et uxorem suam in imperatricem. Sedebat autem dominus papa in cathedra pontificali, tenens coronam inclinato capite recepit coronam, et imperatrix similiter, de pedibus domini papae. Dominus autem papa statim percussit cum pede suo coronam imperatoris, et dejecti earn in terra, significans quod ipse potestatem ejiciendi eum ab imperio habet, si ille demeruerit; sed cardinales statim arri- pientes coronam imposuerunt earn capiti imperatoris.” " Whoever believes this silly story,” says Mann, “ can have but a very inadequate idea of the sense of dignity which animated the Popes of this period, and of the spirit which inflamed the heart of Barbarossa [Frederick I.] and his son [Henry VI.], which would not have permitted them to endure such indignities as Alexander and Celestine are said to have put upon them. There is no need to pause further to point out that a man of eighty-five would not be likely to perform such an acrobatic feat as Roger describes, and that it is wholly opposed to the authentic imposing ceremonial given in the text.” The true story of the coronation is illustrated in Mann by a miniature. Roger of Hoveden was, however, contemporary with the event. His Chronicle has relationship with the Melrose Chronicle. The stories of the two submissions recall the Investiture Controversy which involved the Papacy and the empire in war in the eleventh century. They are probably the inventions of fanatical monks bent, as they thought, on glorifying the might of the Pope, and his power to compel the greatest monarchs to submit to his will.

4613. Actis. x. Cf. Acts x. 25-26.

4619-4624. Apoca. xix. &■ xxii. Cf. Revelations (Vulgate Apocalypse) xix. 10 and xxii. 8-9.

4625. Act. xiiii. Cf. Acts xiv. 8-18. Lindsay’s narrative is taken from verses 8, 13-15.

4642. To by me and skald : to burn and scald, referring to the punishments for heresy, of burning at the stake and pouring boiling water over the victim, or of actually boiling them. Cf. Henry Charteris’s NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 425

Preface to 1568, " as to bruyle and scald quha sa euer suld speik aganis thame,” I. 400, line 4 from top of page.

4659. Antithesis. Here a term in rhetoric, opposition or contrast of ideas expressed by strong contrast, usually in the same sentence. *

4660. Quhilkis I lat go. Chalmers, III. 103, “ let go, let pass.”

4663-4664. The seilye Nun .. . callit be Madame. The classical example is Chaucer’s prioress, “ And she was cleped madame Eglen- tyne,” Canterbury Tales, Prologue 121. The title of a married woman was given to a nun because of her “ marriage ” to Christ. Pollard, Prologue, 41, note to line 121, quotes the Lincoln Order for the consecration of nuns from the Lansdowne MS. 388, c. 1480. “ The bishop after the Benediction offered a few words of advice to those whom he had consecrated, beginning : ' Dowghters and virgyns, now that ye are maryed and despowsed to hym that is above Kyng and Kaysor, unto lesu Cryste, mete it is and so must you from hensforth yn tokyn of the same be callyd Madame and Ladye ’ (Masked, Monumenta Ritualia, iii. 357 n.).”

4665-4668. The pure Preist . . . stylit lyhe ane Knycht. Chalmers, I. 103, “ Such was the practice, in Chaucer’s time ; they were called the Pope’s knights.” Laing, III. 208, adds, “ Dr Jamieson, in his Dictionary, has a long disquisition on this term. Knight or Cnecht was an Anglo-Saxon word for servant, but usually applied to military service, and it may have been given to Priests as the Pope’s servants or soldiers, perhaps in derision. Until the Reformation, Dominus or Sir was given to such of the inferior Clergy or Priests of the Church of Rome who had not studied, or at least obtained the degree of Master of Arts, in some University either at home or abroad. For instance, we always find ‘ Master (never Sir) Gawyn Douglas,’ afterwards Bishop of Dunkeld ; and ‘ Sir (never Master) John Knox,’ the Reformer; owing to the fact that the one had taken his academical degree, the other not. In these cases Master invariably preceded the Christian name; afterwards ' Master Knox,’ in a general sense, as a mark of respect, in speaking of the Reformer, was occasionally used.” Knight: O.E. cniht, cneoht, boy, youth, lad, and, down to 1259, boy or lad servant, later any male servant. From 1100 a military servant or follower of a feudal superior; later one devoted to a lady as her attendant or champion ; also one raised to honourable military rank who had served as a page and squire to the profession of arms. In the sixteenth century a knight was the recipient of a rank which was considered as equivalent to that of a mediaeval knight. I do not find in Chaucer a reference to the " Pope's knights," but Chalmers may have got it from Tyrwhitt, Chaucer, iii. 27. In the Second nun’s Tale, G, 353, Tiberius after baptism is called " Goddes knyght.” The article " Pope’s Knights ” in Jamieson should be consulted. The O.E.D. refers to it, and Jamieson gives a better definition than the O.E.D., which states that the designation " Pope’s knight ” was sometimes applied in Scotland to a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, 426 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

doubtless basing this on a quotation from Spottiswood given by Jamie- son. The term was solely satiric, and arose through desire to contrast the Pope’s knights with God’s knights. In both England and Scotland priests were styled Sir [Sc. Schir], and thus originated the need for distinguishing a “ knight ” of the Church from the military knight. This was done by adding to the latter’s name the word " knight,” as “ Sir Thomas Percy, knight,” who could thus not be mistaken for a priest. The priest’s title. Sir, is explained as a rendering of Dominus, but it would appear to me more probably adopted direct from Sir, Sire, on the justification of being God’s knights. Its use as a translation of dominus probably came later. It was applied to priests, and Popes, down to 1635, and for Bachelors of Arts to 1822.

4669-4670. All Monkrye . . . Ar callit Denis, for dignite . . . 4672- 4673. Dene Andrew, Dene Peter, dene Pauli, and dene Robart. Dene : also deyn, later den, equivalent to the English parallel dan, O.F. dan, and dam, O.F. dam, renderings of L. dominus. It was not, in England at all events, restricted to ecclesiastics, for Spenser styles his master " Dan Chaucer ” ; while it was applied by Skelton to Lydgate more in compliment to his poetical powers than to his professional standing. Lindsay affords the last quotation recorded in O.E.D. of the form dene.

With Christ thay tah ane painfull part. Sarcasm, with the lines which follow, of a high order. Christ endured poverty, and hunger, and had not where to lay His head ; and the priests and monks are like that too, aren’t they, comments Lindsay sarcastically, with their double clothing, plenty of food and drink, the elaborate singing in great choirs, and their ranks. Lindsay here offers an example of “ Antith- esis ” [4559]-

4676. With dowbyll clethyng frame the cald. Cf. The Complaynt of Schir David Lindesay, 283-284 : Als, Ihone Makerery, the kyngis fule, Gat dowbyll garmoundis agane the ^ule. tk&T?. With curious Countryng in the queir. Countryng : Small, glossary to Laing, III. 317, glosses this incorrectly as " muttering, speaking. Fr. couter [? conterf' The term is musical. To counter was to sing an accompaniment to a melody or plain-song. Curious : intricate, elaborate. Queir: choir. 4678. God wait gyf thay by heuin full deir. By: buy. Is this an allusion to the practice of simony ? 4679. My lorde Abbot, moste venerabyll. 4681. My lord Byschope, moste reuerent. Lindsay w eaves into his intense sarcasm mockery the two forms of address applied to both abbots and bishops. As an illustration of the latter, see the title of the Tragedie of the Umquhyle Maist Reuerend Father Dauid. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 427

4682. Sett abufe Erlis in Parliament. A vivid illustration of this is afforded by the facsimile leaves in the Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, Vols. i.-ii. It will be noticed that the names of those present are in three columns, according to the three estates, and always in the following order : Clergy, Lords, Commons.

4689-4694. Cf. Satyre, 2745-2750 : Our Persone heir he takis na vther pyne, Bot to ressaue his teinds and spend them syne. Howbeit he be obleist be gude ressoun, To preich the Evangell to his parochoun. Howbeit thay suld want preiching sevintin ?eir. Our Persoun will not want ane scheif of beir. 4692. To preche on tyll perrochioun. Lambeth MS. 332 offers the better reading, “ To preche on tyll his perrochioun.”

4694. Boll. 1776 peck. A boll was six imperial bushels ; a Scottish peck was only the fourth part of a firlot.

4697-4708. Cf. Satyre, 2755-2766 [applied to bishops, not parsons]: Als thir Prelates hes great prerogatyues, For quhy thay may depairt ay with thair wyues, Without ony correctioun or damnage, Syne tak ane vther wantoner but mariage. But doubt I wald think it ane pleasant lyfe. Ay on quhen I list to part with my wyfe, Syne tak ane vther of far greiter bewtie. Bot ever alace my Lords that may not be, For I am bund alace in mariage. Bot thay lyke rams rudlie in thair rage, Vnpysalt rinnis amang the sillie ^owis, Sa lang as kynde of nature in them growis. 4709-4732. The first part of this story is repeated in Ane Satyre, 2723- 2734. John the Commonweal is complaining to Correctioun : Grandmerces, then I sail nocht spair. First to compleine on the Vickair. The pure Cottar being lyke to die, Haifand ^oung infants twa or thrie. And hes twa ky but ony ma. The Vickar most half ane of thay, With the gray frugge that covers the bed, Howbeit the wryfe be purelie cled. And gif the wyfe die on the morne, Thocht all the bairns sould be forlorne. The vther kow he cleiks away. With the pure cot of raploch gray. The Bannatyne MS. text of this passage is nearer than in the Monarchic. Cf. lines 4714. bairnis : 1602 infants ; Bann. MS. bairnis. 4715. withouttin mo : 1602 but ony ma; Bann. MS. withowttin mo. 47x7. cloke : 1602 frugge ; Bann. MS. coit. 428 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

4717. happis : 1602 covers; Bann. MS. happis. 4720. babis : 1602 bairns ; Bann. MS. bairnis. 4722. With hir : 1602 With the ; Bann. MS. With hir. I think we are entitled to deduce that 1602 shows signs of textual degradation rather than of revision. Commenting on these lines, 4709-4732, Chalmers, III. 105, remarks, " This is the corps-present, about which Lyndsay made many an outcry, in his Play.” The cors-present, literally the corps-present, was the gift of a cow or clothing due to the clergy of the parish by the relatives of a dead householder at his death and burial, and taken from his chattels. It probably replaced the earlier burial fees, and usually accompanied the body to the church, where it was handed over before the service began. Cf. Squyer Meldrum’s Cors-present to the priests of the temple of Mars, of his caparisoned horse, armour, and spear. These were to come in his funeral procession immediately after the bier [Test. Sq. Meldrum, 120-126]. Lindsay has previously referred to the custom in the Monarche, 4479. In lines 4729-4732 Lindsay notes the abuse of the custom by the clergy, of refusing to admit the corps to the grave- yard until the dues had been paid. In Ane Satyre, 1971-2000, Pauper tells a similar story of the hardships of these dues on the very poor. Robertson, Statuta, I. cxxxvi-cxxxvii, states that James V. urged the Provincial Council of 1536 to give up mortuary dues, but it was not until the Council of 1559 that the clergy agreed to modify the dues, and not to exact them from the very poor. Cf. Selden, History of Tithes, x. 2, in Opera, hi. col. 1223, " Mortuaries payable in beasts, were reputed due upon the general presumption of every defunct’s negligence in payment of his personal tythes. The mortuary was ... by the canons, to be presented with the body at the burial, as a satisfaction of omissions and negligence in paying to the Church those personal duties. And thence it was styled Corse- present. ” In Ireland mortuaries date back to the eighth century [Dacher, Vet. Script. Spicileg., ix. 5, 12]. By the constitution of Peter Ramsay, Bp. of Aberdeen, " de solucione iurium funeralium,” a.d. 1256, no mortuaries were to be taken from any canon, vicar, or clerk, nor from any of their servants, dying within the canonry or cathedral close [Reg. Episc. Aberd., ii. 43 ; Concilia Scotiae, 273-274].

4711. Vmaist claith 4717. The gray cloke that happis the bed [1602 Satyre, frugge; Bann. MS. coit]. 4722. With hir pare coit of roploch graye. Cf. Satyre, 1995, “ Thair vmest clayis that was of rapploch gray.” Vmaist: umest, ovemest, topmost. O.E. ufemest. Umest cloth: the coverlet of the bed, claimed by the priest on the death of a parish- ioner. Roploch gray : raplochgrey; coarse, homespun, undyed, woollen cloth. Frugge : not in O.E.D. 4733-4734. If the clergy had their death-duties, so had the owners of land. Hereild: O.E. here^ield, the payment made to the Danish host. The word survived in Scotland, meaning heriot, the gift made to a superior of the best living animal, later commuted for a fixed money payment. O.E.D. quotes Skene, De Verb. Sign. “ Herre^elda is the NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 429 best aucht, oxe, kowe, or vther beast quhilk ane husband-man . . . hes in his possession, the time of his decease, quhilk aucht and suld be given to his Landis-lorde.” Cf. Satyre 1986, “ And our Lands laird tuik hir [Pauper’s ' gude gray Meir ’] for his hyreild ” : Satyre 3904, " The Barrouns . . . Frome thinefurth thay sail want thair hyrald hors.” In Lindsay the herild is always a horse. 1776 hired horse.

4735-4736. Cf. Satyre, 2735-2736 : Wald God this custome war put doun, Quhilk never was foundit be ressoun. In both texts ‘ never ’ is monosyllabic : ne’er.

Heir followis ane Discriptioun of the court of Rome. The Court of Rome : the Curia Romana, or papal court, “ the ensemble of departments or ministries which assist the sovereign pontiff in the government of the Universal Church. These are the Roman Congrega- tions, the tribunals, and the offices of Curia ” [Catholic Encyclopedia, “ Roman Curia ”]. Lindsay appears to use the term more generally, to imply the whole gathering of ecclesiastical representatives at Rome, as well as those engaged in administration. 4752. Bot thay haif spred thare Net. “ Thay ” refers back to the “ thay in Rome ” of line 4743.

4757. The tent part of all gude moueabyll. Tithes.

4759. Wounder profitabyll. Chalmers, III. 107, " The ed. 1574 has substituted ‘ verray ' for ' wounder ’: This is a rare instance of the alteration of a word, by this fine edition.” It evidently remained, and I have shown there is reason to believe that 1680 was printed from 1571. It appears in 2776 as ” very.”

V761. Hery waiter. Chalmers, III. 107, "Aery-water: ro&-water: a popular term for a net." 1776 berry-water. Herywaiter : from herry. Sc. form of harry : short for harry-water-net, a fine net for catching small fish. O.E.D. quotes from Jamieson ; 1620 A. Symson : Christ’s Test. Unf. E.viij, " [The doctrine of Purgatory] is a herrie-water-net, and hath ouer-spread the whole world. ” Was this derived from Lindsay ? Lindsay ofiers the first quotation in O.E.D.

4762-4763. Lindsay here refers to the large sums of money which were exported to Rome from all countries. There was an annual tax or tribute [styled Peter-penny, Peter’s pence'] of a penny from each householder having land of a certain value paid direct to the papal see. In addition were first-fruits of bishoprics, paid direct to Rome.

4762. Hois nett: hose net, a small net resembling a stocking affixed to a pole. Lindsay ofiers the first quotation in O.E.D. 430 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

4765. This Regioun : Scotland.

4771-4796. These four stanzas, save for the last two lines, are a denunciation of the doctrine of Purgatory, which Lindsay says the Church will not give up because the payment for masses for the souls in Pur- gatory is too profitable. Masses for the dead would have to be given up, and thus no monks, canons, nuns and friars would be required, were the doctrine abandoned. The merchandise which it engenders in pardons and dispensations, all money-making devices, would have to be given up.

4771. Tramalt nett: trammel net, a long narrow fishing net set vertically with floats and sinkers, consisting of two “ walls ” of large mesh, with a fine mesh loosely hung between..—O.E.D.

4789. Hym : Purgatory, which has been personified as a fish.

4798. Symonye, quhilk thay hald lytill vyce. Simony: "Giving or receiving, or intending to give or receive, anything temporal for anything spiritual. It is so called from Simon Magus, who offered St Peter money for the power of communicating the gifts of the Holy Ghost [Acts viii.). The guilt of this sin arises from the fact that spiritual things are not fit matter for bargaining . . . [Simony] is of two kinds : (i) simony forbidden by natural or divine law, and (2) simony forbidden by ecclesiastical law. The former, which is simony properly so called, is committed when something temporal is given or taken for something spiritual or connected therewith, e.g., grace, blessings, consecration, jurisdiction; the latter when something spiritual or connected therewith is exchanged for the like, e.g., benefice for benefice, or even when something is itself temporal but annexed to spiritual functions is bought or sold, e.g., the office of sacristan. The ground of the distinction between the two kinds is that in itself there is no harm in exchanging the spiritual for the spiritual, or the temporal for the temporal; the Church, however, out of reference for holy things, has forbidden such trafficking. ... It is not lawful to receive anything for exercising one’s sacred ministry, as the price of such work, yet there is no harm in taking something for one’s suitable support. . . . This doctrine is founded upon the teaching of our Lord (Luke x. 7) and of St Paul (x Cor. ix. 13, 14). Hence all theologians hold that such stipends are due ex justitia. . . . Simony was one of the worst banes of the Church in mediaeval times. The great Pontiffs St Gregory VII. and Innocent III. made strenuous efforts to extirpate it. The Council of Trent (sess. xxiv. ‘ De Reform.’) also enacted wholesome decrees regarding appointments to vacant benefices.”—Catholic Dictionary, “ Simony.” For Simon Magus, see note to line 4945. 4799. loh. xxi. Cf. John xxi. 15-17.

4801-4805. Cf. The Complaynt, 420 ; Papyngo, 995 ; Satyre, 3037. The Aesopian fable of the wolf in sheep’s clothing, not found in Henryson. The fable is of a wolf who, thinking to gain an easier livelihood, clothes NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 431 himself in a sheep’s skin, and mixing undetected with the sheep is shut up in the fold at night. The shepherd later went to fetch a sheep to kill for his supper, and mistaking the disguised wolf for one, killed him. The choice of the fable is most apt, especially in its implications : (i) that the priests, monks, and friars were wolves in sheep’s clothing, living undetected among the sheep; (ii) that they had entered the Church solely to gain an easier livelihood by preying on others.

4810. Thocht Peter wes porter of Paralyse. Cf. note to lines 4349-4356. St Peter is called the porter of Paradise because of him was granted the keys of heaven, the word being used in its stricter sense of one at the gate. Cf. line 4815 “ of Paradyse the port.”

4813. Mathew xxiii. Cf. Matthew xxiii. 13, “ Vae autem vobis, scribae et pharisaei hypocritas, quia clauditis regnum caelorum ante homines.”

4820. Those spiritual keis. See note to lines 4349-4356.

4821. An application of the rusting of the idols in Baruch vi. (see notes to lines 2469-2500). 4822. Neij: neive, fist. Chalmers, III. 109, "fists.” O.N. hnefi M.E. neve. "They held the keys of heaven unused in their clenched hands,” refusing to allow others to use them. Unoccupyit: 1776 Unexercis’d. 4827. John x. Cf. John x. 1-18, where Christ speaks of the good shepherd leading his sheep to the door, which is opened to him by the porter. Lindsay’s point is apparently either that the friars are bad shepherds, who will not lead their sheep home, or they are like the thieves and robbers mentioned in the parable, who enter not by the door, but climb up some other way. Yet, says Lindsay, these men of evil life are granted full remission of sins by the Pope, and pass straightway to heaven. 4834-4835. The Pope . . . his counsall generall: the authorities who administer the papal Primacy. 4856. Than latt like Byschope haif ane Suffragane. Suffragan: a bishop appointed to assist a diocesan bishop, an assistant bishop. 4876. Rom. vii. Cf. Romans viii., especially 5, 8, 22-23. 4877. But speciall grace, lauboure, and abstinence. 1776 Without great grace and abstinence. 4884. Gene. ii. Cf. Genesis ii. 21-25. 4885-4886. Cf. lines 4569-4572. 4887. Ikon ii. This reference belongs to the lines above, and, though here in 1554, should be raised one line. 432 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

4887. Auld Law and New thare to ihay do Concorde. The marriage laws of the Old Testament, as illustrated in Genesis ii. 21-25 [4883-4884], and those of the New Testament, as illustrated by Christ’s presence at the marriage feast of Cana, agree. Lindsay’s argument is that the overpraise of virginity by the Church in both sexes has no biblical foundation. He is here answering the arguments developed from the Old and New Testaments by the Church in favour of the state of virginity. The theory of the lower state of wedlock, so far as the Old Testament is concerned, depends on when Adam first knew Eve, before or after the expulsion from paradise, and when their first children were born. It was, and is, claimed that their intercourse did not take place until after the Fall, and thus their sexual state in the earthly paradise was one of virginity ; therefore virginity is a more divine state than wedlock. Peter Comestor tried to solve the problem by arguing that it was possible for them to have had children in this state of virginity. All this theorising, however, depends entirely on there ever having been an earthly paradise, which requires proof. So far as the New Testament is concerned, the Church bases its theory of virginity on the recorded virginity-in-wedlock of the mother of Christ. Even here, however, many require further proof. This demand for proof is, of course, purely modern. Lindsay does not doubt the truth of the Bible, and endeavours to counter the theologians in his own way, that of the reformers in general. St Augustine’s amusing table of values is not as well known as it should be : “ Sive virginalis vita in centeno fructu sit, in sexageno, vidualis, in treceno autem coniugalis ” [De S. Virginitate, xlvi]. This was developed from the parable of the sower and the seed, Matthew xiii. 8, “ But other fell into good ground, and brought forth fruit, some an hundred-fold, some sixty-fold, some thirty-fold.”

4890-4893. Math. i. Cf. Matthew i. 18-25.

4893. Luc. i. This reference seems merely to repeat the one above. 4893-4894. Quhy kaif thay done that blysfull band deiectit In thare Kyngdome ? " Why have they, the Church, thrown the blessed bond (of marriage) out of their kingdom ? ” 4897-4903. Cf. lines 4573-4576. 4904-4910. i. Tim. iiii. Cf. 1 Timothy iv. 1-3, " Now the Spirit speaketh expressly, that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils. 2. Speaking lies in hypocrisy; having their conscience seared With a hot iron ; 3. Forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats, which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving of them which believe and know the truth.” Lindsay draws attention to the two bans of the Church—marriage for priests, and restrictions on the eating of meat—and thus argues against them. 1776 omits line 4904. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHEj 433

4916-4917. Cf. The Dreme, 881-882 : For, quhen the heddis ar nocht delygent, The membris man, on neid, be necligent. Cf. also The Dreme, 916-917 : Bot rycht difficill is to mak remeid, Quhen that the fait is so in to the heid. Also Ane Satyre, 1045-1046 : Let not the fault be left into the head Then sail the members reulit be at richt.

4918-4931. The famous ancient, Doctor Auiceane. Avicenna : Abu ’Ali al-Husain ibn ’Abdallah ibn Sina, 980-1037, Arabic philosopher, and the greatest authority on medicine known to the mediaeval world. I do not trace in Avicenna’s great work the account which Lindsay gives in these two stanzas. The nearest appears in the Index in A vicennce libros, Venice, 1584, if. 401-402, Liber III. Tractatusii. " De doloribus horum membrorum. Cap. 5. De doloribus iuncturarum, et eis quae communicant podogras, et sciaticae, et alijs. Causa patiens in his aegritudinibus, est membrum suscipiens. Et causa efficiens, sunt com- plexiones et materiae malae. . . .”

4918. Transfer the comma from before Doctor to after. The word here means “ learned man.”

4919. Euyl rewme : evil, or ill, rheum, watery matter in the mucous membranes, supposed in excess to cause disease. 2776, ill rheum.

4922. That cald humour: here, a cold, damp, morbid fluid. L. (h)umorem, fluid, moisture.

4923. In Senownis it causis Arthetica: in the sinews it causes ar- thritic gout. Senownis : sinews, the Sc. form introducing a second -n-, parallel with talloun for tallow. O.E. seon(o)we. Arthetica: M.E. artetyke ; O.F. artetique, corruption of L. arthriticus ; G. &p6por.

4924. Rychtso, in to the handis, crampe Chiragra. Chiragra : gout in the hand, especially in the fingers. The earliest quotation in O.E.D. is 1585, Lloyd, Treas. Health, Gz, “ Podagra, ye gout of the legges and feete, and Chiragra the gout of the fingers.” From early times podagra and chiragra were coupled together. Cf. Seneca, Epistles, 78, 8, "podagra et chiragra et omnis vertebrarum dolor nervorumque interquiescit ” [Lewis and Short]. L. chiragra, Gr. xeipdypa, gout in the hand, from X*lp, hand, &ypa, a catching. Lindsay mentions podagra in line 4930. 4926. Bot: unless, without.

4927. As, in the theis, Siatica Passio : as, in the thighs, sciatica. Chalmers, III. 114, reads " scyathica passio.” 2776, Seratica passio. 434 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

It was also called sciatica passion, and had its parallels in colic passion, ventralis passio, &c., passio, passion, here meaning " painful suffering in the part of the body affected by the complaint.”

4928. And, in the breist, sumtyme, the strang Calerue. Chalmers, III. 114, "catarrh; ' caterve,’ for the rhyme.” 1776, catterve. Cf. 5117, Cattarue, where 1776 reads " catbarre ” (!). Catarrh was formerly supposed to run down from the brain, and this appears to be Lindsay’s implication.

4930-4931. And podagra ... In mennis feit. Podagra : gout in the feet. See note to line 4924. L. podagra. Gr. iroSdypa, gout in the foot, from nous, nod, foot, &ypa, a catching. In these lines, 4918-4931, Lindsay attempts parable, with the moral lesson that if the head is diseased, the whole body is affected. His parable is based on the belief that the brain developed morbid fluids which flowed through the whole body, causing particular complaints in various members or parts of the body.

4937. Sors: source. 1776, seat. The unnecessary emendation makes perhaps for clarity, but ignores the mystical allegory of the mediaeval reading. 4939-4952. Apo. xviii. Cf. Revelations (Vulgate, Apocalypse) xviii. 2-9, beginning, " Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen, and is become the habitation of devils, and the hold of every foul spirit, and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird. 3. For all nations have drunk of the wine of the wrath of her fornication, and the kings of the earth have committed fornication with her,” &c. In lines 4946-4950 Lindsay tries to improve on the biblical imagery, and employs alliteration to heighten the effect, but in truth makes it grotesque.

4945. Symon Magus : Simon Magus. This is Lindsay’s first reference to Simon Magus, although Simony has been frequently mentioned. Simon Magus was baptised by the apostle Philip, Acts viii. 9-29. He was already known as a user of magic, whence his surname Magus. When he saw the apostles working miracles, he could only assume that they also used magic, and offered them money for the same power to work miracles. Thus originated the sin of simony, the attempt to purchase spiritual things by or for temporal agencies [see note to line 4798]. Later legends greatly enlarged upon his doings. He persisted in his false views, it is said, and thus became the first heretic. Later he actively opposed St Peter, who won the final round of the contest between them. At Rome before Nero Simon Magus offered to ascend to the heavens, and made an attempt which began successfully, but the ardent prayers of Peter and Paul caused him to fall down to earth, and he was picked up in four pieces. He was also regarded as the false Messiah of the Apostolic age, the first Antichrist. Cf. Eusebius, Church History, ii. 13 : St Justin of Rome, First Apology, xxvi. Ivi; Hippolytus of Rome, Philosophumena, vi., vii.-xx. ; Apocryphal Acts of Peter and Paul (full account of the ascent). NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 435

4957-4959. Luc. xiii. Apo. xviii. In Luke xiii. 24-30 Christ advises his followers to depart from iniquity, for those who are first shall be last, and when the kingdom of God comes there will be weeping and gnashing of teeth. In Revelations xviii. is described the overthrow of Babylon after its life of evil and corruption, when all its wealth will come to nought, and a mighty angel takes up a stone like a great millstone and casts it into the sea, saying that thus shall Babylon be thrown down, “ for by thy sorceries were all nations deceived. 24. And in her was found the blood of prophets, and of saints, and of all that were slain upon the earth." But the plagues mentioned in line 4958 are described in Revelations xv. 6-8 and xvi., the seven plagues of the seven angels, poured out from seven vials, and I suggest an emendation of this reference. Lines 4958-4959 are repeated in Ane Satyre, 1188-1x89 : I dreid the plagues of lohnes Revelatioun Sail fal vpon ?our generatioun. 4970. Kendle in ws the pyre op Charitie. Cf. Luke xii. 49, " I am come to send fire on the earth, and what will I, if it be already kindled ? ” and James hi. 5, “ how great a matter a little fire kindleth.”

4971. Misaritie. See note to line 3579.

Heir endis the Thride Part. And Begynnis the Fourt, Makand Mentioun of the Deith. And of the Antichrist. And Generall Iugement. And of Certane Plesouris of Glorifiet Bodyis. And QUHOW EUERY CREATURE DESYRIS TO SE THE LAST DAY. WITH ANE Exhortatioun, be Experience, to the courtiour. The fourth book of the poem extends from line 4974 to line 6338. All but lines 6106-6338 are in the narrative measure. It consists of the following sections : (a) 4974-5057 Introduction. (b) 5058-5171 Death. (c) 5172-5253 The Reign of Antichrist. {d) 5254-5553 The Date of, and the Signs preceding, the Last Judge- ment. Ifi) 5554-5925 The Second Coming of Christ, and the preliminary separation of the good from the wicked. (/) 5926-6105 The J udgement Day. [g] 6106-6266 The Joys of the Blessed in Heaven. \h) 6267-6338 The Exhortation.

Possible Authorities : I do not trace a definite authority for this section of the poem, but a very possible one is one of the versions of the Ars Moriendi or De Arte et scientia bene moriendi, attributed variously to Domenico Capranica, Matthasus de Cracovis, and Albertus Magnus. A French version was published by Verard, Paris, 1492 [B.M., IB 40027], and was frequently reprinted. The French version was trans- 436 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY lated into English by Samoht Notgnywel [i.e., Thomas Lewyngton] and published by Verard, Paris, 1503 [B.M., C. 70. g. 14], and was again translated by Andrew Chertsey, a translator of French devotional works for Wynken de Worde’s press, and published by Wynken de Worde, London, 1505 [John Rylands Library] and 1506 [B.M., C. 53. e. 4]. I give the titles of the French version, and of Chertsey’s, for comparison with the sections of Lindsay’s poem enumerated above. (i) Le liure intitule lart de bien mourir / Les paines denfer et les paines de purgatoire / laduenement de antechrist. Des quinze signes precedens le iugement general de dieu et des ioyes de paradis / le liure de bien viure [each part contains separate colophons, but the signatures are normal throughout: last colophon Imprime a paris le xv iour de decembre mil xccc. nonante &• deux / pour anthoine verard libraire damourant sur le pont nostre dame a lynage saint iehan. . . . (ii) Chertsey’s English version has no common title, each section bearing its own. (1) Arte or crafte to dye well. (2) treatise of the paynes of hell and of purgatory. (3) treatise of the comynge of Antecryst. (4) the tokens precendentes or comy\ng\ before the lugement generall. (5) the forme and maner of the grete lugement generalll [sic]. (6) the ioyes of paradyse. Lindsay follows the same general plan, but I do not find many exact parallels. Lindsay’s Roman Catholic religious education, however, would have familiarised him with the general outline of the Last Judg- ment, but the early Reformers, while toning down grimness and inevitability, did not reject the theory. Lindsay also makes use of material which does not appear in the above works. The English literature of the Last Judgment is old : I refer to the Cursor Mundi and Richard Rolle of Hampole’s The Pricke of Conscience. Lindsay does not appear to have used any edition of the following work : [S]/gwa quindecim horribilia de Fine mundi. Et Extreme ludicio. Paulus hieronymus ita dicunt gregoriusque Non mihi scribenti tu lector crede: sed Mis [DIE Vita Sacerdotali et Virginali. Cologne, Martin von Werden, ? 1498, B.M., IA. 5164. Another edition, Cologne, Werden, ? 1505, B.M., 1213. b. 49 (1). Note that Caxton’s Here begynneth a lityll treatise shorte and abredyed spekynge of the arte &■ crafte to knowe well to dye. [Colophon] translated oute of frenshe in to englyssh. By Wittm Caxton the xv. day of luyn / the yere of our lord a M iiij Clxxxx [=1490] [B.M., C. 11. c. 8], does not include the Antichrist section, the Fifteen Signs, or the Last Judgment.

The Eschatological Basis : Eschatology is that branch of theology and life which is primarily concerned with the problem of immortality, especially with the idea of a catastrophic end of the world, followed by divine retribution and judgment, ideas found in all races and times. The question of the value of such ideas does not enter into present consideration. The Christian, and especially the mediaeval Christian, view was developed from the rather hazy and scattered ideas of the later Jewish prophets, though many of the passages relating to the establishment of a Messianic kingdom in the minor prophets are sometimes regarded as later interpolations. In these passages Jahweh appears in judgment NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 437 on the nations, the day of judgment being called the Day of Jahweh, when the sun, moon, and stars are darkened, the heavens are shaken, the mountains are destroyed, and the earth is burnt, or flooded. Cf. Amos ix. 5 ; Zephaniah i. 2 ff. ; Nahum i. 3 ff.; Haggai ii. 6, 21 ff. ; Isaiah ii. 12 ff., xiii. 10 fi., xxiv. 4 ff. ; Ezekiel xxxviii. 19. The whole idea of a convulsion of earth belongs to ancient nature-worship, with storm-, thunder-, and earthquake gods acting together. After the judgment begins the reign of peace and safety on earth. Jahweh is regarded as the deliverer of the peoples, who will live under him as a king. This king is the Messiah. Zion will be rebuilt as the spiritual metropolis, established on the tops of the mountains [Isaiah ii. 2, iv. 5, xxxiii. 20, xl., Ixv. 18; Jeremiah xxx. 18, &c.]. The face of nature will be completely changed. There will be a new heaven and a new earth, this idea being probably a later development, or perhaps metaphorical. The moon will shine like the sun ; the sun’s light will be seven times greater than now ; the earth will be full of plenty ; desert land will bloom ; wild animals will live in peace ; and human ills will disappear. The Jewish idea is clearly based on the hope of a return to a paradise on earth, or that the former earthly paradise, lost to man through the sin of Adam, will be restored. There is no suggestion of a spiritual paradise after death. Later Jewish eschatology developed the theory that the doom would be preceded by a number of signs. This appears in Ezekiel xxxii. 7, 8 ; Joel ii. 10, 32 ; Isaiah xiii. 9, 10, xxxiv. 4 ; but the Hebrew prophets do not attempt to develop a specific sequence of signs. This was left to early mediaeval Christian ingenuity. The Gospels—Matthew xiv. 7, xxiv. 29, Luke xxi. 9-11, and Mark xiii. 24—develop the idea, and naturally change the conception of the ultimate paradise, which is to be in heaven. Christ Himself seems to have been greatly influenced by the traditions, but the main features of His visions are not clearly set forth, and theologians have tended to obscure them still further, but the descriptions of the signs before the fall of the temple, and of the fall of Jerusalem, seem definitely to be an early Christian adaptation of Jewish eschatology. Christ’s sayings regarding the Second Coming must be regarded as His acceptance of the theory, attempts to develop which appear in the apocryphal fourth book of Ezra, the apocryphal Revelation oJEsdras, and the apocryphal Revelation of John the Theologian. These are too long for quotation : English translations of the latter will be found in the Apocryphal Gospels, Acts, and Revelations, trans. A. Walker, Anti-Nicene Christian Library, xvi. (1890), 477, 500. None of these early texts develop the scheme of days which is a characteristic of mediaeval works on the subject. For these, see the notes to lines 5318-5321. Title : 1776 reads : The Fourth Book. Making mention of the Death of Antichrist, of the General Judgment, &c. With an Exhortation by Experience to the Courteour. 4983. To wyn. Chalmers, III. 117, “ ‘ To wyn,' is the reading of the ed. 1552, and 1558 : subsequent ones have put ‘ To have.’ ” 4986-4987. See note to Papyngo, 73. VOL. III. 2 F 438 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

4991-4992. And thynk on fowe extremeteis Quhilkis ar to cum, and that schortlye. Extremeteis : the final events, detailed in lines 4995-4996, (i) Death, (ii) Hell, (iii) the Heaven’s Glory, (iv) the Last Judgment. These should correspond to the four sections of the last book of the poem, but these are named (i) Death, (ii) the Antechrist, (iii) the Second Coming, (iv) the Last Judgement, and reward of the blessed. The basis is the treatise of Denis the Carthusian, De quatuor hominum novissimis, and all versions of the Ars Moriendi. 4998-4999. Thow sail nocht faill to be content Off quyet lyfe and sobir rent. Cf. Complaynt, 503-504, and The Monarche, 350-351.

5003. Gret miseritie. See note to line 3579. 5004-5005. Wer thou Empriour of Asia, Kyng of Europe and Affrica. Lindsay is consistent in still recognising only a tripartite world. Cf. The Dreme, 663.

5011. The Heuin Imperiall : the imperial, or empyrean, heaven. See note to The Dreme, 514, and cf. Monarche, 6124-6166.

5014. ii. Par. ix. Cf. 2 Paralipomenon [Chronicles'] ix., the chapter describing the visit of the Queen of Sheba to Solomon at the height of his splendour and power.

5016. Eccle. ii. Cf. Ecclesiastes ii. 1-11, which supplies material for lines 5020-5035, but with additions taken from the surroundings of Scottish kings. Solomon, who is understood, from Eccles. i. 1, 12, to be talking, says that he made gardens and orchards : Lindsay adds “ for Hartis and Hyndis.” Solomon says that he made pools of water, and Lindsay stocks them with fish. 5027-5028. iii. Re. xi. : Cf. Vulgate 3 Regum, Authorised Version, x Kings xi. 3, " And he had seven hundred wives, and three hundred concubines."

5032-5035. Cf. Ecclesiastes ii. 11, "and, behold, all was vanity and vexation of spirit, and there was no profit under the sun.”

5051. Math. vi. This reference covers lines 5050-5051, sett nocht thy cure In erth, only. Cf. Matthew vi. 19, " Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth.” Lindsay then paraphrases the rest of the verse, " where moth and rust doth corrupt, &c.” Luc. xii. Cf. Luke xii. 13-48. 5054-5057. Two biblical statements are here combined : (i) man has but a short time to live. Cf. Psalm xxxix. 5, Ixxxix. 47, and other refer- NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 439 ences, especially, however, Job xiv. 1-5, “ Man that is born of a woman is of few days,” &c., (ii) Christ will come again on earth. Cf. Luke xii. 40, “ Be ye therefore ready also : for the Son of man cometh at an hour when ye think not.” This did not prevent early mediaeval theologians endeavouring to calculate the date of the second coming. Cf. 5280-5313.

5056-5057. Chalmers, III. 120, “The ed. 1597, with its usual licen- tiousness, has omitted the last two verses.” They were, however, restored in later editions.

Off the Deith. The Deith : death, often used in M.E. and M. Scots with the article. Cf. the modern phrase to die the death. Some of the diseases enumerated in lines 5109-5117 also carry the article : 5113, " the Gutt ” [gout] ; 5114," the flux.” Until the sixteenth century people spoke of “ the cough,” “ a cough ” being an individual attack. We still speak, frequently, of “ the measles,” " the flu,” &c. The theme is that of the miseries of human life, the agony of death, and punishment in this world and the next, the theme of St Augustine, De Civitate Dei, Bk. XXI. In chap. xiv. St Augustine sermonises on “ Militia est vita hominis supra terram ” {Job vii. 1), one of the two mottoes on the title-page of 7568 and later editions.

5064-5069. Cf. Monarche, 919-920.

5076-5077. The metaphor of man’s life as a pilgrimage occurs in several places in the Bible—e.g., Genesis xlvii. 9, 1 Peter i. 17, and 2 Esdras xvi. 40, but the idea became popular in the Middle Ages with Guillaume de Guileville’s Pelerinage de la Vie Humame, written 1330-1335, translated by Lydgate as The Pilgrimage of the Life of Man, in 1426 [E.E.T.S., Extra Series, 77, 83, 92], and printed by Caxton, 1483, as The Pyl- gremage of the sowle. Other works recorded in The Short-Title Catalogue are W. Bonde, The Pylgrimage of Perfection, 1526: The Book of the pylgrymage of man, ? 1525.

5077. Ay : 1776, Are.

5079,5085. Gret Misaritie. See note to line 3579.

5087. Ponder thame boith in one ballance. Ponder : O.F. ponderer; L. ponderare, to weigh. 5094-5095. Gretlye it doith perturbe my mynde, Off dolent Deith the diuers kynd. Our mediaeval forebears were experts in the matter of death. Their faith made a principal feature of the horrors of death itself and of the punishments in hell. This development, which is not stressed in the New Testament, grew up when the Church undertook the conversion of the pagan hordes which swept over Europe, and found that by 440 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY portraying an after-world of terror it obtained converts freely. By the contemplation of death man was induced to think of the life hereafter. The subject was much enlarged upon in the fifteenth century. Cf. also Richard Rolle, The Pricke of Conscience, 1760-2691. Interest in the kinds of death goes back to the Apocalypsis Mosis (mainly first century, from earlier material), viii. 2, “ And he [God] saith to me [Adam] : ‘ Since thou hast abandoned my covenant, I have brought upon thy body seventy-two strokes [or plagues].’ ” In the Vita A dae et Evae, xxxiv. 1, these are called seventy blows, and Adam explains, “ These hath God appointed for chastisement. All these things hath the Lord sent to me and to all our race.” The view was that Adam brought seventy-two kinds of death into the world. Cf. Apocalypse of Abraham. Lindsay’s short list below is the attenuated late mediaeval subscription to the theory.

5096-5137. Though death comes to all, he comes in various ways. In this section the more tortured, or violent, deaths are enumerated. 5098. Hail Feueris violence : the raging of hot fevers. 5099. Contagious Pestilence : contagious plague, the most feared form of death known to the Middle Ages. 5100-5101. Executed through the relentless workings of human justice. The kinds of execution are enumerated in lines 5102-5105. 5102. Some are hanged : some decapitated. 5103. Some are burnt : some are boiled in molten lead.

5104-5105. And some, for their unlawful acts, are torn asunder on the rack. These end the forms of execution : other kinds of death follow. 5106. Some are poisoned. 5107. Some are murdered at night. 5108. Some fall into frensies. O.F. frenesie; M.E. frenesie, mental derangement, madness. 5109. Some die of dropsy. Idropesie : hydropsy, now used in the aphetic form, dropsy. O.F., M.E., idropisie. The word was quadri- syllabic : i-dro-pes-ie. Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 2982-3012, enumerates some of these diseases as the fourth pain of Purgatory.

5110. And other strange infirmities, or maladies.

5113. Gutt: gout. OF. goute. Grauell: gravel, urinary affliction forming crystals, and entailing great difficulty and pain in passing urine, and distinguished from the stone. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 441

Gor: abbreviation, probably colloquial, for grandgore, syphilis. O.F. gorre, grand gorre, syphilis. Chalmers, III. 122, " the gout, gravel, and glangore. By an order of council, in 1497, all persons in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh, who were infected with the glangore, were ordered to be transported to the island of Inch Keith, in the Forth.” We are not told how many went.

5114. Flux : incessant flow of blood from the bowels, dysentery. Feuir quartane : fever or ague with paroxysms every fourth (now calculated third) day, quartan fever. F. fievre quartaine. L. febris quartane, from quartus, fourth.

5117. Cattarue : catarrh, here the old name for apoplexy, or cerebral haemorrhage. 1776, Catbarre [see note to line 4928]. Poplesye : aphetic form of apoplexy, chiefly in use in Scots, but also found in Chaucer, Nun’s Priest’s Tale, Harl. MS., 21. Du. popelcye.

5118-5119. Some destroy themselves, like Hannibal and wise Cato. Hannibal : see notes to lines 4182-4202. Cato : not, of course, Porcius Major, the enemy of Carthage, b.c. 234-149, but his great-grandson, Marcus Cato, b.c. 95-46, who committed suicide at Utica, North Africa, where he had been born, at the close of the civil war between Pompey and Caesar, to whom he was opposed. After the battle of Pharsalia, b.c. 48, at which he was not present, Cato crossed to Africa, and after marching across the desert, joined forces with Metellus Scipio, to whom he yielded the command of his army, in opposition to its own wishes. Against Cato’s advice, Scipio fought with Caesar at Thapsus, 6th April 46, and was defeated, and only Utica remained in Cato’s hands. He wished his army to stand a siege in Utica, but it desired to surrender, and Cato committed suicide, in high heroic fashion. He spent the evening reading Plato’s Pheedra several times, and then stabbed himself below the breast. He fell to the ground, overturning an abacus, and his friends, hearing the noise, rushed in. They dressed his wound, but when he recovered consciousness he tore open the bandages and tore out his entrails. After his death he was panegyrised, and was famous throughout the Middle Ages. His life and death forms the subject of Addison’s Cato.

5120-5125. Cf. Valeriis Maximi, Dictorumque Factorumque Memora- bilium Exemple, Liber IX. cap. xii., Leyden, 1534, p. 425. " De Mortibus non Vulgaribus. P. 426. De Tullo Hostilio. Tullus Hos- tilius fulmine ictus, cum tota domo conflagrauit. Singularem fati sortem, qua accidit, ut columen urbis, in ipsa urbe raptum, ne supremo quidem funeris honore a ciuibus decorari posset, ccelesti flamma in eadem conditione redactum, ut eosdem penates, et regiam, et rogum, et sepulchrum haberet.” Teubner, p. 458. Tullus Hostilius : third king of Rome, said to have been the grandson of Hostus Hostilius, who fell in the Sabine War during the reign of Romulus. He was a great warrior, and forced Alba to acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, and after it had rebelled, he destroyed it, bringing 442 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

the Albans to Rome. In his old age his people were smitten with a pestilence, and showers of burning stone fell from heaven. He sought to propitiate the gods, who would not listen, and he was finally destroyed, with his house, by fire from heaven sent by Jupiter. No English translation of Valerius was available for Lindsay’s use, and the incident is not recorded in Carion. The example of Tullius Hostilius was almost classical. St Augustine, De Civ. Dei, III. xv, borrowed it from a passage in Cicero, De Re Publica, II. 17, which is now mutilated. It also occurs in Livy, I. 22.

5126-5129. I do not find this in Valerius.

5130-5135. Some die in battle ; some lose their lives in shipwrecks.

5136-5145. Though some die naturally, through age, far more die raving mad. But happy is he who can die quietly, and can cry for mercy of God in his last moments. Although death is terrible, it must comfort those who are of the faithful number, for they depart from the troubles of this life, and enter the joys of the life everlasting.

5143-5144. Cair and cummer, . . . trubyll, trauell, stmt, and stryfe. The alliterative pairs will be noticed. 5146-5157. Polidorus Uirgilius. Laing, III. 209, " I find the passage to which Lyndsay alludes occurs in Lib. vi., cap. x. of the edition, ' Polydori Vergilii de Inventoribus Rerum prior editio, tribus primis contenta libris, ab ipso Autore recognita, et locupletata &c. Parisiis, ex officina Roberti Stephani M.D.XXVIII,’ 4to. It is as follows : [‘ Quapropter Thraces huius rei memores natales hominum (prout in tertio huius operis volumine diximus) flebiliter, exequias cum hilaritate merito celebrant’] (fol. 109-110). The previous passage referred to may also be quoted. It occurs in Lib. iii. cap. x. (fol. 53) : ‘ Thraces defunctos per lusum et laetitiam terrae demandare, referentes quot malis liberati in omni essent felicitate, contra aedito puero, propinqui cum comploratione prosequebantur, recensentes quascunque necesse foret illi, quod vitam ingressus esset, perpeti humanas calamitates : Institutum me hercule inter tot vitae mala sapientae plenum. Eorum autem Optimates simul atque combusti erant, sepeliebantur. . . . Optimates etiam Thracum (ut diximus) comburebantur. Sed de hac re Funera plura alibi dicemus, cum de anniversariis nostrorum Exequiis disseretur ’ (Lib. vi. cap. ix.).” Lindsay, however, did not use the Latin text: he used the following abridged English translation : An Abridgement of the notable worke of Polidore Virgile conteignyng the deuisers and fyrst fynders out as well of Artes, Ministeries, Feactes and ciuil ordinaunces, as of Rites, and Ceremonies, commonly vsed in the churche . . . Compendiously gathered by Thomas Langley. Imprinted at London within the precincte of the late dissolued house of the Grey Friars, by Richarde Grafton Printer to the Princis grace, the .xxv. daie of lanuarie, theyere of Our Lorde. M.D.xlvi. I quote this text, noting in italics the parallel words in Lindsay, who has changed the examples round, giving the births first. F. 73b-74a : “ The NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 443

Thracians kepe solemnely the funeralities of the ded corps of men with greate ioye and [5155] solace : bicause thei bee dispatched by the death of the miseries [5156] humane, and rest [5157] in felicitie [5157] eterne : and contrariwise se [so] at the birth of their children thei make greate sorowe and lamentacion [5150], bicause of the calamities [5I52] that thei [5153] must sustain in this miserable life.” The example reappears in Thomas Wilson’s Arte of Rhetorique (1560), ed. G. H. Mair, p. 74, " The Thracians lament greatly at the birth of their children, and reioyce much at the buriall of their bodies, being well assured that this world is nothing els but miserie, and the world to come ioye for euer.” This is also given in the reverse order, and we must expect the discovery of a common original, one which is close to the translation, but in the reversed order of births and deaths. Cf. St Augustine, De Civitate Dei, XXI., xiv., " Our infancy, indeed, introducing us to this life not with laughter but with tears, seems unconsciously to predict the ills we are to encounter. Zoroaster alone is said to have laughed when he was born, and that unnatural omen portended no good to him. For he is said to have been the inventor of magical arts, though indeed they were unable to secure to him even the poor felicity of this present life against the assaults of his enemies. For, himself King of the Bactrians, he was conquered by Ninus, King of the Assyrians.”

5161. That stoure. 1776 the stout.

5162-5163. Cf. Deploratioun, 69-70; Tragedie, 321-322. 5165-5167. Thy Spreit sail passe, but tarying, Straucht way tyll loye Inestimabyll, Or to strang pane Intollerabyll. . . . Lindsay thus accepts the doctrine of the sojourn of the souls of the wicked in hell until the Judgment Day. He does not accept Purgatory. 5168. Thy vyle corruptit carioun. Religious writers drew lurid pictures of the decay of the body after death, in order to stress its beauty in heaven after the day of Judgment. Cf. Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 830-859. 5170. And so remane, in pulder small. Pulder small: fine powder, dust. L. pulver-em ; O.F. pouldre, poudre, powder, dust. Cf. Genesis iii. 19, " pulvis es, et in pulverem reverteris.” Where the Authorised Version reads " dust,” as a translation of " pulvis," Tyndale reads “ powder," but Lindsay was using the traditional translation. Cf. Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 875-879 : Als es wryten in a bok pat says : Omnes in pulvere dormient, et vermes operient eos. pat es “in pouder sal slepe ilk man, And wormes sal cover hym pan.” 444 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Ane schort discriptioun Of the Antechriste. Chalmers, III. 124, Laing, III. 129, and 1776 all read Antichrist. Laing, III. 209, “ Here and elsewhere in place of Anti-Christ, the editions of Jascuy and other early copies have Ante-Christ. The scribe or printer of these copies not marking the essential difference in the prefix Anti, from the Greek, Against, In opposition to; and Ante, from the Latin, Before, Previous to.” It is hardly likely that the scribe or printer knew Greek, and unfair to foist on them a misspelling, if it is such, by Lindsay. The explanation is that there have been two interpretations of the word, originating different forms. The more correct form Anti-Christ implies a pseudo-Christ, or false Christ, who would come in opposition to Christ. There are, however (cf. 1 John ii. n, 18), many anti-christs, and they are always present in the world. The form Ante-Christ implies something different, in the great pseudo-Christ who will appear on earth after the fall of the last monarchy, and will set up a kingdom of falsehood, vice, and crime at Jerusalem. His coming will precede the Second Coming of Christ. The biblical texts read Antichrist, even where they imply an Ante- Christ: Gk. avrixpurTos; L. antichristus; Wicliffe (1389), Tyndale (I534). Cranmer (1539), and Geneva (1557) all anticrist, ox Antichrist. Thus there is no biblical authority for the form Ante-Christ. This, however, was common in mediaeval Latin and vernacular literature : L. antechristus, O.F. antecrist(e), M.E. antecrist{e). Sometimes the two forms are used indiscriminately, and I do not find any differentiation of form to suit the two functions. The idea of a false Messiah was held among the later Hebrews. In Daniel vii. 8, 19-25, viii. 9-12, xi. 21-45, the idea of a false Messiah, or Antichrist, is identified in Antiochus Epiphanes. In early Christian times the identification was applied to Nero, and was later applied to the Jews, 2 Thessalonians ii. 10, because " they received not the love of the truth, that they might be saved.” Later, because the tribe of Dan was omitted from the list of tribes that were sealed. Revelations vii. 5-8, and because of evil-doing prophesied for the tribe. Genesis xlix. 17, it was suggested that Antichrist would be born of that tribe. The whole theory of the function of Antichrist was much developed by Irenaeus, Adversus Hcereses v. ; Hippolytus, De Antichristo, and Commentary on Daniel; and Lactantius, Div. lust., vii. 14 et seq. The next important development took place in the schisms of the Church, when the more spiritual Franciscans, who were opposed to the temporal possessions of the Church, and themselves remained true to the ideal of poverty, developed the identification of Antichrist with the Papacy itself. This was naturally seized upon by the early Reformers, the Albigenses, Waldenses, and Fraticelli, by Wicliffe, and Hus, and became one of the principal points of their opposition to ecclesiastical authority. Luther seems to have been slow to accept the identification, but when he did it aroused him to increased opposition. It was early accepted in England, and Tyndale propagated the identification, Obedience of the Christian Man, Parker Society. It was also accepted by the Scottish Reformers, and in 1567 the General Assembly NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 445 solemnly declared its faith in the identification, Zurich Letters, 1558- 1579, Parker Society, 199. These identifications are, viewed historically, exactly parallel with the earlier identifications with Antiochus Epiphanes and Nero. In the Middle Ages and the sixteenth century it was also common to denounce Islam as Antichrist. Any nation, race, religion, or individual is liable to the term, which is one of abuse. In our own time the Kaiser has been so denounced. Lindsay identifies Antichrist with the Pope, following generations of Reformers. This has given rise to a third interpretation of the word, first suggested, so far as I am aware, by Cardinal Newman, The Pro- testant Idea of Antichrist, rept. Essays Critical and Historical, ii. 112, and officially accepted by the Roman Catholic Church, Catholic Ency- clopedia, “ Antichrist.” This interpretation states that Anti-Christ means "like Christ,” and that it is not shameful for the Pope, the Papacy, or the Church to be reviled by that name. Newman quotes a gibe, which he believes to have been uttered by Baxter, " If the Pope was not Antichrist, he has bad luck to be so like him.” Newman comments, " Not ‘ bad luck,’ but sheer necessity. Since Antichrist simu- lates Christ, and bishops are images of Christ, Antichrist is like a bishop, and a bishop is like Antichrist. And what is the Pope but a bishop ? ” The Catholic Encyclopedia, supporting this view, points out parallels with avriOeos, one resembling a god in power and beauty,

5175. One wyckit man, from sathan sent. Cf. Cursor Mundi, 22,023- 22,116, which tells the whole story of Antichrist. He will be born of the devil and an evil woman, not born, like Christ, of a maiden : O fader and moder he sal be born, [22,023] Als other men es him biforn, Bituix a man and a womman, [22,025] And noght of a maiden allan Als it es foli tald o sum ; Noght tuix a biscop and a nun. But of bismer brem and bald, And geten of a glotun scald, [22,030] pat par mai be na fuler tuin. He sal be geten all in sin, Geten in sin, and born in plight, Ouer all he sal be maledight. In his geting pe feind of hell [22,035] Sal crepe in his moder to duell, Maistur of errur and of pride. [22,037] [22,026-27 : Some say that he will be born of a maiden—i.e., out of wedlock, but this is folly (the writer remembers Christ’s mother). 22,028-30 : Nor of a bishop and a nun (a grade worse in " monstrous births ”), but of a person worthy of scorn, and a scold, than whom no fouler twain may be found.] 446 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

As the Holy Ghost descended on Mary, so will Satan descend on the mother of Antichrist.

5178-5179. Cf. Cursor Mundi, 21,975, " ]?at anticrist o danis sede.” The assertion that Antichrist would be born of the tribe of Dan is apparently due to the omission of the tribe from the list of tribes mentioned in Revelations vii. 5-8. Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 4167, says that he will be born of a woman of the tribe of Dan, and mentions a prophecy [Genesis xlix. 17], “ Fiat Dan coluber in via, cerastes in semita, mordens ungulas equi, ut cadat ascensor eius retro, Hoc est [Anticristus] sicut serpens, in via sedebit, et in semita erit, ut eos, qui per semitam iusticie ambulant, feriat et veneno sue malicie occidat.” The Arte or crafte to lyue well [1506 edn.], f. 122s, says, “ Saynt Remy vpon the appocalypse sayeth that he shall be borne in babylone of some lewes the whiche shal be of the lygne of Dan after the prophecye of Jacob in genese in the .xlix. capyte where he sayth, Fiat dan coluber in via / cerastes in semita.” See next note.

5180. And suld be borne in Babilone. Cf. Cursor Mundi, 22,087-22,096 : For als pat crist him-seluen chese Be born in bethleem for ur ese, His maidenhede for to bring in place pa.t he tok for us wit his grace. Right sua sal pe fiend him pis Chese him stede o birth iwise, pat best es titeld til his stall, Quar es pe rote of iuels all, par lest o godd men makes min pat es, tun o babilon wit-in. Antichrist will be born in Babylon because it is a town of " selcuth mikel pride, Hefd o maumentri pat tide.” Bethsaida and Chorazin will foster him, and he will reign in Capernaum. His nurses will be en- chanters, necromancers, and jugglers, and he will be accompanied by devils. It will now be seen that the later mediaeval conception of Antichrist has developed into a parody of Christ. Antichrist, according to the Cursor Mundi, will in fact re-live the life of Christ on a basis of evil. His especial function will be to gather all the Jews, but Christ foresaw all this, when He said that the Jews do not accept Him, but if another comes they will follow him.

5184-5185. Cf. Cursor Mundi, 22,361-22,374. Enoch and Elias will preach against Antichrist, and he will slay them, but when they have been dead two days Christ will bring them to life again. The basis is the apocryphal Revelation of John, 495, " And then I shall send forth Enoch and Elias to convict him, and they shall show him to be a liar and a deceiver; and he shall kill them at the altar, as said the prophet. Then shall they offer calves upon thine altar.” Cf. also the apocryphal History of Joseph the Carpenter, Walker, 76 ; The Gospel of Nicodemus, Walker, 175. According to Malachi iv. 4-5, God “ will send you Elijah the prophet before the coming of the great NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 447 and dreadful day of the Lord,” to effect repentance of the Jews. Cf. Matthew xviii. 10, 12, Mark ix. 11, Luke ix. 30, &c., where it is said that Elijah [N.T. Elias] will be accompanied by Enoch.

5192-5198. As wryttis lohne. 5197. i. John ii. Cf. 1 John ii. 18, " as ye have heard that antichrist shall come, even now are there many antichrists ; whereby we know that it is the last time."

5201-5207. The fals Propheit Machomeit. Mohammed was regarded in the Middle Ages as the promised Antichrist, especially as the prophecy that Antichrist would hold Jerusalem, endeavour to win over the Jews, and torture the Christians seemed to be fulfilled in the history of Islam in the Middle Ages.

5205. Quhilk his curste Lawis maid so sweit. The Church had found this true from its own experience. Not only could it make little headway against Islam by conversion, but during the Crusades many Christians had voluntarily accepted Islam, particularly the military bodies who remained in Palestine. 5208-5211. ii. lohn i. Cf. 2 John (which has only one chapter, but Lindsay’s reference is not incorrect, since it was not uncommon to refer to the first chapter of a work which contained only one), verse 7, “ For many deceivers are entered into the world, who confess not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh. This is a deceiver and an antichrist.” Cf. also 1 John ii. 22, " Who is a liar but he that denieth that Jesus is the Christ ? He is antichrist that denieth the Father and the Son.”

5212-5223. Dan. viii. Cf. Daniel viii. 23-25, " And in the latter time of their kingdom [the Grecian], when the transgressors are come to the full, a king of fierce countenance, and understanding dark sentences, shall stand up. 24. And his power shall be mighty, but not by his own power: and he shall destroy wonderfully, and shall prosper, and practise, and shall destroy the mighty and the holy people. 25. And through his policy also he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand : and he shall magnify himself in his heart, and by peace shall destroy many : he shall also stand up against the Prince of princes ; but he shall be broken without hand.” The Cursor Mundi has much to say on this prophecy.

5215. Ane schameles face: Vulgate, "rex impudens facie.” 1776 shameful.

5216. Dirk speikyngis : Vulgate, “ propositiones.”

5224-5229. ii. Tessa, ii. Cf. 2 Thessalonians ii. 1-4, especially 3, “ that day shall not come, except there come a falling away first, and that man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition ” ; and 4. "... so that he as God sitteth in the temple of God, shewing himself that he is God.” 448 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

5226. Man of Iniquitye . . . 5230. Sonne of Perditioun. Vulgate, 2 Thessalonians, ii. 3, " homo peccati, filius perditionis.” Tyndale (I534)> " synfull man . . . sonne of perdicion.” So also Cranmer (1539). 5230-5233. Cf. 2 Thessalonians ii. 8, “And then shall that Wicked be revealed, whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth, and shall destroy with the brightness of his coming.”

5232. Haly Spreit. Vulgate, "... spiritus sanctus.”

5234-5253. Believe not that in time coming there will be a greater Antichrist than has existed, or is now. Lindsay returns to his charge that the Papacy is the Antichrist.

5244-5245. Cf. lines 4469-4470.

A schort Remembrance of the moste Terrabyll Day of THE EXTREME lUGEMENT. Like the author of the Cursor Mundi, Richard Rolle, and all other writers on the Last Judgment, Lindsay follows the description of the Antichrist with the Signs of the Doom. Lindsay does not mention that after the overthrow of Antichrist forty days’ grace would be allowed for those who had followed him to repent. The period of forty days is accredited in the Cursor Mundi, 22,413, to Daniel, but “ forty days ” was a Hebrew way of saying " a short period,” precision not being intended. In the Deluge it rained forty days ; Moses was on Mount Sinai forty days and forty nights ; the Jews were to wait forty days, when Nineveh would be overthrown [Jonah iii. 4] ; Christ fasted forty days and forty nights, and was tempted in the wilderness for forty days, and after His resurrection was seen by the apostles forty days. Lindsay refers to the prophecy of Daniel in line 5270. 5269-5270. And principall Expositouris Off Daniell and his Prophicie. Expositouris : expositors, interpreters. Daniel’s prophecy is contained in Daniel ix. 20-27, the vision of the seventy weeks, often interpreted as a Messianic prophecy, but no two expositors agree as to details. St Jerome records nine different interpretations extant in his time, and finally leaves readers to form their own judgment. He says. Comm, in Dan. ix., " Scio de hac quaestione ab eruditissimis viris varie dispu- tatum et unumquemque pro captu ingenii sui dixisse quod senserat.” Lindsay probably inherited the traditional reference to Daniel, without knowing the details, or of placing his whole faith in the wisdom of later expositors. On the difficulties of the old interpretations, see F. W. Farrar, Book of Daniel, 268-291.

5271. The sentence of Elie. Elie, or Elias, is the other name of Elijah. In the Old Testament the prophet of that name is called Elijah, in the New Testament Elias. See note to lines 5284-5299. Sentence : saying, judgment, opinion. L. sententia. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 449

5280-5281. Sum wryltaris hes the warld deuidit In sex ageis. See note to lines 5284-5299. 5282. Fasciculus Temporum. Chalmers, III. 129, “ The best edition of this book was printed at Louvane, in 1476, by John Veldener, in fol. : A multitude of editions followed, before the end of that century.” Laing, III. 210, " A well-known work entitled ' Fasciculus Tem- porum, omnes antiquorum Cronicas complectens,’ containing a History of the World from the Creation. The author, Werner Rolewick, was a Carthusian Monk of Cologne, where the work was first printed in 1474. In 1481 it was corrected and enlarged ; and previous to the year 1492, Main, in his ‘ Repertorium Bibliographicum,’ has described no less than twenty-four editions, besides later impressions, and translations into German, French, and Flemish.” Despite the Latin title Lindsay may have used a French translation. Fasciculus temporum en francoys, made by the Augustinian doctor, Pierre Sarget, in 1478, an edition of which was published at Lyon in 1508. An excellent Latin edition appeared in 1523, with additions down to that year, published by Jean Petit at Paris. The full title is as follows : Fasciculus temporum en francoys. Les fleurs et manieres de temps passes : et des faitz merueilleux de dieu tant en lancien testament : comme au nouveau Et des premiers seigneurs princes et gouuerneurs temporelz en cestuy monde. De leurs gestes et definement iusques au present cy commence a lonneur de dieu. [Colophon] Ce present liure a este translate de latin en francoys par venerable et discrete personne maistre Pierre sarget docteur en sainte theologie ; de lordre des augustins du couuent de lyon Lan .M. CCCC. Ixxviij. Imprime a lyon par maistre Mathie Hus lan .M. CCCC. cviij. habitant de ladicte cite. B.M., IB. 41733. 5283. Cronica Cronicarum. Chalmers, III. 129, " My copy of the Chronicon Chronicarum was printed at Frankfort, 1614 : As De Bure is silent, I cannot ascertain the edition, which Lyndsay used.” Laing, III. 210, “ It was evidently quite a different book to which Lyndsay refers. It might have been the Liber Cronicarum, a large and imposing volume filled with woodcuts, best known as The Nuremberg Chronicle, from having been printed there in 1493. There is also an abridgment, in French, of the Fasciculus Temporum with the title, ‘ Cronica Cronicarum abbrege et mis par figures descentes et Ron- dealux,’ &c., printed at Paris 1521, and again in 1532.” It can only have been the latter work to which Lindsay refers. The 1521 edition was printed on vellum, folio [B.M., C. 18. e. 5, 6], the 1532 edition being on paper [B.M., 581. h. 24]. Title : Cronica cronicarum abbrege et mis par figures descentes et Rondeaulx, contenans deux parties principalles. [Colophon :] Imprime a Paris par Francois Reg- nault libraire iure de Luniuersite de Paris. Demourant de Lelephant deuant les Mathurins. There appears to be some relationship with the Fasciculus Temporum, as Laing points out, but the cosmographical portions, and the last two sections of the history of Noah, are identical with those in SeisseTs Le Premier Volume de Orose, except that the latter omits the descriptions of islands, leaving blank pages at this place. 450 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Both the Fasciculus and the Cronica divide the world into six ages, so also the Liber Chronicarum, which Lindsay knew, and does not refer to here. The first English writer to refer to the ages of the world was Robert of Gloucester, thirteenth century, “ Of pe world, pe firste age & tyme was from oure firste fader Adam to Noe.” The next reference in O.E.D. is Lindsay, but there are intermediate users of this system of chronology. Cf. Caxton, Golden Legend, “ History of Noah,” “ The seventy interpreters say that this first age dured two thousand two hundred and forty years” [Temple Classics edn., I. 181]. The Cursor Mundi, using the same system, uses the word “ elde.” 5284-5299. The sentence of Elie . . . As cunnyng Maister Carioun Hes maid plane expositioun. . . . Carion, Chronica, trans. Lynne, f. vib, “ He that will reade hystoryes to profyt, the same must comprehende all the tymes sence the founda- cyon of the worlde into a certayne order. For there were some that diuyded the world therefore in seuen ages, and haue rekened them diuersly : but those, when they endeuor to sett an order, they do nothynge but sett all thynges wythout order. As for me, I wyll folow the renowmed sayenge of Ely the prophet, whych hath excellently dyuyded the worlde into thre ages wyth the whyche he sheweth the greatest chaunges of the worlde : also what tyme it behoued Christ to come, and how longe thys state of the world ought to last, and thus it is. The sayenge of Helias house [Latin text : ' Dictum domus Eliae ’]. The world shall stand fyue [mistranslation of ‘ six ’] thousand yeres, and after shall it falle. Two thousande yeares wythout the Lawe. Two thousande yeares in the lawe. Two thousand yeares the tyme of Christ. And if these yeares be not accomplyshed, oure synnes shall be the cause, whyche are greate and many. That is to saye, the worlde shall stande two M. yeres without any prescript admynistration, & certaine lawe of the word of God : but when these be gone, there shalbe geuen the circumcysyon and lawe : besydes thys shall a certayne polytique lawe and seruice of God be institute out of Gods worde, and thys state shall laste two thousand yeares. After thys shall Christ folowe, and the tyme of the gospell shall lyke- wyse stande aboute two thousande yeares: but here shall some yeares want. For God shall wyth the hayste of hys commynge preuent it, that the yeres of this age shal not be accomplished, the whiche Christe hymselfe in the .xxiiii. chapiter of .S. Matthewe, sayeth : Wythoute those dayes had ben shortened, all fleshe shoulde not be saued.” Carion divides the ages as follows : (a) First Age : “ those thynges, which are chaunced betwene the tymes of Adam and Abraham. For those are the fyrste [two] thousand years.” NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 451

(b) Second Age : “ The nexte age of two thousand yeares, shalbe counted from Abraham, vntill Christis commyng ... As for thys age, is the propre and very age of the worlde, in which the moost myghtye kyngdomes and monarchies haue succeded ech vther by a certayn order . . . And by a certain ordinary succession were only four such monarchies. The fyrst was of the Assirians, the second of the Persians, after them the Grekes, at the last the Romanes. . . .” (c) Third Age : “ The last age from the natiuite of Christ vntyll the worldes ende, doth like wise contayne two M. yeres. . . .” Carion, accordingly, divides his chronicles into three books corresponding to the three ages, (a) Book I. : the First Age. (6) Book II. : the Second Age, containing the history of the first three monarchies to Julius Caesar, (c) Book III. : the Fourth and Last Monarchy, which consists of (i) Rome from Julius Caesar, (ii) the Holy Roman Empire as the successor of the Roman, (iii) Germany as the successor of the Holy Roman Empire. The bias of the book is given to the latter monarchy: to the first three are devoted 87 folios, to the fourth 191 folios. The original will be found in the Talmud. Cf. The Babylonian Talmud, trans. M. L. Rodkinson. Boston : New Talmud Publishing Co.: 1902. 10 (20) vols. Cf. Vol. VIII. (xvi), Part iv. p. 303, Tract Sanhedrin, Part ii. (Haggada), “ The disciples of Elijah taught: The world will continue for six thousand years, the first two thousand of which were a chaos (Tahu), the second two thousand were of wisdom, and the third two thousand are the days of the Messiah, and because of our sins many, many years of these have elapsed, and still he has not come.” This somewhat surprising reference to the Talmud may have been the result of the revival of Hebrew studies during the fifteenth century in Italy. This was one of the features of the Italian Renaissance, and later spread to Germany, France, and England, where it became one of the features of the Reformation. I find two other references to the Prophecy of Elijah in English Literature : (i) The Complaynt of Scotland (c. 1548), Chap. V., E.E.T.S. edition [Extra Series, 17, 18 (1872, 1873)], pp. 35-36. The writer says that Socrates had argued that the world would last 37,000 years [an error, based on the mistake of thinking that the universal circuit was of 37,000 years’ duration instead of 36,000 (see note to The Dreme, 490-497)], but that “ to confound the opinione of Socrates, ande to confound al them that vil nocht beleue that the varld is neir ane final ende, i vil arme me vitht the croniklis of master ihone carion, quhar he allegis the prophesye of helie, sayand, that fra the begynnyng of the varld, on to the consummatione of it, sal be the space of sex thousand ^eir.the quhilk sex thousand ?eir sal be deuydit in thre partis, the fyrst tua thousand ?eir, the varld sal be vitht out ony specefeit lau in vrit, quhilk vas the tyme betuix adam ande abraham, the nyxt tua thousand jwir vas the lau of circoncisione, vitht ane institutione of diuyne policie, and vitht adoratione of god, quhilk vas the tyme betuix Abraham ande the incarnatione, quhen crist ihus resauit our humanite for our redemp- tione. the thrid tua thousand ?eir sal be betuix the incarnatione & the 452 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY last aduent, quhilk sal be the consummatione of the varld. bot thir last tua thousand ?eir (as master ihone carion allegis in the prophesye of helie) sal nocht be completit, be rason that the daye of iugement sal be antecipet, be cause of them that ar his electis . . . ther for, efitir the supputatione of helie, as mastir ihone carion hes rehersit, the varld hes bot four hundretht fyfty tua ?eir tyl indure, be cause that ther is fiue hundrethe fourty aucht jeir by past of the foir said sex thousand ^eir . . Was Lindsay attracted to the prophecy, and to Carion, by the quotation in The Complaynt of Scotland? Lindsay, however, read Carion for himself. He quotes Carion five times. The Complaynt only once. In any case the author of The Complaynt must have used the German or the Latin text of Carion, while Lindsay used the English translation, which only appeared in 1550, one year, or two, after The Complaynt was written. The E.E.T.S. editor of The Complaynt, J. A. W. Murray, points out (pp. xxix-xxx) the parallel with Lindsay, and says, on the authority of Skeat, that the " tradition is recorded in the Gemara, a division of the Talmud.” (ii) J[ohn] H[arvey], A Discoursive Prohleme concerning Prophesies, London : John Jackson for Richard Watson : 1588, p. 12. Harvey gives the Hebrew text. He disputes, most hotly, the prevailing theory that the Elijah of the chronological prophecy was the same as the prophet Elijah (see extract from Carion above, " Ely the Prophet"), and argues that he is either a later Talmudist, or that the rabbis have foisted on to Elijah a tradition of which the origin had been lost. This is of importance to Harvey’s argument, since he wishes to dispose of the theory in order to establish the year 1588 as the date of the end of the world. There have been hundreds of such forecasts. The system by which the duration of the world was recorded was developed by the Jews from the Babylonian theory that the world-year had twelve millenniums. This the Jews modified to a world-week of seven millenniums, corresponding with the seven days of Creation, and each day containing one thousand years [" One day is with the Lord as a thousand years ”]. This world-week, however, included the seventh day of rest, and thus the world was created in a week of six days, or, in actual time, six thousand years. It was then argued that the world could not last longer than it had taken to make, and thus the world could only last six thousand years, divided into six ages of one thousand years each. This argument was developed by Irenseus, Contra Haereses, v. 28. 3, from the Jewish Book of the Secrets of Enoch, xxxiii. 1 (written 30 B.C.-70 a.d.) [Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepi- graphia of the Old Testament, II. 451]. The next definite stage in the application of the theory to Christian needs appears in St Augustine, De Civitate Dei, XXII. xxx. 5 and elsewhere. There was more than one actual theory, and the effects of the difierences are seen all through world-chronology as worked out by the Middle Ages. St Augustine’s scheme was responsible for the belief that the world would come to an end in 1000 a.d., a belief which caused our ancestors much anguish, especially when Halley’s comet was seen. Their consternation was depicted on the Bayeux tapestry. Those critical years passed, it was thought that something must be wrong NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 453 with the calculations, and the Pre-Christian era was reduced from five thousand years to four thousand. This was believed in through the Middle Ages, and the results of it are to be seen in the dates given in the Authorised Version, where the creation is calculated as having taken place in 4004 b.c. Millennarianism was not countenanced by the Church, which placed its faith in an attack on it by St Augustine, for other things in the belief that the mere calculations were considered heretical, but it was revived in the early days of the Reformation, and perhaps because of its definiteness and literalness became the bul- wark of the puritan sects, chiefly among the Anabaptists, who arose in Germany in 1521. John Philippson [Sleidanus], whose De Quatuor Monarchiis Libri Tres was published in 1556, became the text-book of English chiliasm, says that there were many believers in the theory in England. His work was frequently translated and reprinted. The six-age division of world-chronology appears in four works used by Lindsay : the Cronica Cronicarum, the Fasciculus Tempovum, the Liber Chronicarum, and Le Premier Volume de Orose. I quote the two mentioned by Lindsay: Cronica Cronicarum. Fasciculus Temporum. 1st Age : Creation to Noah. Creation to the death of Noah. 2nd Age : Begins with the Deluge. To the death of Abraham. 3rd Age : Begins with Abraham. To the death of David. j\th Age : Begins with David. To the Babylonian Captivity. 5th Age : Captivity of the Jews to Captivity to the birth of Christ. the birth of Christ. 6th Age : Birth of Christ to date. Birth of Christ to date. Caxton, Golden Legend, " History of Noah,” refers to the Jewish three-age system, " The seventy interpreters say that this first age dured two thousand two hundred and forty years.” 5300-5303. Off quhilkis ar gone by, sickirlye, Fyue thousand, fyue hundreth, thre, &• fyftye. And so remanis to cum, but weir, Four hundreth, with sewin and fourtye qeir. The date given is 5553 from the creation, or 1553 from the birth of Christ. Chalmers, III. 130, " By a strange blunder, every edition, before that of 1597, has -put fyve, for ane : The context shows, that Lyndsay was calculating the by-gone years ; in order to ascertain the years to come.” Cf. also Chalmers, I. 79-80. Laing, III. 211, "Whether we read ane or five it cannot be said to change the matter, except as regards the point from which the calculation of " the by-gone years ” was made. Lyndsay’s calculation was evidently from the date of the Creation, not from the Birth of Christ, or after the lapse of the first four thousand years.” This is correct, but it must be remembered that this is only according to the system of chronology invented during the Christian era, and dating from the assumed date of the birth of Christ. Laing then points out how later editions altered the calculation. " This, however, is a passage with which subsequent printers thought VOL. TIL 2 G 454 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

they might use their own discretion in altering. In Purfoote’s editions of 1556, 1575, and 1581 the lines read : Of which are passed, so may I thriue, A thousande fyue hundred sixty fyue : And so remaines, as doth appeare Foure hundred fyue and thirty yeare.” If this is reliable it indicates that the printing of 1566 began in 1565. Laing does not say that the alterations of the date in these English editions cannot have affected the Scottish editions. The first alteration there is in 1597, as Chalmers notes, and Laing verifies as not occurring in 1592. The reading " A thousande five hundred and fifty ” is found in 1614, N6b, and is correctly given by Laing : Of which are bygone sickerlie, A thousand hue hundreth three and fiftie And so remaines to come but weere Foure hundreth seuen and fourtie yeere. In 1634 this is again altered. I here quote from Laing without check : Of which are by-gone, as I weene A thousand, sixe hundreth, ten and thirteene ; And so remaines to come, but were, Three hundreth, threescore and eighteene yere. The date here is 1622 or 1623, and has no possible relationship with an edition published in 1634. It points to alteration in an earlier edition published in 1622 or 1623. I have not found any such edition. At all events this calculation was not again altered, and remains so in all editions down to 1776 [1648 K5» ; 1670 F8a; 1712 l3b ; 1714 H2»; 1754 Gib \ 17761*5*]. It can hardly be said, therefore, that “ the printers thought they might use their own discretion in altering ” the date. Chalmers, III. 130, " And, it thus appears, that Lyndsay was writing this Fowl buke, in 1553, though the printer has put 1552, in the colophon.” My discussion of the two dates appears in the Bibliography, and in the section at the head of the notes to this poem under the heading Date. 5304. Lorde. 1776 God. 5306. Mathow xxiiii. Cf. Matthew xxiv. 22, " And except those days [of the last tribulations of the world] be shortened, there should no flesh be saved : but for the elect’s sake those days shall be shortened.” The whole of this chapter deals with the signs before the Doom, the unknown hour, the saving of the elect, the false Christs and prophets, and the coming of Christ on earth. The spelling in the marginal reference, Mathow, is doubtless a printer’s error. 5314-5315. For legionis ar cum, but doute, Off Antechristis, wer thay soucht out. Cf. Matthew xxiv. 24, " For there shall arise false Christs, and false prophets ” ; and 1 John ii. 18, “ as ye have heard that antichrist shall come, even now are there many antichrists.” NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 455

5318-5321. Quhow that Sand Iherome doith indyte, That he hes red, in Hebrew wryte, Off fyftene signis in speciall, Affore that lugement Generali. From the four lines which follow it is clear that Lindsay knew these in detail. He says that some of St Jerome’s details are not in the Scriptures, and these he rejects, but mentions the others. There is a great literature concerning the signs of the Doom, and a discussion of its origins in Jewish eschatology has already been given in the introductory note to the fourth book. Its development into St Jerome’s fifteen signs cannot be traced, for his “ Hebrew wryte ” has never been discovered, nor even his own writings on the matter. This does not say that they never existed. The early Fathers to hand on the tradition from apostolic times were Hippolytus, Lactantius, Eusebius, Jerome, and Augustine. A Greek acrostic embodied by Lactantius in his Divina Instituto, iv. 18 [Migne, Pat. Lat., VI. 506], was translated by St Augustine into Latin hexameters in the De Civitate Dei, xviii. 23, and, as the Greek verses were attributed to the Erythraean Sibyl, thus introduced the Sibyls into Christian mythology. In these verses we find a definite arrangement of the signs, but they were very considerably developed before they reached the classified form in which we find them in Bede, who ascribes them to St Jerome [“ De Quindecim signis. Quindecim signa, quindecim dierum ante diem iudicij, inuenit Hieronymus in annalibus Hebraeorum. . . .” Beda, Opera, Cologne (1612), 8 vols.. III. 494 ; but Frobenius, Alcuin, Opera (1777), III. 616, ascribes the original to Alcuin]. Two alphabetical Hymni on the same theme are also ascribed to Bede [Opera (1612), III. 496-97, Migne placing these works among the Ascetica Dubia of Bede’s collected works, Pat. Lat., vol. 94, Bede, vol. 5, 555, 557]. Another Hymnus de Die Judicii, definitely included in Bede’s hymns [Migne, Pat. Lat., ibid. 634], does not detail the programme of days, and was translated into Old English as Be Domes Daege [E.E.T.S., Orig. Series, 65, the Latin original being given]. From Bede, or Alcuin, the fifteen signs descended to Adso, Peter Comestor, and St Thomas Aquinas ; while vernacular texts are to be found in Old and Middle English, French, Provencal, Italian, Spanish, German, Old Friesic, Dutch, Old Irish, and Icelandic. Cf. Peter Com- estor, Hist. Schol., In Evangelica, cap. 141 [Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. 198, 1611] ; St Thomas Aquinas, Quaestia Septuagesimatertia [Opera Omnia, ed. Cardinal Caietanus, 15 vols., Rome, vol. xii. (1906), Supplement, p. 162] ; and Commentaria on the Sententiae of Peter Lombard, dist. 48, quaest 1, art. 4. St Peter Damian, Opuscul. LIX., De Novissima et Antichristo, iv ; and the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine. In English, besides Be Domes Daege, there are versions in the Cursor Mundi, 22,428-22,710 [E.E.T.S., Orig. Series, 65] ; Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 4738-4817 [ed. R. Morris, Berlin, Asher, 1863] ; The Debate between the Body and Soul [seven signs only] [Harl. MS. 2253, fob 57,11. 49-86, rptd. Poems of W. Mapes, ed. T. Wright, Camden Society (1841), p. 346] ; Ezechiel, foretelling Antichrist and the end of the world, Chester Plays ; Adam Davy’s Five Dreams, ed. F. J. Furnivall [E.E.T.S., Orig. Series, 24, p. 118] ; and Caxton’s prose translation of The Golden 456 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Legend [Temple Classics, I. 12-15]. For other English poems, see C. Brown, Register of Middle English Religious and Didactic Verse, 2 vols.. Bibliographical Society (1920), and J. E. Wells, Manual of Writings in Middle English, 1050-1400, and Supplements. The theme was used as a homily for the second Sunday in Advent in a northern version published by Emerson, Middle English Reader, rev. edn. (1921), pp. 148-157, Advent celebrating not only the approach of the Nativity, but the Second Coming of Christ in Judgment as well. A few of the printed versions, 1470-1550, have already been given in the introduction to the fourth book ; they continued to be printed after Lindsay’s death. The following short list may be found useful. J. J. Conybeare, Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon Poetry (1826), p. Ixxx; Deering, The Anglo-Saxon Poets on the Judgement Day, Dissertation, Halle (1890) ; G. Nolle, Die Legende von den Fiinfzehn Zeichen vor dem jungsten Gerichte, in Paul and Braune, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur, Halle, VI. (1879), 413 ; E. Sommer, Die Funfzehn Zeichen des Jungsten Gerichtes [Latin verse], in Zeitschrift fur Deutsches Alterthum, Leipsic, III. 523 ; Jahrhuch fur rom. und engl. Literatur, V. (1864), 191 ; Caroline Michaelis, Quindecim Signa ante Judicium, in Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen, xlvi. (1870), 33 ; Altenglische Sprach- proben, ed. E. Matzner, Berlin, I. (1867), 120 ; H. Varnhagen, Signa ante Judicium, in Anglia, III. (1880), 533, 543 ; Lady Caroline Kerrison and Lucy Toulmin Smith, A Commonplace Book of the Fifteenth Century (1886), p. 69.

5326-5329. Alar. xiii. Cf. Mark xiii. 24, "but in those days, after that tribulation, the sun shall be darkened, and the moon shall not give her light." Mathew xxiiii. Cf. Matthew xxiv. 29,which adds to the above, "and the stars shall fall from heaven.”

5330-5331. Sterris, be mennis lugement. Probably a slip, since the fall of the stars is predicted in the quotation from Matthew above. Lindsay, however, has authorities in mind. 1776 The glistening stars by men’s judgment.

5333. M or all sence : moral sense, the interpretation of events recorded in Scripture and applied to the life of the Christian man, admitting of allegorical interpretation. Later transferred to fables. Cf. line 5446. Lines 5333-5449 are a discussion arising from the interpretation of the signs. 1776 mortal.

5334-5339. The search for analogies between natural things and human life has gone on for thousands of years—e.g., the seven planets and the seven orifices of the body, occurring in Hebrew writings, as in Philo of Alexandria. The analogy of the human body and the state is famous through Coriolanus, I. i. 99-167. Lindsay’s parallel of the Sun to the Spiritual State, the Moon to the Temporal State, and the Stars to the Populace, is of considerable antiquity. The older comparison of Church and State has two forms : NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 457

(i) Gregory VII. to Herman, Bishop of Metz, “ The blessed Ambrose . . . speaks in this fashion near the beginning of his pastoral letter : ‘ The honour and sublimity of bishops, brethren, is beyond all comparison. To compare them to resplendent kings and diademed princes would be far more unworthy than to compare the base metal lead to gleaming gold ’ ” [quoted by J. H. Robinson, Readings in European History,1. 286]. (ii) The Sun and Moon parallel. Corpus luris Canonici (Innocent III.), i. 33. 6 1, “ Praeterea nosse debueras, quod fecit Deus duo magna luminaria in firmamento coeli: luminare majus ut praeesset diei, et luminare minus, ut praeesset nocti; utrumque magnum, sed alterum majus, quia nomine cceli designatur ecclesia, juxta quod veritas ait: ‘ Simile est regnum coelorum homini patri famihas, qui summo mane conduxit operarios in vineam suam.’ Per diem vero spiritualis, per noctem carnalis secundum propheticum testimonium : ‘ dies diei eructat verbum, et nox nocti indicat scientiam.’ Ad firma- mentum igitur cceli, hoc est universalis ecclesiae, fecit Deus duo magna luminaria, id est, duas magnas instituit dignitates, quae sunt ponti- ficalis auctoritas, et regalis potestas. Sed ilia, quae praeest diebus, id est, spiritualibus, major est; quae vero (noctibus id est) carnalibus, minor, ut quanta est inter solem et lunam, tanta inter pontifices et reges differentia cognoscatur.” Cf. also Decretals (Gregory IX.), i. xxxiii. 6. The controversy for pre-eminence between the Papacy and the Empire affects the whole of mediaeval European history. The whole question is well examined by A. J. Carlyle, Mediceval Political Theory in the West, II. 198-249. It affected the Reformers in all countries, for they were only too anxious to secure the assistance of the State in their campaign against the Papacy. Lindsay fully subscribes to their theories. For the views of the English Reformers, see the Parker Society publications. Lindsay offers a later, and more elaborate, version of the Sun and Moon analogy, in which the populace is likened to the stars. I have not traced the source of this form. The forgery of the Donatio Con- stantini was an attempt by the Church to establish its “ legal ” authority to temporal dominion over the west. Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, 518, quotes a gloss on the letter of Innocent III., which I find repeated in several places, “ Dum terra sit septies maior luna sol autem octies maior terra, restat ergo ut pontificatus dignitas quadragies septies sit maior regali dignitate.” Bryce adds that the whole argument was finally forbidden by the Parlement of Paris in 1626.

5348-5350. Repunctuate this passage. 5348 requires a final colon, or semi-colon. 5349 requires a final period. 5350 requires a final comma.

5360-5367. Esay Ivi. Cf. Isaiah Ivi. 10-11, “ His watchmen are blind : they are all ignorant, they are all dumb dogs, they cannot bark ; sleeping, lying down, loving to slumber, n. Yea, they are greedy dogs which can never have enough, and they are shepherds that cannot understand : they all look to their own way, every one for his gain, from his quarter." Lindsay frequently quotes or refers to this passage. 458 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

5363. After this line Lambeth MS. 332, f. mb, inserts fourteen lines : Bot temporall princis mycht full sone Quhilk ar compairit to the mone And hes takin autorite To prouide spirituall dignite Makand gude reformatioun Apoun that congregatioun. Gif thai do nocht thai sail repent At

5387. Off Christ for to tak thare Surname. More usually a title added to the personal name, and derived from a place, idiosyncracy, or achievement—e.g., Edward Longshanks, John Lydgate. Lindsay is here referring to the assumption of titles such as those of the French kings, who called themselves “ the Most Christian ” kings. Pope Julius II. offered to transfer the title from the French king to Henry VIII. 6396-5401. Lindsay cites three traditional enmities. I cite only the wars within Lindsay’s manhood. 5396-5399. The Empriour mouis his Ordinance . . . Contrar the potent Kyng of France . . . The long-continued struggle between the Houses of Valois and Bur- gundy, following the assassination of the Duke of Orleans in the streets of Paris in 1407, continued through the sixteenth century, especially under the Emperor Charles V., great-grandson of Charles the Bold of Burgundy. Italy was the main battleground, and more than one reign is covered. In 1515, after the accession of Francis I., was fought the battle of Marignano, peace being signed at Noyon in 15x6. In 1519 the Emperor Maximilian died, and was succeeded by Charles V. In NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 459

1521 a second war broke out by the invasion of Italy by Charles, followed in 1524 by the counter-invasion of Italy by Francis, who was defeated and taken prisoner at the battle of Pavia, 1525. The Treaty of Madrid was signed in 1526. In 1528 France and England declared war on Charles, the Peace of Cambrai being signed in 1529. In 1536 a third war between Francis and Charles broke out. In 1547 Francis I. died, and was succeeded by Henry II. In 1552 Henry invaded Lorraine, besieging Metz, and capturing Terouanne. In 1555 Charles V. abdicated at Brussels in the year of Lindsay’s own death.

5400. France agane Ingland. To the traditional enmity between France and England it is hardly necessary to refer. During Lindsay’s lifetime there were several short wars. Henry VIII.’s first war with France was fought in 1512-13, his second war 1522-23, his third war 1544-45. Under the Protector Somerset there was a further war in 1549-50.

5401. England, alsso, aganis Scotland. The wars with Scotland were usually on account of the Franco-Scottish alliance. The first war ' * with Scotland was that due to the invasion of England by James IV. in 1513 ; the second was the war on the Borders, 1522-23 ; the third, I532-33 1 the fourth, 1542 ; the fifth, 1544 ; the sixth, 1548-50. 5404-5411. A prophecy which came to pass, if we except the Jacobite rebellions, fifty years later. This passage is usually taken as implying that Lindsay was definitely of the English party in Scotland, but it is, I think, rather to be regarded as the remark of one whose outlook has grown fatalistic in the political matters of the time. No peace between England and Scotland was possible while the “ auld alliance ” with ? France remained, and the weaker partner in that alliance had to sufier ' most. I think Lindsay recognises this to some extent. 5412-5413. Thocht Christ, the Souerane kyng of grace, Left, in his Testment, lufe and peace. Cf. John xiv. 27, “ Peace I leave with you, my peace I give unto you.” 5416. Heirschipis. 1776 damage. 5420-5427. Cf. especially line 5420, " For I haif sene the spirituall stait,” and 5422, " I saw Pape lulius manfullye Passe to the feild tryumphantlye.” It is not usually noted that Courteour twice repeats his declaration of personal knowledge. Chalmers, III. 135, " Julius II., who took the field in person, in 1510, against Louis XII., died 21st Feb. 1513-14 ; Louis died, in 1515.” Laing, III. 212, " From these lines some writers have inferred that Lyndsay had served a campaign in Italy in 1510, but this seems not to be at all probable. . . . Pope Julius II. was elected on the 1st November 1503, and crowned the 19th of that month. He died in February 1513.” He besieged and captured Mirandola in person, January 1511. Julius II., however, was frequently quoted by the Reformers as an example of what a Pope should not be. Bishop Jewel commented on his actions in forbidding appeals from the Pope to the General Council 460 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

[Parker Soc., Jewel, Works, I. 68, III. 216] ; Latimer commented on his persecutions [Parker Soc., Latimer, Works, I. 181, II. 333] ; while Becon protested against him being the cause of the death of 16,000 Christians in one battle [Parker Soc., Becon, Works, III. 510]. Foxe, Acts and Monuments, ed. Townsend and Cattley, IV. 16, quotes an epigram of Melanchthon on his willingness, although a Pope, to go to war: “ Concerning the madness of this man, this is most certainly known, that at what time he was going to war, he cast the keys of St Peter into the river Tibur, saying, that forasmuch as the keys of Peter would not serve him to this purpose, he would take himself to the sword of Paul. Whereupon Philip Melanchthon, amongst many others, writing upon the same, maketh this epigram : Cum contra Gallos bellum papa Julius esset Gesturus, sicut fama vetusta docet: Ingentes Martis turmas contraxit, et urbem Egressus saevas edidit ore minas. Iratusque sacras claves in flumina jecit Tibridis, hie urbi pons ubi junget aquas. Inde manu strictum vagina diripit ensem, Exclamansque truci talia voce refert: “ Hie gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab hoste, Quandoquidem clavis nil juvat ista Petri.” Foxe also adds an epigram from Gilbert Ducherius to the same effect, and offers a translation of Melanchthon’s. It may be that Lindsay is versifying the anti-papal writings of one of the Reformers. The interdiction, or excommunication, of France would follow as a matter of course on the declaration of war. Julius also excommunicated the Duke of Ferrara, and we are told that the news made the latter's hair stand on end. The act of excommunication would signify that the civil population was released from its oath of civil obedience.

5434. Half disparit. 1776 have despaired.

5443. Ane wolf cled in ane Wodderis skin. Cf. lines 4802-4805.

5444. So, be thir toknis. The tokens of the rule of Antichrist, as seen in the Papacy, are proof that the Day of Judgment is near.

5446. M or all. 1776 mortal [cf. line 5333].

5449. Quhare we left affore. At line 5331. In returning to his theme Lindsay repeats the marginal references quoted against lines 5326- 5331, and adds one from Luke xxi. 25-28.

5452-5453. Cf. Matthew xxiv. 6-8, 29-30. For the latter see note to lines 5334-5555-

5455. Vertewis. 1776 power.

5460-5465. Cf. Jerome’s fifteen signs, as given by Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., In Evangelia, cap. cxli [referred to later as " Jerome "], " Prima NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 461 die eriget se mare quadraginta cubitis super altitudinem montium stans in loco suo quasi murus. Secunda tantum descendet, ut vix posset videri.”

5468-5469. Jerome, " Tertia marinae belluae apparentes super mare, dabunt rugitus usque ad coelum.” Rummeis, rowte, and rair : Chalmers, III. 137, “ toss, bellow, and roar.” Rummeis : bellowing. Cf. Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 4771-72 : pe mast wondreful fisshes of pe se Sal com to-gyder and mak swilk romyng pat it sal be hydus til mans heryng. Cf. also Gavin Douglas, Eneados [Works, II. 160. 13], “ Grassilland his teth, and rummesand full hie.” O.E. hreman.

5470-5477. Not in Jerome, but perhaps the addition of a commentator whom I have not traced.

5470. All fysche and Monstouris. 1776 All fish monsters.

5V75. Raid : remained, bided. O.E. hidan. 1776 liv’d.

5478-5482. Jerome, “ quarta ardebit mare, et aquae.” 5479. Ferlies in the fludis : wonders in the waters. O.E. fear lie. 5483. Jerome, " quinta herbae et arbores dabunt rorem sanguinem.” 5484-5487. Not in Jerome. 5487. Ezechiel xxxvii. Cf. Ezekiel xxxvii. 13, “ And ye shall know that I am the Lord, when I have opened your graves, O my people, and brought you up out of your graves.” As this applies only to the next two lines the reference should be lowered one line. Gowland with many gryslye grone. Cf. line 5545, “ Gretand with mony gryslie grone." Chalmers, III. 140, “ From the repetition, we may suppose, that Lyndsay was fond of the mony grislie grone.”

5488-5489. Jerome, “ undecima surgent ossa mortuorum, et stabunt super sepulchra.”

5490-5497. An enlargement of Jerome, " decima exibunt homines de cavernis, et ibunt velut amentes, nec poterunt mutuo loqui.” 5491. Howe Cauernis. Either " deep caves ” or " hill caves."

5497. Hot dule for dule. 1776 But double grief.

5498-5500. Jerome, “ septima petrse ad invicem collidentur ; octava fiet generalis terrae motus.” Lindsay, without mentioning the number of signs, or giving the signs by days, thus uses the material of the Fifteen Signs of the Doom, 462 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

not all of which he gives. I have here quoted St Jerome’s signs as given by Peter Comestor, but it must be remembered that the signs vary slightly with the different writers and users.

5508-5509. Dan. xiii. Daniel xiii. (Vulgate only) tells the story of chaste Susanna. Lindsay may have in mind verse 62, which describes how the two elders were put to death, “ Et interfecerunt eos, et salvatus est sanguis innoxius in die ilia,” but this has little significance for the day of doom.

5510-5514. Cf. the Apostles’ Creed, “ . . . ascendit ad caelos, sedet ad dexteram Dei Patris omnipotentis : inde venturus est judicare vivos et mortuos.” Lindsay mistranslates slightly. It is God who is omnipotent, not Christ. ? Exigencies of rhyme.

5514. Sail luge boith dede and quik also. Lambeth MS. 332 offers the correct reading "... quik and dede . . .”

5520-5523. Mat. xxiiii. A liberal paraphrase of Matthew xxiv. 30, " And then shall appear the sign of the Son of man in heaven: and then shall all the tribes of the earth mourn, and they shall see the Son of man coming in the clouds of glory with power and great glory." The deduction must be that there will be many living. 5522. Many one hundreth thousand. Cf. Cursor Mundi, 22,747, Trinity MS., " pe hundride pousande of kny^tes.”

5524-5529. Cf. Matthew xxiv. 36-39, “But of that day and hour knoweth no man, no, not the angels of heaven, but my Father only. 37. But as the days of Noe were, so shall also the coming of the Son of man be. 38. For as in the days that were before the flood they were eating and drinking, marrying and giving in marriage, until the day that Noe entered into the ark. 39. And knew not until the flood came, and took them all away ; so shall also the coming of the Son of man be.” Cf. also Luke xvii. 26-27.

5530. Cf. Matthew xxiv. 40, " Then shall two be in the field.” Cf. also Luke xvii. 36.

5531-5537. An elaboration, for which I do not find an authority.

5533-5539. Cf. Matthew xxiv. 41, Luke xvii. 35, " Two women shall be grinding at the mill; the one shall be taken, and the other left.” Lindsay does not say “ women ” : the Vulgate reads " Duae molentes in mola.” The alteration may not be an error of translation. It may be either due to a change to contemporary conditions, or to the exigencies of rhyme.

5542-5545. Not in Matthew xxiv. Cf. Luke xvii. 34, " I tell you, in that night there shall be two men in one bed ; the one shall be taken, and the other shall be left.” NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 463

5545. Greitand with many grislie grone. Cf. line 5487. Chalmers, III. 140, " Weeping with many terrible groan : . . . From the repetition, we may suppose, that Lyndsay was fond of the many grislie grone."

5546-5549. Cf. lines 5524-5529.

5550-5553. Cf. Matthew xxiv. 42, " Watch therefore : for ye know not what hour your Lord doth come." Cf. also Mark xiii. 35, Luke xxi. 36, “ Watch ye therefore, and pray always, that ye may be accounted worthy to escape all these things that shall come to pass, and to stand before the Son of man.”

5551. Walk : a common sixteenth century Scots form of watch.

The Maner Quhow Christ sale cum to his Iugement. 5554-5555. Cf. Matthew xxiv. 29-30, “ Immediately after the tribulation of those days. . . . 30. And then shall appear the sign of the Son of man in heaven : and then shall all the tribes mourn, and they shall see the Son of man coming in the clouds of heaven with power and great glory.”

5556. Hebre. xii. Not in Hebrews xii.

5556-5561. Cf. Matthew xxiv. 27, " For as the lightning cometh out of the east, and shineth even unto the west; so shall the coming of the Son of man be.” Warton, History, III. 239, quotes, as a continuous passage, lines 5556-5561, 5568-5569, 5572-5581, and notes, " The appearance of Christ coming to judgment is poetically painted, and in a style of correctness and harmony, of which few specimens were now seen.” Cf. Warton’s comments on lines 685-718, 4030-4049.

5560-5561. Luc. xxi. Cf. Luke xxi. 25-27. " 27. And then shall they see the Son of man coming in a cloud with great power and glory." Cf. also Matthew xxiv. 29-30, Mark xiii. 26.

5563-5566. It was thought that Christ would descend exactly over the place where he ascended, and that there should the judgment take place. Lindsay endeavours to produce biblical authority. Actis i. : cf. Acts i. 12, " Then returned they [Christ and the Apostles] unto Jerusalem from the mount called Olivet [where Christ had ascended into heaven].” The authority for the " lustye vaill off losaphat " is twofold, (i) Joel iii. 2, 12, where the heathen are to be gathered in the valley of Jehos- haphat for judgment; (ii) the apocryphal Revelation of Esdras [Apocry- phal Gospels, etc., 471], where God says he will gather the race of man into the valley of Jehoshaphat, and there will wipe them out. Peter Comestor, an ever-watchful ecclesiastic, points out that there will be no valleys, because on the fourth day all the valleys and mountains 464 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

will be levelled. He finds a solution, however : “ Nota quod dicitur judicium futurum in valle Josaphat. Sed nota quod tunc non erit vallis, quia quarto decimo die aequabitur terra, sed contra ilium locum erit.”

5563. ludee. 1776 Indie.

5564. As Clerkis doith concludyng, haill. Chalmers, III. 141, ‘‘As clerkis doith conclude in haill," and notes, “ This is the old reading ; the ed. 1597 changes this to ' Clerkis hes concludit haill.‘ The adj. haill was carried to the end of the line, for the rhyme, as all clerks conclude is the sense.” 1776 As clerks have concluded haill. Laing, III. 142, reads, “ As Clerkis conclydyng, haill,” which he passes without comment. Lambeth MS. 332 [E.E.T.S. footnote] " dois conclude in.” For parallels with concludyng cf. 5599, fundyng.

5566. losaphat. The form is that in the Vulgate : the Authorised Version reads Jehoshaphat.

5568-5571. Mat. xxv. Cf. Matthew xxv. 31, "When the Son of man shall come in his glory, and all the holy angels with him. . . ."

5570. With heuinlye consolatioun. 1776 With humble adoration.

5572-5582. Matthew xxiv. 30, says that “ then shall appear the sign of the Son of man.” From this was developed the identification of the sign which Lindsay offers in these lines. Cf. Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol., In Evangelia, cap. cxli., " et tunc apparebit signum Filii hominis in coelo, id est in acre, supra locum unde ascendit, et ante eum erunt instrumenta mortis suae, quasi vexilla triumphi, crux, clavi, lancea, et in carne ejus videbuntur cicatrices, ut videant in quem pupugerunt.” Lindsay’s account is more elaborate, and details all the instruments of Christ’s torture and death. The intention is that Christ will display the instruments, and His wounds, and will chide man for His cruelty. This is apparently the meaning of line 5582, " Tyll Reprobatt confusioun.” Cf. Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 5271-5367. Rolle quotes St Augustine and St John, whom he beautifully describes as " John, wyth po gilden mouth ” [5360], " Non erit tunc locus defensionis, ubi videbunt Christum exhibentem, testimonia insigniaque sue passionia.” I do not trace this. But cf. Cursor Mundi, 28,726, “ Ion gildin-muth."

5574. Pillar. 1776 Pilate.

5586-5593. i. Corin. x. The chapter cited is incorrect: it should be 1 Corin. xv. Cf. verse 52, " In a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trump : for the trumpet shall sound, and the dead shall be raised incorruptible, and we shall be changed.” Mathew xxiiii. Cf. Matthew xxiv. 31, " And he shall send his angels with a great sound of a trumpet."

5589. Repeated as line 5611. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 465

5594-5599. Apoc. xx. Cf. Revelations xx. 13, "And the sea gave up the dead which were in it; and death and hell delivered up the dead which were in them.”

5600-5602. Mar. xiii. Cf. Mark xiii. 27, " And then shall he send his angels, and shall gather his elect from the four winds, from the uttermost part of the earth to the uttermost part of the heaven.”

5604-5613. St Jerome listening to the last trumpet has been portrayed by artists more than once. A painting by Gessi is in the church of S. Filippo Neri, Naples. St Jerome’s vision of the terrible Day of Judgment is contained in his Regula Monacharum, cap. xxx., " De consyderatione extremi dei iudicij.” The last half of this chapter reads : “ Sepulta cadauera nunquam inter se iurgia peragunt in sepulchris : nunquam blasphe- mant: nunquam contendunt: Sic et uos charissimae, sopitae somno quietis et pacis, expectetis sponsum et iudicem uestrum : expectetis magnum et terribilem diem iudicij, diem uidehcet irae : diem calamitas : ubi coelum simul cum terra pauebit: coelorum omnes mouebuntur uirtutes : trementes erunt angeli simul cum sanctis omnibus : tunc singulorum uitae discutientur discrimina: et merita apparebunt. Semper tuba ilia terribilis uestris perstrepet auribus : Surgite mortui, uenite ad indicium. Ecce rex in manu potenti uenit: a cunctis uult exigere rationem : certe de cogitationibus minimis : certe de leuibus et ociosis uerbis. Si reddere de singulis rationem paratae non eritis : proijciemini in carcarem exteriorem : audietis a iudice : Ite maledictae in ignem aeternum paratum diabolo et angelis eius.” [D. Hieronymi Opera (ed. Erasmus, 1516), II. fol. 204b : italics mine.] Lindsay’s account belongs to a common mediaeval version the source of which I have not traced. Cf. Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 4665-4680 : Bot we suld mak us redy alle, Als pe day of dome to morn suld falle. And thynk ay on J>at drede-ful dome, Als pe haly man dyd, Saynt lerome. put ay J>ar-on thoght, bathe nyght and days. And J>arfor J?us in a boke he says : Sine [siue] comedam, sine [siue] bibam, sine [siue] aliquid aliud faciam, semper michi videtur ilia tuba resonare in auribus meis, ' sur gite mortui, venite ad indicium.' He says “ whether I ette or I drynk, Or oght elles do, ay me thynk pat pe beme pat blaw sal on domsday, Sounes in myn eres, pat pus says ay : ‘ Ryse yhe pat er dede, and come Un-to pe grete dredful dome.’ " Lindsay’s account is almost exactly parallel with that in the Art de bien mourir [French text, 1492 edn., Sig. n2,)] : " Et veritablement ceste trompete sonnera horriblement de laquelle disoit saint hierome. Siue dormio siue vigilo & cetera. Cest a dire ou soye endormy ou veillant beuuant ou mengant ou autre chose faisant il me semble tous iours 466 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

que ie ouay la voix de la derreniere et finale trompete de iugement diuin laquelle sonne en mes orailles en disant leuez vous trespassez venez au iugement.” Cf. Chertsey’s translation [1506 edn., fol. io8b] : " And truely this trompet shall sounde horrybly / of the whiche sayth saynt Iherome. Sine dormio sine vigilo, &c. That is to saye whyder I be on slepe / or wakynge / drynkyn[g]e / or etynge / or other thynge doynge it semeth me euermore that I here the voyce of the last and fynall trompette of the lugemente dyuyne. The whiche souneth in myn eeres in saynge. Arise ye that ben deed & come to the lugement.” This is the clearest parallel between Lindsay and this work in either English or French, but it is not possible to state which text he used, if any.

5615. i. Pe. iiii. Although 1 Peter iv. 1-12 deals slightly with the approaching end of the world, it is possible that Lindsay errs in his reference, 1 Thessalonians iv. 15-18 being better, and parallel with Lindsay’s second reference, 1 Corinthians xv. 51-58. What would happen to those still alive when the day of judgment came was much discussed. The answer was found in 1 Corinthians xv. 51, " We shall not all sleep, but we shall all be changed ” ; and 1 Thessalonians iv. 17, " Then we which are alive and remain shall be caught up together with them in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air.” Cf. lines 5634-5639.

5616. In the twynhling of one Ee. Cf. 1 Corinthians xv. 52, " In a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trump." This is in continuation of the quotation from 1 Corinthians xv. 51, above. Cf. Dreme, 161 ; Monarche, 5930, 6164.

5617. With fyre thay sail translatit he. The purging of the earth by fire immediately before the second coming of Christ was borrowed from Jewish eschatology, and does not appear in Christian Doomsday lore until 2 Peter iii. 10, " the heavens shall pass away with a great noise, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat, the earth also and the works that are therein shall be burned up." Cf. also verse 12.

5622-5625. In aige of thre and thretty ?,eir. This is not truly biblical, despite Lindsay’s assertion, but is based on Ephesians iv. 13, " Till we all come in the unity of the faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ.” This was taken to mean that a " full man ” was of the age at which Christ died, thirty-three years. In the early years of the Church St Paul’s words were taken to mean that everybody would be of the same height as Christ. This was rejected by St Augus- tine, De Civitate Dei, xxii. 15, on the ground that men who on earth were taller than Christ would have to be " reduced,” whereas Christ had promised that not a hair of their heads should perish. St Augustine therefore laid it down that the apostle did not speak of the measure of the body, but of “ the measure of the age of the fullness of Christ.” It was also argued that Adam, whom God had made perfect, had received the stature, age, and intelligence of a man of thirty. [Cf. Caxton, Golden Legend, " History of Adam,” Temple Classics edn., I. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 467

176.] 1776 corrects the reference to biblical authority by reading, “ Some authors say.” 5628-5633. As Hird the Scheip doith from the Gate. Mathew xxvi. The reference is incorrect, and should be Mathew xxv. Cf. Matthew xxv. 32-33, “ he shall separate them one from another, as a shepherd divideth his sheep from the goats. 33. And he shall set the sheep on his right hand, but the goats on the left.” Those of “ Baliallis band ” shall be left standing on earth after the good have been received into heaven. Gate, the correct northern plural. Cf. Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 6134, " Als the hird the shepe dus fra the gayte.” Rolle also states that the separation will be the work of the angels. 5634-5639. i. Tess. iiii. See note to line 5617, last quotation. 5640-5695. Cf. the description of the blessed in heaven in The Dr erne, 5I4‘575- The mention of the Virgin Mary as " Quene of Quenis ” is an indication that Lindsay was not yet an advanced Reformer. Some Reformers regarded her worship as idolatry, Tyndale being especially antagonistic to her cult. The heaven which Lindsay presents is Roman Catholic conception. The passage is also based on the mediaeval love of processions. Though Lindsay does not specify the processional element it forms the basis of his description of the approach to the place of judgment. A similar description is found in L’Art de bien mourir, which gives the following details. Adam will lead forth his children and posterity ; Abraham the patriarchs ; Isaiah the prophets ; David all good kings ; St Peter the Apostles, evangelists, and disciples ; St Stephen and St Lawrence all the martyrs ; St Nicholas and St Martin the confessors ; St Catherine the virgins ; St Elizabeth the widows ; St Anne the chaste wives; the Virgin all religious women. From hell will emerge similar processions. First will appear Lucifer, Satan, Asmodeus, and Beelzebub. Then Cain will lead forth all homicides ; Judas all traitors; Pilate all unjust judges ; Herod all iniquitous princes; Barabbas all robbers ; Lamech all adulterers ; Nimrod [sic\ all usurers ; Giezy [Vulgate, Giesi; A.V., Gehazi; cf. 2 Kings (4 Regum), v. 25-26] all false merchants ; Simon Magus all demoniacs [? simoniacs] ; Athalia all murderers of children ; Jezabel all ribalds, etc. Those from heaven will form up on Christ’s right, those from hell on His left, and judgment shall be passed upon them. The processional element is a feature of most paintings and sculptures of the last judgment, and was the mediaeval device for ensuring dignity and awe in the description of the proceedings. The cult of the Virgin Mary as an intercessor between man and Christ the vengeful judge was much developed in the fifteenth century, towards the end of which arose the secondary cult of St Anna, reputed mother of the Virgin, as intercessor between man and the Virgin. Then came the Reformation ; it was high time. 5656-5659. David . . . losue . . . ludas Machabe. These were the three Jews on whom honorary ranks of knighthood were bestowed during the Middle Ages. They formed the first group of the Nine Worthies. The arms bestowed upon them are illustrated in Lindsay’s Heraldic MS. 468 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

5666. Delbora, Adamis Douchter deir. Laing, III. 212, " Delbora, in later editions Debora. In 1614 Deboir. We find in Scripture, Debora, the nurse of Rebecca {Genesis xxxix. 8), and Debora, the prophetess, along with Barak as deliverers of Israel (Judges iv.), but no mention is made of a daughter of Adam, of that name.” See note to lines 1159- 1162. 5667. The four " lusty Ladyis cleir ” who were in the ark with Noah were Noah’s wife and the wives of his three sons. 5669-5670. Sara, and Cithara, with loye, The quhilkis to Abraham wyffis bene. Laing, III. 212, “ In the editions 1582, &c., Cethura : in some copies, Keturah, or Kethura. In our present version, after the death of Sarah it is said, ' Then again Abraham took a wife, and her name was Keturah ' (Genesis xxv. 1). In another passage she is called ' Keterah, Abraham’s concubine ’ (1 Chronicles i. 32). It has been suggested, for reconciling these passages, that Keturah, like Hagar, might have lived with Abraham as his secondary wife, and had children by him during Sarah's life, such marriages not being prohibited by the Jewish law.” This is the accepted interpretation. Vulgate, Cetura. 5671. Rebecka : Rebecca, the wife of Isaac, Genesis xxiv. 50. 5673. Gude Lya, and the fair Rachell. Lya : Leah, the first wife of Jacob. Vulgate, Lia. Genesis xxix. 21. Rachell: Rachel, second wife of Jacob, for whom he served seven years, and was beguiled into marrying her elder sister Leah. Genesis. xxix. 15-30. Lindsay differentiates the sisters as " gude ” and " fair.” Cf. Genesis xxix. 17, " Leah was tender eyed ; but Rachel was beautiful and well favoured.” 5674. ludeth, Hestar, and Susanna. ludeth : Judith, the murderer of Holfernes, and the saviour of Israel, Judith viii.-xvi. Hestar : Esther, wife of Ahasueras in succession to Vashti, Esther. Vulgate, Hesther. Susanna : Susanna, the heroine of the trial, Daniel (Vulgate) xiii. 5675. Queue Saba : the queen of Sheba, 1 Kings x. Vulgate (3 Regum), Saba. 5676-5682. For these saints, see Index of Biblical and Theological References. 5685. Carmelitis and Cordeleris. Carmelitis : Carmelite friars, or white friars. The order was founded in Mount Carmel in the twelfth century. Cordeleris : Franciscan friars, so called from the knotted cord worn round the waist. O.F. cordelier. Lindsay is careful to state that only a small number of monks and friars will be saved. Cf. Satyre 2616. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 469

5688. Elezcibeth and Anna. Elezabeth : Elizabeth, the mother of John the Baptist. Anna : Anna, or Anne, the mother of the Virgin Mary. For details of both, see Index of Biblical and Theological References.

5690. The blyst and holy Magdelane. See Index of Biblical and Theo- logical References.

5708. Be gret Gyrsome and dowbyll maill. Laing, III. 213, " In edit. 1582 so gersome, the same as Grassum, or the sum paid to a landlord by a tenant on entering the lease of a farm, with double maill or rent.” Gyrsome. L. gersuma, a fine, earnest; O.E. gryssume. Maill: mail (now only Scots), tax, rent, tribute ; O.E. mal; O.N. mal, speech, agreement. Cf. Satyre, 4060.

5709. More than ^our landis bene auaill : more than the lands which they rented from you were worth. Auaill: avail, to be of value. F. vaille, valoir ; L. valere.

5710. With sore exhorbitant cariage : the feudal service of “ carriage," by which the peasant had to set aside certain days to cart for the lord of the manor. The abuse of exorbitant carriage was widespread.

5711. With merchetis of thare manage. Laing, III. 213, “The merchetis mulierum in the Regiam Majestatem or Auld Laws of Scotland ‘ is the fine, which, it is pretended, was paid to a superior for redeeming a young woman’s virginity at the time of her marriage.’—Jamieson.” O.E.D. The fine paid by a tenant or bondsman to a superior for liberty to give his daughter in marriage. A.F. merchet. O.E.D. quotes Holinshed, History of Scotland (1577), 258, “ Halfe a marke of siluer to bee payde to the Lorde of the soyle, in redemption of the womans chastitie, which ... is called the marchets of women.” According to the other quotations the price varied from half a mark, or about six shillings, or a cow, to that of twelve cows, or presumably its financial equivalent, for the daughter of an earl, paid to the queen. The fine was thus not restricted, as is frequently supposed, to the daughters of the peasantry, nor was it solely paid to escape the opera- tion of the dreaded Lex Primae Noctis, since it was payable to women superiors. The Lex probably originated with the common inability of poorer people to pay the fine, one of the many financial exactions on inferiors desirous of changing their state or condition.

5712. Tormentit boith in peace and weir. This refers to the " Tennantis ” of line 5707. Lindsay betrays a constant sympathy with the poorer classes.

5716-5717. Lambeth MS. 332 transposes the lines of this couplets

5718. I traist : I fear. Cf. line 5904. VOL. III. 2 H 470 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

5728. Ockararis : usurers, from ocker, usury. Cf. Satyre, 4058, " Forget nocht ocker I counsall 50W." O.E. wocor, increase, usury. Cf. Dreme, 310.

5730. Allpertinat wylfull Arratykis. Pertinate : pertinacious. Pertinate is an irregular formation. Arratykis : heretics. Lindsay clearly did not regard himself as one, though he must have known that those who held views similar to his had been condemned for heresy. He was probably thinking of the more outrageous sects, or of the greater heretical sects of the early days of the Church, like the Arians. Cf. Dreme, 221.

5734. Cayn : Cain. Cf. lines 1138-1152.

5736. Nemrod : Nimrod. Cf. lines 1617-1888.

5738. Nynus : Ninus. Cf. lines 1889-2134.

5744. The gret Oppressour, kyng Pharo. Cf. Genesis xii.. Exodus i., xiv. Cf. Dreme, 255-656.

5745. The tyranne Empriour Nero. As famous in the Middle Ages as the persecutor of the early Christians, as the incendiary of Rome. Cf. Dreme, 253-254.

5746. Cursit kyng Herode. Cf. Matthew ii. Murderer of John the Baptist, Matthew xiv. Cf. Dreme, 257.

5748. The cruell kyng Antiochus : Antiochus Epiphanes, the destroyer of Jerusalem, b.c. 169-168. Lindsay would know of Antiochus through the books of Maccabees.

5749. The moste furious Olofemus : Holofernes. Cf. the book of Judith. It will be noticed that the righteous antagonists of these cruel monarchs (respectively Moses, the early martyrs, John the Baptist, Judas Machabeus, and Judith) have their places in heaven.

5758. Our Senqeouris of the cessioun. Chalmers, III. 148 “ [sen^eouris] senators.” Laing [reading Sessioun], III. 213, “ Some of the early copies have Cessioun, that is, the Judges or Lords of Council and Session.” 5762-5767. For an earlier complaint against Officials and Procurators and their legal delays, cf. lines 4293-4294. 5762. Constry Clerkis. Laing, III. 2x3, "that is. Clerks of the Com- missary Court, Constry being a vulgar contraction for the sake of the metre. The author in his Satyre uses the term in its correct form. Line 3061.—And I ran to the Consistorie, for to pleinze. ,, 3079.—We man reform thir Consistory lawis." The correctness of the forms in the lines quoted by Laing is purely one of spelling, since prosody requires the pronunciation Constry. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 471

The Consistory Court is the diocesan court held by the chancellor of the diocese. Lindsay’s famous appeal for the reform of the Consistory Courts, and his attack on the devices employed to delay judgment, appears in Ane Satyre, 3053-3078. Another form appears in the lines which follow. 5766. Delaturis : dilators, delayers. L. dilator, a delayer. Cf. 5771. Dilator is. SCI&W. Insert period at end of line. 5770. That day sail pas be Peremptoris. In law a peremptory is a day or time decreed for the performance of some act. The day here referred to is the Day of Judgment.

5771. Without cawteill or Dilatoris. Cawteill: cautel, craft, trickery, or, in law, an exception by way of precaution. F. cautele ; L. cautela. Chalmers, III. 149, " without quirk, or dilators, a law term in the judicial proceedings of that age, where the law was delayed, for some special reason.” See note to line 5766. Cf. Dr erne, 311, " Fals men of Law, in Cautelis rycht cunning.”

5772. No Duplycandum, nor Tryplicandum : Duplication and Triplica- tion. In Canon and Civil Law Duplication is defined as the pleading on the part of the defendant in reply to the replication, which is the reply of the plaintiff to the plea or answer of the defendant. Triplica- tion is the plaintiff's reply to the defendant’s duplication. 5773. Sentenciandum : sentence, or judgment passed by a court. WJIA. Without Contineuationis. Extra days allowed for the proving of a defendant’s case. As an example, see Appendix I., item 174, thirteenth line from end, " with continuation of dayis for proving . . .” The phrase frequently recurs in Scottish law proceedings of the sixteenth century. 5775. Appellationis : appeals to higher tribunals. 5776. Retratit : retracted, reversed. Laing, III. 213, ” The forensic or law terms in the previous lines require no illustration.”

5778-5781. Cf. the attack on the craftsmen and merchants in Ane Satyre, 4097-4189, and in The Dreme, 309-315. 5784. Machomeit. Cf. The Dreme, line 219.

5786. Byschope Annas, and Cayphas. See note to The Dreme, lines 216- 217. 5803. The blah byik of Babilone. Laing, III. 213, " meaning, no doubt, the Church of Rome, or the Spiritual Babylon. A byik or byke, a hive 472 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

or nest of bees, was used in a secondary sense for an association, a collective body.” Byik : bike, only in northern dialect, origin unknown. 0. E.D. quotes this figurative use, " a swarm of people : a ‘ crew.’ ” The priesthood is intended.

5814. Choro, Dathan, and Abyrone. Cf. The Dreme, 220.

5818. Symon Magus. Cf. Dreme, 217.

5820-5849. In The Dreme, 263-300, Lindsay did not detail the ladies who would suffer the pains of hell. There he only mentioned types.

5822. Queue Semeram : queen Semiramis. Cf. lines 2785-3246.

5824. Queue le^abell: queen Jezabel, wife of Ahab [1 Kings xvi. 31], procured the death of Naboth by stoning [1 Kings xxi. 5-16], slew the prophets of the Lord [1 Kings xviii. 4, 13], and tried to bring about the death of Elijah [1 Kings xix. 1-3]. Her death was prophesied by Elijah [1 Kings xxi. 23]. She was thrown from a window by command of Jehu, trodden on by horses, and devoured by dogs [2 Kings ix. 30-37].

5826. The fals desaitfull Daly da. Vulgate, DaWa ; Authorised Version, Dalilah. Laing, III. 214, " Dalyda or Dalida, as in the Vulgate translation, but better known as Dalilah, the mistress and betrayer of Samson (The Book of Judges, xvi.)." My copies of the Vulgate read Dalila.

5827-5831. The creuell Queue Clitamistra : Clytemnestra, daughter of Tyndareus and Leda, married Agamemnon. While her husband was at Troy she lived adulterously with Aegisthus, and on his return, with the help of her lover, she murdered Agamemnon, and was later slain by his son Orestes.

5834-5841. Cf. Ane Supplicatioun in Contemptioun of Syde Taillis, ante, 1. 118.

5835. Sydest talis : longest trains. 5842-5849. Laing, III. 214, “ I don’t know where Lyndsay may have found the name of the Witch of Endor ; or why he should have fixed upon Atholl, Argyle, and part of Galloway, along with Savoy, as peculiarly the abodes of witches.” See following notes.

5842-5843. Phitonissa . . . Quhilk rasit the Spreit of Samuell. The name Phitonissa, Phitones, Pythonissa, a common name for a witch, was developed from 1 Regum xxviii. 7, “ Dixitque Saul servis suis : Quaerite mihi mulierem habentem pythonem, et vadam ad earn, et sciscitabor per illam. Et dixerunt servi ejus ad eum : Est mulier pythonem habens in Endor." This is enhanced in the rubric, " Saul, occis magis, pythonissam consulit . . .,” from which the full name was taken. In the Authorised Version, 1 Samuel xxviii. 7, pytho is trans- NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 473 lated " a familiar spirit,” a late Latin meaning only found in the Bible. Cf. also i Paralipomenon x. 13, “ Mortuus est ergo Saul propter iniqui- tates suas, eo quod praevaricatus sit mandatum Domini quod praeceperat, et non custodierit illud ; sed insuper etiam pythonissam consuluerit.” Cf. also Deuteronomy xviii. 11. In Acts xvi. 16, " puellam quamdam habentem spiritum pythonem obviare nobis . . .” is interpreted “ a certain damsel possessed with a spirit of divination.” In all these cases the idea is one of possession by an evil spirit, so far as the Bible is concerned. In classical times the priestess who uttered the responses of the Delphic oracle was named Pythia [Cicero, De Div., 1. xix. 38]. The earlier name of Delphi and its environs was Pytho, Gk. *-v0(£. Cf. Chaucer, Freres Tale, 7092 ; Douglas, JEneados, Prologue, Bk. I., lines 1-2. See Bruce, ed. Skeat, II. 246, note to line 753, for further examples.

6845-5848. Rank Wycheis . . . Frame Sauoy, Athell, and Argyle, And from the ryndes of Galloway. Lindsay is, despite Laing’s bewilderment, right, as usual. There is quite sufficient evidence, particularly as regards Savoy and Athol, that witches flourished in these parts in the late sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. Cf. M. Summers, History of Witchcraft and Demonology, London, 1926; J. G. Dalyell, Darker Superstitions of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1834 ; Lord Fountainhall, Decisions, Edinburgh, 1759 ; W. Hector, Judicial Records of Renfrewshire, Paisley, 1876; James I. of Scotland, Demonologie, Edinburgh, 1597; G. R. Kinloch, Reliquiae Antiquae Scoticae, Edinburgh, 1905 ; Sir G. Mackenzie, Laws and Customs of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1699 ; Maitland Club Miscellany, Vol. II., Glasgow, 1840; R. Pitcairn, Criminal Trials, Edinburgh, 1833 ; A true and full relation of the Witches of Pittenweem, Edinburgh, 1704 ; R. Scot, Discoverie of Witchcraft, London, 1584 ; Sir W. Scott, Essay on Demonology and Witchcraft; C. K. Sharpe, Historical Account of Witchcraft in Scotland, London, 1884. Savoy, France, was famous for witchcraft throughout the Middle Ages, but here, as indeed elsewhere, witchcraft was often another name for heresy. Savoy retained its unsavoury reputation until the nineteenth century. By witchcraft Lindsay principally means Sabbatism and demonology, involving parodies of the sacrament and all religious offices.

5848. The ryndes of Galloway. Chalmers, III. 152, " Rynnis, two well- known promontories in Galloway." Laing, III. 214, “ The Rynnes of Galloway form a kind of peninsula, comprehending the maritime parishes, of about twenty-nine miles from north to south, in Wigtownshire, or the western part of the ancient district of Galloway. It is bounded on the west by the Irish Channel. The Mull of Galloway is the southern, and Kirkholm, or Cornwall, the northern extremity; Luce Bay being in the south-east, and Loch Ryan on the north-east of this peninsula, leaving an intervening space of about six miles, which joins it with the county." Also known as The Rinns, or The Rhynns. Jamieson, Gael., rinn, a point. 474 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

5858. Skapellarye. Laing, III. 215, " Scapulary, part of the habit of a friar, consisting of two narrow strips of cloth, worn over the rest of the dress, reaching almost to the feet.” More strictly, a short cloak worn over the shoulders by certain religious orders, and called a scapular. L. scapulare, from scapula, shoulder.

5866. Cuttit schone : sandals.

5868. Begaird : vari-coloured.

5873. Quhen %e sail scheir as %e haue sawin. Cf. Galatians vi. 7, “ What- ever a man soweth, that shall he reap.” Lindsay may here be applying the interpretation of a similar idea in Revelations xiv. 15, in which the execution of judgment on Antichrist and his adherents is implied.

5883-5884. The vow of Chastity, Poverty, and Obedience, taken by all entrants to religious orders, both male and female.

5891. Lambeth MS. 332 here inserts : Oure paipis bischopis and cardinallis WitA thaxc most pretius aparallis 5894-5901. St Bernard was remarkably outspoken in his attack on the corruptions within the Church, and the evil lives of the clergy, in his day. He even declared that the whole Church, from foot to head, was unsound. He complained of simony, and of the unchastity of bishops and priests, and described them as the darkness of the world. The priests destroy, not save : they do not feed the Lord’s flock, but devour it; the clergy are devils. Bishop Jewel was fond of citing the charges brought by St Bernard against the Church. See Jewel, Works, Parker Society publications.

5904. I traist. Not I hope, but I fear. Cf. line 5718.

5904-5910. I do not know why bishops will dwell on the borders of hell. Perhaps Dante may help. Cf. Inferno, III. 30 et seq. Dante sees a large number of damned souls immediately within the gates of hell. I then, with error yet encompassed, cried : " O master ! what is this I hear ? what race Are these, who seem so overcome with woe ? ” He thus to me : “ This miserable fate Suffer the wretched souls of those, who lived Without or praise or blame, with that ill band Of angels mix’d, who nor rebellious proved. Nor yet were true to God, but for themselves Were only. From his bounds Heaven drove them forth Not to impair his lustre ; nor the depth Of Hell receives them, lest the accursed tribe Should glory thence with exultation vain.” Dante then asks why they lament so loud, and Vergil says that they NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 475 may entertain no hope of death, and that their lot is so mean that they envy all others. Fame of them the world hath none. Nor suffers ; mercy and justice scorn them both. Speak not of them, but look, and pass them by. Among the souls there— I saw And knew the shade of him, who to base fear Yielding, abjured his high estate. This is generally understood, says Cary, to be Pope Celestine V., who abdicated in 1294. Forthwith, says Dante : I understood, for certain, this the tribe Of those ill spirits both to God displeasing And to his foes. These wretches, who ne’er lived, Went on in nakedness, and sorely stung By wasps and hornets, which bedew’d their cheeks With blood, that, mix’d with tears, dropp’d to their feet. And by disgustful worms was gather’d there. 5905. Quhare thare salbe non ordour. Dante’s hell is arranged according to sins. As the priests have committed so many various kinds of sins they cannot be allotted to particular circles. They must remain in the area of indiscriminate sins. 5906. Endlang the Flude of Flagitone. Chalmers [reading Phlegeton\, III. 154, “ Flagiton, in the ed. 1552 and 1558; Phlegeton, in the subsequent ed. : the last is the proper spelling, as it is derived from the Greek . According to the poets, this is a river of hell, which rolls torrents of fire, and surrounds the prison of the damned.” Laing, III. 154, reads Phlegetone. The emendation is not desirable, for Gavin Douglas uses the form Flagiton, Eneados, Book VI. cap. ix. [ed. Small, Works, III. 45, line 28]. Douglas also describes it as " that ravenous flude,” which affords a parallel with Lindsay’s alliterative Flude of Flagitone. Cf. also Douglas, Eneados, VI. iv. [Works, III. 26, line 7], “ hellis flude, Flagiton.”

5907. The brais of A cherone. Chalmers, III. 154, " the banks of Acheron, one of the fabulous rivers of hell.”

5908. Caron : Charon, son of Erebus, who ferried the souls of the dead over the rivers of hell. Dante does not say that those who are condemned to stay on the wrong side of Phlegethon plead with Charon to ferry them over. In Dante those who crowd the banks are those who are on their way to hell proper. 5920-5921. There sail no talis, as I heir say, Off Byschoppis be borne up, that day. Chalmers, III. 155, with considerable wrath, " There seems to be no end to Lyndsay’s indignation against tails : His own dress, as a herald, was more gaudy, and ridiculous, than any tail, either male, or female, in all Scotland.” 476 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

The maker quhov Christ sale geue his Sentence. 5933. Mat. xx. The chapter given is incorrect. Cf. Matthew xxv. 31-46. The reference covers lines 5926-5990.

5953. Quhen euer %e did ressaue the pure. Matthew xxv. does not specify the poor. Verse 40, “ quamdiu fecistis uni ex his fratribus meis minimis,” " Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren.” The interpretation is sound enough, since Christ praises feeding the hungry and thirsty, clothing the naked, visiting the sick, and those in prison.

5998-5999. It will be noticed that Lindsay’s close to the judgment scene is not the typical mediaeval close, depicted on paintings, minia- tures, illuminated manuscripts, and sculpture, that of the devils hurry- ing off with the condemned into a dragon’s mouth representing the mouth of hell. Lindsay’s close is based on the biblical account of equally sudden disappearance of Chore, Dathan, and Abiran after Moses had appealed to God to pass judgment on them. See note to The Dreme, 220.

6000-6002. It is repeatedly stated in mediaeval theological writings that the wicked shall “ warie the hour that thay wer borne,” and that they shall curse the parents who bore them.

6002. With many garner, %ewt, and %ell. Chalmers, III. 153, “ this is a string of synonymies, signifying lamentable cries." 1776 With many a hideous cry and yell.

6006-6017. The mediaeval hell was intensely dark. The wicked suSer the pains of unquenchable fire, intense cold, so that they shall burn without through heat, and be frozen within through cold. They must endure the intollerable stink and filth of hell; hunger so intense that they shall tear off their own flesh; they shall desire to die, but death shall flee from them ; they shall suffer thirst, and shall only drink fire, brimstone, smoke, stench, gall of dragons, and venom of snakes, because they would not give drink to the poor. Hell will be black, because they loved the darkness rather than the light. Vermin shall live on them ; they will be beaten by devils with glowing hammers. They shall suffer the pangs of eternal remorse, and will shed scorching tears. They will be bound with burning chains, their heads turned downwards, and their feet upwards. They will scratch each other’s faces through hatred, and will curse the day they were born. Lindsay does not stress these features, even in the description of hell in The Dreme.

6013. Euer deand, hot neuir he dede. Cf. Dreme, 322, “ Euer deyand, and neuer to be dede.” Cf. Revelations ix. 6, " And in those days shall men seek death, and shall not find it; and shall desire to die, and death shall flee from them.” Cf. Cursor Mundi, 23,313, " Deiand ai and neuer dede." NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 477

6014-6017. I find no parallel or authority for this. Cf. the duration of time in heaven, in note to line 6072.

6018-6021. James Melville (1556-1614) of Kilrenny, Fife, Scottish Reformer, records the following incident in his autobiography and diary [ed. R. Pitcairn, Wodrow Society (1842), pp. 18-19]. When he and his brother returned home from school to pass the winter of 1569 at home, “ I remember therein,” he says, “ twa benefites : ane the reiding of the Storie of the Scripture that wintar, quhilk stak in my mynd; and of David Lindsayes book, quhilk my eldest sistare, Isbel, wald reid and sing, namlie, concerning the letter judgment, the peanes of hell, and the joyes of heavin, wherbysho wald caus me bathe greit and be glad. I lovit hir, therfor, exceiding deirlie, and scho me by the rest. Scho schew me a day, amangs uthers, a ballett sett out in print against ministers, that for want of stipend left thair charge, beginning— Who so do put hand to the pleuche, And therfra bakward goes ; The Scripture maks it plean aneuche. My kingdom is nocht for those, &c. With this scho burst furthe in teares, and sayes, ‘ Alas ! what will com of thir at that letter day ? God keip my father, and Mr James Melvill, and Mr James Balfour, fra this ! ’ And efter, cryes out the verses of Davie Lindsay— Alas I I trimble for to tell The terrible torments of the hell: That peanfull pit who can deplore ? Quhilk sail endure for evermore.” The story is an illustration of the impression this poem had on Lindsay’s early readers.

6032-6075. The state of the world after doomsday is one of the interests of eschatology. A great fire will burn up the world, remaking it perfect. Heat, cold, rain, wind, storms, darkness, &c., will all disappear. The heavens will stand still, and be at rest. The sun will shine seven times more brightly than at present, and the moon will shine as the sun does now. Heaven will be far more beautiful, and the earth will be filled with flowers. Cf. Cursor Mundi, 23,653-23,704. The biblical authorities are many, but cf. 2 Peter iii. 10.

6042. The Cursor Mundi, 23,685-88, says that it is the water which will be as clear as crystal, because it wet Christ’s feet, and in it the saints have been baptised ; but Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 6395-6398, says that the earth will be purged with fire, and made as clear, fair, and clean as any crystal.

6050-6054. Cf. Cursor Mundi, 23,683-84 : pe sun sal haf pe scripture sais, pe light[n]es J>an o seuen dais. 478 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

The biblical authority is Isaiah xxx. 26, " Moreover the light of the moon shall be as the light of the sun, and the light of the sun shall be sevenfold, as the light of seven days, in the day that the Lord bindeth up the breach of his people, and healeth the stroke of their wound.”

6058-6060. Cf. Revelations xxi. 1, " And I saw a new heaven and a new earth : for the first heaven and the first earth were passed away; and there was no more sea.”

6062. i. Cor. ii. This reference should be transferred to line 6066. Cf. 1 Corinthians ii. 9, " But as it is written, Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, the things which God hath prepared for them that love him.” 6072. ii. Pet. Hi. Cf. 2 Peter iii. 8, " One day is with the Lord as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day.” 6076. ii. Cor. xii. Cf. 2 Corinthians xii. 2-4, “ I knew a man in Christ above fourteen years ago . . . ; such an one caught up to the third heaven. ... 4. How that he was caught up into paradise, and heard unspeakable words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter.”

6100-6103. Rom. xi. Cf. Romans xi. 33, “ O the death of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of God ! how unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways past finding out! ”

Off certane Plesouris of the glorifeit bodeis. The glorifeit bodeis. Those in heaven after the day of judgment. 6106-6110. Cf. The Dreme, 535-546.

6110. Quhilk passit Naturall reasoun to Indyte. The past tense is un- justifiable. Lambeth MS. 332 reads, correctly, “ passis."

6115. Impassabyll : which will never pass away. Celestiall: having the nature of celestial bodies, which cannot be harmed by fire, sword, heat, cold, &c. 6116-6117. Cf. Cursor Mundi, 23,667-70 : Als hat and cald and rain and wind Sal thar be pan na storme to find, Ne mist ne merck ne na maner O weder to pe world to dere. Cf. Revelations vii. 16, " They shall hunger no more, neither thirst any more ; neither shall the sun light on them, nor any heat.” 6119-6123. Cf. Matthew xiii. 43, " Then shall the righteous shine forth as the sun in the kingdom of their Father.” NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MONARCHE) 479

6124-6126. Cf. Philippians i. 23, " For I am in a strait betwixt two, having a desire to depart, and to be with Christ."

6133-6143. Cf. Dreme, 547-577. The list is the one usually given. Rolle, Pricke of Conscience, 8717-8732, gives Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Evangelists, Innocents, Martyrs, Confessors, Hermits, Doctors, and Virgins.

6138. See note to lines 6119-6123.

6145. Augustyne sayis. Not traced. Laing, III. 216, in a note out of line sequence, suggests, weakly, that “ the reference may probably be to a passage in the Soliloquies or Meditations, a portion of his works which the Benedictine editors place at the end, among doubtful or spurious compositions attributed to St Augustine."

6147-6182. The implication is that those in hell must suffer the opposite. Heaven has a lovely smell; hell stinks. Heaven gives a sweet taste ; hell of brimstone, &c. Heaven is light; hell dark, &c.

6154. To want fruition. See note to line 6206.

6166-6168. This doubtful pleasure of those in heaven was borrowed from Psalm Iviii., 10-11. " The righteous shall rejoice when he seeth the vengeance : he shall wash his feet in the blood of the wicked. 11. So that a man shall say. Verily there is a reward for the righteous : verily he is a God that judgeth the earth."

6174-6175. Cf. John xx. 19, " Then the same day at evening, being the first day of the week, when the doors were shut where the disciples were assembled for fear of the Jews, came Jesus and stood in the midst.”

6176-6195. i. Cor. xv. The argument in these lines is a theological development from St Paul’s discussion of the kinds of flesh in terrestrial bodies. Cf. 1 Corinthians xv. 39-41.

6183-6184. The measures and vessels are given in increasing order of size. Pynte stope : pint stoup, measure of a pint. O.E. steap. Quart: quart measure. F. quarte, L. quarta. Galloun pitschair : gallon pitcher. M.E. picker, O.F. pichier. Puntioun : puncheon, large cask for liquids or fish. O.F. poncon. Twn : tun, large cask or barrel, containing 252 gallons, for wine, &c. O.E. tunne, O.N. tunna, O.H.G. tunna, O.F. tonne. Crowat: cruet, small bottle or vial. In ecclesistical use, a small vessel for wine or water used in the celebration of the Eucharist. M.E. cruette ; ? O.F. cruete, dim. Cf. O.F. cruie, crue, pot.

6185. Balme : aromatic oil or ointment for healing wounds or soothing pain. M.E. basme ; L. balsammun, balsam. 480 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

6197. Presentlye : in this life, on this earth.

6202. Beist brutall: brute beast.

6206. Off God thay haue ay cleir fruition. So the blessed in heaven. Cf. lines 6153-6154 : And, to the Deuyllis, the most punytioun. It is of god to want fruition. Fruition : pleasurable possession, enjoyment. The word is incorrectly associated with fruit. O.F. fruission, L. fruitionem. 6204-6206. The point appears to be that the blessed have unrestricted movement over the universe, while the damned are confined to circles in hell.

6211-6217. Another of the promised joys of heaven is the union of families and relations in eternal friendship, in contrast with the hatred which will exist in hell between all members of a family. In heaven the blessed will praise their parents ; in hell the damned will curse those who brought them into the world.

6214. Thair spousis, bairnis, syster &■ brother. Lambeth MS. 332 reads, more correctly from the point of view of metric, " thare syster,” since it keeps bairnis monosyllabic.

6218. Apoc. xxi. Cf. Revelations (Vulgate, Apocalypse) xxi. 10-27.

6220. Esa. Ixvi. Cf. Isaiah Ixvi. 5-24. The reference rather refers to lines 6218-6219, since it is Isaiah’s prophecy of the joys of the new Jerusalem.

6225. Ro. viii. Cf. Romans viii. 30. The reference rather covers lines 6229-6331. Cf. verse 30, "Moreover whom he did predestinate, them he also called : and whom he called, them also he justified : and whom he justified, them also he glorified.” Lindsay repeats the idea in lines 6239-6245.

6234. As scripture doith report. The nearest biblical authority is Revelations i. 5, " Unto him that loved us, and washed us from our sins in his own blood.” Cf. also 1 Peter i. 18-19.

6237. And steruit on the Rude: and died on the Cross. Steruit: starved, died, implying in late mediaeval usage a lingering death, whether from hunger, &c., or in the act of suffering the extreme penalty. O.E. steorfan. Rude : rood, the Cross on which Christ suffered. O.E. rod. 6238. Be pur git with that blude : be purified with that blood, made physically, and spiritually, clean. O.F. purgier, to cleanse.

6239-6242. Ro. viii. See note to line 6225. NOTES TO ANE DIALOG (THE MON ARCHE) 481

6243-6245. i. Cor. xv. Cf. 1 Corinthians xv. 50-54, especially verse 54, " So when this corruptible shall have put on incorruption, and this mortal shall have put on immortality. ...” 6246-6252. 6252 As Erasmus Exponith Manifest. Laing, III. 215, “ In this remarkable passage, Lyndsay seems to quote an exposition of Erasmus. I have not happened upon the precise passage here quoted. In one of his notes Erasmus uses this simile : ' All natural things mourneth with us, and, like a woman drawing near the birth of her child, wisheth an end of labour and sorrow.’ In the Hebrew prophets are many bold figures of speech calling the whole creation to attend when Jehovah speaks. For instance, ‘ Hear, O Heavens ! and give ear, O Earth ! for the Lord hath spoken ’ (Isaiah i. 2) ; ‘ Be astonished, O ye Heavens, at this, and be horribly afraid’ (Jeremiah ii. 12). See also Micah vi., calling on man to urge his plea before the mountains, &c. Marginal references afterwards occur in Lyndsay to the words of Paul, ‘ We know that the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain together until now ’ (Romans viii. 22) [6239] ; and of Peter in the third chapter of his second epistle [6032, 6071]. By the above bold figure of speech, the author, whoever he was, concludes, that the earth having been purified by fire, at the general judgment, the heavenly bodies, or the whole stellar universe, will participate in the great change ; insomuch that the sun, moon, stars, and planets, like animated beings, worn out by fatigue and labour, will rejoice in the prospect of being released from their present continuous motion, to remain fixed and immoveable, in the enjoyment of perpetual rest.” I do not trace the reference in Erasmus. The first " simile ” noted by Laing above was taken by Erasmus from John xvi. 21. Cf. also Isaiah xxvi. 17. 6246. All dede thyngis corporall. ? All things corporal which are destined to die. 6247. The Concaue of the Heuin Impyre. The Greek, and mediaeval, idea was that the earth was the centre of a vast globe or sphere, with the stars on the inside. Thus the heavens, as seen from the earth, formed a great concave. Cf. line 6253, " The gret Gloube of the Firmament.” 6249. Sone, Mone, & Sterris, Erth, waiter, air, &■ Eyre. These are the seven principal parts of the universe, hence the universe itself. 6253. The gret Gloube of the Firmament. See note to line 6247. 6255. The Sewin Planetis. The Moon, Mercury, Venus, the Sun, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. Cf. The Dreme, 162-511. 6253-6259. This stanza depicts the universal peace which will succeed the Last Judgment. 6260. The Angellis of the Ordouris Nyne. See note to The Dreme, 518- 5i9. 482 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

6264. And clengit frotne thir gret Calamiteis. The emendation of thir to oure, to harmonise with our in the previous line, is supported by the reading of Lambeth MS. 332.

Ane Exhortatioun Gyffin be Father Experience vnto his SONE THE CURTEOUR. Title : Curteour, a probable misprint for Courteour.

6268. The trublus transitory. This should surely read the trublis transitory. Chalmers, III. 170, "the trublous transitory”; Laing, III. 167, " the trublous transitory.” 1776 " the troubles transitory.” I accept this reading.

6269. Quhose dreidfull dayis drawis neir ane end. See lines 5280-5303, especially 5302-5303.

6271. Ane euery day my Sonne Memento Mori. Memento Mori : lit. " remember that thou must die,” the commonest theological injunction of the Middle Ages, and the background of The Monarche. Cf. J. Huiz- inga, The Waning of the Middle Ages, London, Arnold, 1924, chap, xi., " The Vision of Death,” for a vivid account of the widespread terror spread throughout Europe in the later fifteenth century as a direct result of the stress laid on the injunction. The earliest quotation in O.E.D. is Nashe, Summer’s Last Will and Testament (1592), Works, VIII. 48. 6276-6284. Math. vi. This stanza is built up of two quotations from Matthew vi., with the mediaeval philosophy of the impermanence of earthly things inserted. Line 6276 : cf. Matthew vi. 19, " Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth.” Lines 6283-6284 : cf. Matthew vi. 26, " Behold the fowls of the air : for they sow not, neither do they reap, nor gather into barns ; yet your heavenly Father feedeth them.” Also verse 30, “ Wherefore, if God so clothe the grass of the field, which to-day is, and to-morrow is cast into the oven, shall he not much more clothe you, O ye of little faith ? ”

6280. And rauis thame frame thare rent, ryches, &- ringis. Chalmers, III. 170, “ and tears them from their estates, wealth, and kingdoms ”; “ ravis " should be " ryves." I accept his emendation.

6285-6293. lob. xiiii. Cf. Job xiv. 1-6, beginning, " Man that is born of a woman is of few days, and full of trouble.”

6300-6303. The message of hope is more typical of the Reformation and the Renaissance than of the Middle Ages. It denies the fear of death, that fear which converted the mediaeval Christ into a terrible and vengeful judge, and it preaches the Gospel of the pleasant life devoid of fear, the hallmark of the revival of learning. 6307. Hir wattry Regioun. That of the cloudy skies of night. NOTES TO DOUBTFUL POEMS 483

6309-6323. These are, I think, the most beautiful of all Lindsay’s lines.

6309. Rossis. Probably a misprint for rosis, or roisis.

6312. The blysfull byrdis bownis to the treis. Lambeth MS. 332 reads, more correctly, smce it preserves byrdis as a monosyllable, “ The blysfull byrdis now bownis to the treis.’’

6314. The Cornecraik in the croft. The corncraik, or landrail, lives among standing corn, and has a harsh note. Croft: arable land attached to a house, an enclosed field.

6317. Although Lindsay mentions the nightingale, this bird is not found in Scotland, or indeed north of York.

6321. Polartike : Cf. line 165, “ Pole artick.”

6327. It mone be so. Mone is here a misprint for mon.

6333. This Miserie. Lindsay here invents a name for this kind of poem. Cf. the Complaint poem. This use of the word is not recorded in O.E.D. 6335. My rurall rude Indyte. Cf. lines 100-101 : Go hence, pure Buke, quhilk I haue done indyte In rurall ryme. 6336. Thoucht Phareseis wyll haue at me dispyte. Cf. line 7, " Warldlye Peple wyll haue at the dispyte.” Cf. also lines 106-108, where the “ Hypocritis, and fals Pharisience ” will cry " ane lowde vengence ” on the work. Subscription. The colophonic date 1552 is apparently the insertion of the printer. See note to lines 5300-5303, and Bibliography.

XIV.

Doubtful Poems.

I. Ane Descriptioun of Peder Coffeis. Text : I. 390-392.

Provenance : Bannatyne MS. ff. i62a-i62b.

Corrections : 2 holy ; 8 borrow townis ; 23 graniss [retained in this text, but repeated from 1. 21. Ramsay, The Evergreen, II. 219-222, 484 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY corrects to manis, and is followed by the E.E.T.S. editor]; 33 knaifatica; 54 dowbett; 57 cathedrall [see note to this line]. Date : No evidence. Authorship : Ascribed to Lindsay in the Bannatyne MS., Lindsay’s name being misspelt" Linsdsay.” Unless this ascription is an eighteenth century forgery done after Hailes had transcribed the poem for his Ancient Scottish Poems, Edinburgh, 1770, it is of early date, though it is not in Bannatyne’s own hand. Laing, Ancient Popular and Romance Poetry, 1885, p. 327, remarks, " In the same manner that other pieces are attributed to their respective authors, the signature ‘ quod Lindsay' appears in the manuscript. Although the name be written in a different-coloured ink, the hand is apparently of the same age with that of the poem to which it is affixed. Nor does internal evidence in any degree invalidate the propriety of its being so attributed. This circumstance having been unnoticed, was perhaps the cause why it did not find a place in the elaborate edition by Mr George Chalmers, of the poetical works of Lyon King-at-Arms.” There must, however, have been some other reason, for Hailes omitted to mention the ascription to Lindsay, and apparently, from his reference to “ the author,” 298, thought it might have been written by Dunbar. Laing, on the other hand, thought that some of the phrases might be paralleled with phrases in Ane Satyre of the thrie Estaitis. In my opinion the question of authorship must remain an open one. I respect Hailes’s suspicion that Dunbar may have been the author. Reprints :— Allan Ramsay, The Evergreen, II. 219-222. Lord Hailes, Ancient Scottish Poems. Reprinted from the MS. of George Bannatyne, MDLXVIII. Edinburgh, 1770. Pp. 170-172, 298-301. 2nd edn. (1815), pp. 215-217. [Cited as Hailes.] J. Sibbald, Chronicle of Scottish Poetry. 4 vols. Edinburgh, 1802, III. [Hailes’s notes used without acknowledgment.] D. Laing, Select Remains of the Ancient Popular Poetry of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1822. J. A. H. Murray. In Sir David Lindsay’s Works, Part V. pp. 588-590, Early English Text Society [E.E.T.S.]. D. Laing, Poetical Works of Sir David Lindsay. 2 vols. Edinburgh, 1871. I., 158-160. D. Laing, Poetical Works of Sir David Lindsay. 3 vols. Edinburgh, 1879. I., 156-158. [Laing.] D. Laing, re-ed. J. Small, Select Remains of the Ancient Popular and Romance Poetry of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1885. Pp. 326-332. [Cited as ” Laing/Small.”] Quotations from Hailes used in this edition have additional notes by Laing or Small in square brackets. G. Bannatyne, The Bannatyne MS. Ed. J. B. Murdoch. 4 vols. Edinburgh, 1873-1900. III., 458-460. G. Bannatyne, The Bannatyne MS. 4 vols. Ed. W. T. Ritchie, S.T.S., III. 81. NOTES TO DOUBTFUL POEMS 485

Commentary : Although the poem has a special literary interest through its connection with sixteenth century knave and rogue literature, it has also a foundation in Scottish history. Three of the character sketches deal with merchants and traders—the forestaller of the market, the petty trader, and the fraudulent bankrupt—and two represent types of niggards, one the social upstart and the other the clerical trickster. The last four of these are general rather than particular types ; they belong to any age of society, and hence to all literature. The traders have a direct connection with Scottish history. Through- out the period 1450-1540 the Scottish kings, particularly James IV., endeavoured to establish the trade of Scotland on a sound footing. The overseas trade of Scotland was mainly concerned with the Low Countries, and had grown steadily. During the reign of James IV. the staple of trade was moved from Bruges to Middelburg, and towards the end of the fifteenth century Flemings came in increasing numbers to Scotland. Andrew Halyburton’s ledger of trade at Middelburg, 1492-1503, details the articles of trade. Exports included wool, hides, skins, salmon, pearls, and cheap cloth; imports consisted of lawn, holland, silk, velvet, taffety, satin, damask, ribbons, gold and silver thread, jewelled rings, and wine [Hume Brown, History of Scotland, I. 342-43]. The realm of Scotland itself remained poor, and the coarse exports form an astounding comparison with the luxurious imports. In consequence of the drain of wealth, sumptuary laws were frequently passed, without avail, while bartering was strictly forbidden. Attention was also paid in Scotland to the problem of unemploy- ment, and the behaviour of workmen of all kinds. In 1478 an Act was passed against incompetent or drunken smiths. " If they injured a horse in the process of shoeing, they were to supply another horse to its master till his own was recovered : should the horse be permanently maimed, one of equal value must be given ” [Hume Brown, I. 291]. In May 1493 an Act was passed commanding that fishing boats were to be constructed of not less than twenty-two tons burden in all towns and burghs, to be ready by the following Shrove Tuesday, and in an endeavour to check the increase of " idle men and vagabonds ” the officers of the burghs were directed to man the new ships with the “ stark, idle men ’’ within their jurisdictions. Repeated laws were passed in an endeavour to check roguery in trade. In Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis, 4034-4186, Dissait tells how he has taught the merchants to cheat the country-wives, to sell rotten cloth for good, to mix new wine with old, to vow their wares came from France, to buy cheap and sell dear, to mix rye-meal with the soap, to use light weights. He has taught the weavers, fullers, and millers to be dishonest; the butchers to blow up lean meat to make it look fat; the tailors to cut short, and to steal cloth sent to them for making-up ; the brewers to make ale of " mekill burne and lytill malt ” specially for market-day ; and so forth. Perhaps here the pro- . fessional moralist in the poet of the day is speaking, for Bergonroth, £.4 ?>J c* . K quoted by Hume Brown [I. 349], gives a more hopeful account of the state of Scotland in 1496-97. " There is as great a difference between the Scotland of the old time and the Scotland of to-day, as there is between bad and good.” VOL. III. 2 I 486 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

Both James IV. and James V. endeavoured to raise the standard of craftsmanship in Scotland. Pitscottie relates how between 1530 and 1535 James V. sent to Denmark for stallions and mares for breed- ing, " and also he appeirandlie plenischit the contrie witht all kynd of craftismen out of wther countries, sic as Frenchemen, Spanjardis, Dutchemen and Inglischmen quhilk war all cuning craftismen ewerie man for his awin hand and craft as efieiris,—that is to say, sum was gunnaris, cuning wrychtis and carweris, paintaris, messouns, smythis, harneis makeris, tepestaris, broudinstaris, cunning surugenaris, pottin- garis, witht all wther kynd of craftismen that might bring his realme to polliecie and caussit the said craftismen to apparall his paliceis in all maner of operatioun and necessaris according to his order and gaif thame large wagis and pensiounis thairof jeirlie ” [Croniclis, I. 353-54]. The author of this poem has no such pleasant picture to offer. The satirist here deals with the mercantile wrong-doers of his day.

Title : Hailes, 298, " What the author meant by Coffeis he explains in 1. 3, where he speaks of ‘ Peder Knavis.' Coffe, in the modern [1770] Scottish language means rustic. The sense here is peddling merchants. The seven sorts [described through the poem] are : 1. an higgler and forestaller; 2. a lewd parish priest; 3. a merchant who traffics in company upon too small a stock ; 4. though obscurely expressed, is a low-born fellow, who intrudes himself into the magistracy of a royal burgh ; 5. a fraudulent bankrupt; 6. a miser ; 7. a dignified churchman : the character of each being drawn from the living manners of that age.” The characters thus denounced for knavery are described each in a separate stanza, beginning with the second. The person described as the second portrait [Stanza III., portrait two] is rather doubtfully described by Hailes as " a lewd parish priest.” E.E.T.S. describes him better as " a lying trafficker in old relics," like the pardoner in A ne Satyre. Hailes is also mistaken in identifying the seventh person [Stanza VII.] as that of " a dignified churchman,” who has obviously no place in this gallery of rogues. His error is due to the original reading “ Ane cathedrall coffe,” here corrected to " Ane gader-all coffe,” as in E.E.T.S. Lindsay is here describing his second type of miser. The first, portrayed in Stanza VI., is that of the man who is niggardly in his home ; he mistrusts his wife, and sits at home while she bakes cakes. These he counts carefully before locking them up in the pantry out of his wife’s reach, but while doing this he steals one for himself, which he hides under his doublet, and eats secretly in his shop. The second describes the miser of money, over-rich yet continually hoarding, lying about his wealth, thoroughly selfish, and when dead hated of all men. See the notes to this reading [1. 37].

1-8. “ It is my purpose to describe the whole race of knavish peddlars, who, living in poverty set themselves up as better than they are. Citizens, put down these knaves, who will ruin our good name, and banish them from our towns."

2. hole. MS., and all editors before E.E.T.S., read holy. NOTES TO DOUBTFUL POEMS 487

9-16. “ There are seven kinds of knaves. The first is the contemptible petty dealer, who goes here and there about the country furiously buying up all the hens he can find. He locks them up in his own house, and waits for a dearth. Then he sells the eggs at a great profit back to those he had bought the hens from. All the time he pretends to be poor and begs his meat from the people he cheats.” Many Acts against forestalled were passed in the reign of James V. March 14, 1540, " Item, it is statute and ordanit geif ony forstallaris be apprehendit forstalland ony maner of merchandice, victualis, pultre, or gudis quhatsumevir within the fredome of burgh ” the officers of the burgh are to escheat the same, half to go to the King, half to the burgh. On February 1, 1551, it was ordered that the Acts and statutes against " regrataris and forstallaris ” were to be observed.

11. Sornand all and sindry airtis. Hailes, 299, " This scroppit or contemptible dealer is represented as going about in every quarter sornand ; a contraction from sojournand. Hence sorners, or sojourners, which so often occurs in our more ancient statutes. He is here described as solicitous in purchasing fowls, profiting by the sale of their eggs, fore- stalling the market, and drawing advantage from a dearth. These are topics of popular discontent, which the legislature has sometimes sanctified by inextricable statutes. . . .” 17-24. “ Another rascally trickster lives in the country on his wits, telling the old women of the saints’ lives, and sanctifying them with dead men’s bones. These are traffickers in relics and pardons, who, pretending by their groans to be austere and holy, quarrel among themselves, and whine and cry with piteous moans, like the charlatan Symmie and his brother." Hailes, 299, describes him as “ A rascally wencher among the married women, resides in the country, versant in the arts of subtility; he interprets to them the legends of the saints, and sanctifies them with dead men’s bones or relics. . . . Sometimes they growl like dogs ; sometimes they whine like the hypocritical Symmie and his brother. " The first part of this description alludes to the lewd and inordinate lives of the secular clergy.—The description of their employment in the country resembles that which the younger Vossius gave of a friend of his : ‘ Est sacrificulus in pago quodam, et decipit rusticos.’—In Lord Hyndford’s MS. [the Bannatyne MS.], there is a poem relative to Symmie and his bruder [see note to line 24] ; it is obscure; but seems to import, that they were what is termed qucestionarii in the ancient Scottish canons [a.d. 1292, 1296], c. 48.—that is, persons sent out by the church upon a begging mission.” " Hailes’s translation of ' swyngeours ’ as ‘ rascally wencher ’ is incorrect,” comment Laing and Small [Laing/Small, 331]. " ‘ Ane swyngeour coife amangis the wyviss, In landwart dwellis . . .’ simply means, ‘ One rascally trickster goes among the country wives.’ This is not an attack on the ‘ lewd and inordinate lives of the secular clergy ’ but upon their wilful cheating of simple old country women by credulous stories and traffic in relics." An excellent picture of a trafficker in relics is given in Ane Satyre, 488 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY in the interlude between the Pardoner and his dupes. Another, depicting a quarrel like that described in 1. 22, is John Heywood’s The Pardoner and the Friar. But as Flattery says in Ane Satyre, 4254-5259, any scoundrel who puts on the habit of a friar was thought a very saint by the old women, and the Pardoner himself says that because of the translation of the New Testament, Pardoners can only find a welcome among the old wives.

20. Not always dead men’s bones, if we are to believe the poets and early dramatists. Cf. Ane Satyre, 2180-2191, where the Pardoner’s boy finds a horse’s bone in a midden, and suggests that they should pass it off among the old wives as the bone of St Bride’s cow, " gude for the feuer quartane.”

23. Graniss. So the MS., and all editions, including E.E.T.S. E.E.T.S., 588, note 2, suggests that the reading should be emended to maniss.

24. Symmie and his hruder. A fifteenth century poem with this title is preserved in the Bannatyne MS., f. i45b, S.T.S., III. 39. It was reprinted by Sibbald, I. 360 [first seven stanzas], and by Laing/Small, I. 312-318. Simmie and his brother were two begging friars, who had never seen the inside of a church since their beards began to grow. They lived in St Andrews for five years, and then proclaimed their departure for Rome. They packed their gear and started, but got, of course, no further than " Kinkellis craggis,” where they stayed for some time. They travelled through the countryside begging, and then returned to St Andrews, pretending that they had been to Rome, and lived gaily until their wealth was spent. Ultimately Simmie’s brother decided to marry a month-old widow, but on the wedding day they were assaulted, and the brother was tied to a horse which ran away, leaving him in the mud. They brought a cattle doctor to him, and he was made to run with reins in his mouth like a horse, until his mouth was riven, and he swooned. The poem is obscure, and much may be wanting. Lindsay may have borrowed " peteouss maniss ” [or graniss] from 1. 132, “ He maid a peteouss panting," but there is not much in this. 25-32. “ Then there are those petty traders who start trading overseas before the season opens. They are so petty that it takes about thirty of them to raise a cargo. They wear blue bonnets, with holes in, hobbled shoes, and then only take malt cakes with them. At noon when good- class merchants meet and carouse joyously, these shameful creatures, God punish them, slink down to their miserable cargoes and drink the dregs of wine and cheap beer.” Hailes, 300, " These lines are unintelligible without the aid of the statute-book. By Act 24. pari. 4. James V. it is provided, ‘ That na merchand saill, without he had ane halfe last of gudes of his awin, or else in governance, as factour, to uthir merchandes.’ And by Act 25. ‘ That na schip be frauchted out of the realme, with ony staple gudes, fra the feast of Simon’s day and Judas [28th October] unto the feast NOTES TO DOUBTFUL POEMS 489 of the purification of our lady, called Candlemas [2nd February].’ The reader will now perceive what it was to sail too early, and wherein they offended, who, to the number of thirty, were joint adventurers in one pack of goods.” Acts concerning merchants, dated 1525, will be found in the Acts of the Scottish Parliament, II. 347, repeated in the Parliament of 14th March 1540-41, Ibid., II. 376.

33. “ Then there is the man of low birth who forgets his humble origin when he becomes a magistrate. Great Lucifer, master of hell itself, is not as haughty as he, swaggering through the town with his keys clinking on his arm. This cowardly, shallow pretender, will marry none but a burgess’s daughter.”

33. Knaifatic coff. MS., and all editions except E.E.T.S., knaifatica. Hailes, 300, " The word knaifatica has been invented to describe a pedlar of mean servile original. Every one knows that knave originally meant a servant. It is probably that this stanza was aimed at some living character, remarkable for the insolence of office.” Sibbald suggested, rept. Laing/Small, 331, that a Provost of Edinburgh is here satirised, and notes that “ Those who most frequently held the office of Provost of Edinburgh, during the latter part of this reign, were Lord Seaton, Douglas of Kilspindie, and Symon Prestoun of Prestoun.” But none of these can be said to have been of humble origin, and the suggestion that a Provost of Edinburgh is satirised is weak. Probably the E.E.T.S. interpretation as “ knavish huckster ” is correct, meaning a cheating trader of humble rank, who rises through nefarious practices to the distinction of wealth, becomes a magistrate, and will only marry the daughter of a good family. O.E.D. records this use of the word as unique, “ Of the condition or character of a knave : low-born, knavish.”

38. Hailes, 300, " The keys of a city are considered as the symbols of trust and power, and therefore they may have been borne by Magis- trates. It is an ancient custom for the chief Magistrate of a city to deliver the keys to the Sovereign, upon his first entry.”

41-48. ” Then there is the bankrupt, a greedy gobbler, one who ruins the honour of our nation by taking goods on credit from foreigners and then breaks his obligations to pay. Other merchants are thus defamed and discredited. They are blamed for the wrongs he commits. Therefore, we declare, hang and draw this traitor to the country.” Hailes, 300, “ This stanza describes, in very emphatic terms, the offence of one who, while unable or unwilling to pay, deals upon credit with foreign merchants.”

49-56. " Then there is the curmudgeon, a niggard, who sits at home when the women are baking. That greedy thief, that sheep-keeper, counts the cakes one by one when they are made, and locks them all up (so that the women cannot eat them), but stealing one for himself, hides it between his doublet and his jacket, and eats it in his shop secretly, the mean skunk. May he die in confusion.” 490 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

55. Hailes, 301, " The word smaik means a pitiful ignominious fellow. It occurs in a curious poem by the Earl of Glencairn, preserved in Knox, p. 25 : They smaikis dois set their haill intent, To reid the Inglische New Testament. The churl here described, after having carefully numbered his cakes, conveys one of them under his cloaths, and eats it in his booth or shop.”

57-64. ‘‘Then there is the grasping scoundrel, who is already over- rich, and yet will not spend a penny. He lives like one accursed, away from everybody, and hopes he will never die [i.e., he is afraid of dying]. He lies to everybody, and grows more than ever avaricious. He doesn’t think of his soul’s welfare, and goes his own selfish way.” 57. Gader-all. MS. and all editors before E.E.T.S., cathedrall. E.E.T.S. says, “ The word in the MS. was at first Cathedrall; the first six letters have been altered by the writer himself, though it is not easy to say to what. Gader-all or gather-all seems the most likely reading, although not perfectly certain. Cathedrall, given by Chalmers and others, is condemned by the original as clearly as by the sense." With this I agree, except that Chalmers does not include this poem in his edition of Lindsay. Laing was the first to do so. The justification for the reading gader-all or gather-all is abundantly shown by the Epitaph of a couetous man in William Bullein’s Dialogue between Roger and Civis, in Dialogue against the Feuer Pestilence (1564), f. 52, sig. H2» : Here lieth Gathrall that neuer did good A gentleman degenerate yet sprong of good blood. Gatherall must therefore have been a term for a miser. The reading Cathedrall led Hailes into believing that the portrait of a “ dignified churchman ” was intended, but the rest of the stanza has nothing ecclesiastical about it, and that identification cannot be correct. 65-72. " I exhort all of you that read this indictment to show it to the provost, and make him apply the law to these scoundrels. Make him banish them from the society of good citizens, and march them along to the Shoe Street, there to cut their ears that you may know these knaves from good citizens.”

69-72. E.E.T.S. glosses, " banish them from the Burgess Row to the Shoe Street.” Raw also means “ rank,” social grade, and the lines are better translated “ banish them from the rank of burgess, and take (or march forcibly) them to the Shoe Street.” It is not possible to decide what is meant by “ Scho streit.” Hailes, 301, “ Shoes are still sold at Edinburgh in the upper part of the Grass- market, which is [1770] also the place of execution. It is probable that lesser punishments, such as that of cutting off the ears of delinquents. NOTES TO DOUBTFUL POEMS 491 were anciently inflicted in the same place. It has been suggested to the editor, that by Scho-streit, a street in Perth, still termed Shoe-gate, is understood. But there seems no reason for supposing that this poem was composed at Perth, or that the Shoe-gate in Perth was a place of punishment.” 71. Delete comma at end of line. 72. Be : from.

II. Fragment of a poem apparently ascribed to Lindsay in William Bullein's Dialogue bothe pleasaunt and pietifull against the feuer pestilence. London : J. Kingston : 1564. The verses given in Vol. I., 392-93, are apparently ascribed to Lindsay in the prose text which immediately precedes them :— " Nexte theim [Chaucer and Lydgate] in a blacke chaire of Gette stone, in a coat of armes, sate an aunciente knight in Orange Tawnie as one forsaken, bearyng upon his breast a white Lion, with a Croune of riche golde on his hedde. His name was Sir Dauie Linse vppon the mounte, with a hammer of strong steele in his hande, breakyng a sender the counterfeicte crosse kaies of Rome, forged by Antichriste. And thus this good knight of Scotlande saied to England the elder brother and Scotlande the younger : Habitare fratres in unum Is a blesfull thyng, . . The verses are totally unlike anything in Lindsay, so far as style is concerned, but they find a political parallel in The Monarche, lines 5402-5411 : And, als, the Scottis, with all thare mycht, Doith feycht, for tyll defend thare rycht. Betuix thir Realmes of Albione, Quhare Battellis hes bene mony one. Can be maid none Affinitie, Nor pt no Consanguinitie. Nor, be no waye, thay can consydder That thay may haue lang Peace to gydder. I dreid that weir makis none endyng, Tyll thay be, boith, onder ane kyng. I do not, however, press the ascription. The political significance of the verses is that they are part of that propaganda of the early years of Elizabeth’s reign which proposed, in place of the old political union between England and Scotland, a union based on the Reformed faiths of each. This was found much more acceptable by the Scots than anything hitherto proposed. The verses are too crude to have been written by Lindsay, but they may be a crude translation of Latin verses. Four editions of Bullein’s tract appeared, all printed by John King- ston : (1) 1564 (late Britwell, bought by Rosenbach for £350), (2) 1569 (Bodley, incorrectly described as 1564), (3) 1573 (B.M., Bodley), (4) 1578 492 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

(B.M.). Only the first edition contains the description of Lindsay quoted above, and the verses, and a woodcut block illustrating the poet seated on a set, breaking with a hammer the crossed keys of Rome on block before him. This woodcut is reproduced by Chalmers, Lindsay, I. 100. The block, verses, and description were omitted from the editions of 1569, 1573, and 1578, perhaps censored for political reasons. This description of Lindsay, so early as 1564, as the man in Scotland who broke the power of Rome is remarkable, for Knox was then at the height of his power, but it is amusing to note that the woodcut depicts Lindsay wearing a bee-hive shaped crown very like the “ thrinfald Diademe ” he had so often denounced. William Bullein (f 1576) was a physician, who spent a short time at Tynemouth with Sir Thomas Hilton, whose widow he married. He is supposed to have travelled into Scotland, and it must have been during this northern journey that he became acquainted with Lindsay’s work. He was a Protestant, and was buried in the same grave as John Foxe, the martyrologist, in St Giles’s, Cripplegate, London. Chalmers, III. 101, notes, “ Why Bulleyn considered Lyndsay, as one foresaken, I do not comprehend, though the writer may have known some anecdote, which tradition has not transmitted : or, why Bulleyn, who was an ingenious, but a fanciful writer, should have painted on Lyndsay’s breast a white lion, is still less comprehensible, if it be not a blunder of a white lion for a red one.” The woodcut, however, depicts a red lion. The first edition of Bullein’s tract being now in America, the above extract is reproduced from the E.E.T.S. edition, edited by Mark K. and A. H. Bullen, Extra Series, 52 (1888), p. 18.

III. Other Verses ascribed to Lindsay. («) Chalmers, I. 48, " The reverend Dr Martin, the intelligent minister of Monimail, says, in his letter to the reverend J. Macdonald, dated 5th April 1804 : ‘ In the churchyard [of Monimail] is no vestige of the family [of Sir David Lyndsay]. In the old church of Monimail, which was taken down in 1796, the seat, belonging to the farm [of the Mount], was marked by these lines : Thy hart prepair thy God in Christ t’adore ; Mount up by grace, and then thou’s come to glore. I preserved them as somewhat quaint and curious : they are in my possession.” The verses had previously appeared in David Irving, Lives of the Scotish Poets, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1804, II. 93, Irving ascribing them to Lindsay : " Lindsay’s gallery in the old church of Monimail was distinguished by the following inscription, probably written by himself : Thy hairt prepair, thy God in Chryst ador, Mount up by grace, and then thou’s come to glore. NOTES TO DOUBTFUL POEMS 493

The word Mount may perhaps be supposed to bear a quibbling allusion to Lindsay’s family-seat.” One suspects that the verses are no older than the beginning of the seventeenth century. (b) The following lines have frequently been attributed to Lindsay, and have been described as his epigram on the assassination of Cardinal Beaton. They seem to me to have something of the manner of Allan Ramsay’s little forgeries : As for the Cardinal, I grant He was the man we weil might want; God will forgive it soon. But of a truth the sooth to say. Although the loun be weil away. The fact was foully done. This stanza also appears in a slightly altered form : As for the Cardinal, we grant He was a man we weell might want. And well forget him sone : And yet I think, the sooth to say. Although the lown was weell away. The deed was foully done.

ic) Motto prefixed to Chapter V. of The Heart oj Midlothian : Elswhair he colde right well lay down the law. But in his house was meek as is a daw. Davie Lindsay. Had Scott foisted these on to Chaucer one would have applauded his imitation. {d) Latin verses prefixed to the Heraldic Manuscript, 1542. Si spectare cupis preclara Insignia Regum, Illustre heroum semideumque genus, Et clarum exardens quos vexit ad ethera virtus, Et quibus hac vita gloria maior erat, Ut paucis sapias, haec sunt insignia quorum Defensa Inuicto Scotia marte fuit: Cum patriae fortes animam effudere superbam, Talia pro meritis sunt monimenta data, Nobilium ut moneant animos pro ingentibus actis Premia quo exemplis postera turba colat: Mira arte et varijs, ut cernis, picta figuris, Ordine quaeque suo versa tabella dabit.

VOL. III. 2 K 494 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY

XV.

Additional Notes.

Dreme, “ Exhortatioun.” See Additional Notes (Papyngo, 307).

Complaynt, 167. Cf. Sat., 1848.

Complaynt, 461-82. Cf. Sat., 1807-10, 2275.

Papyngo, 92-98. For minstrels disguised as animals and birds, see a miniature in Bodleian MS. 264 (Li Romans d’Alixandre), rept. as frontispiece to Chambers, Mediceval Stage, Vol. I., and cf. Chap, iv., " The Minstrel Repertory.”

Papyngo, 274-86. Cf. Sat., 1835-50, and note.

Papyngo, 307 : The Regiment of princelie gouernyng. I regret that I did not recognise this reference to the De Regimine Principum literature earlier, since it covers so much of Lindsay’s work. This literature, which has a distinguished history, with its origins in Plato’s Republic, deals with the education of the monarch, and with his life as ruler. Cf. St Thomas Aquinas, De Regimine Principum ; Occleve, The Regi- ment of Princes [E.E.T.S., Extra Series, Ixxiii. (1897)] ; Gilbert of the Haye’s Buke of the Governaunce of Princis [S.T.S., 1st Series, Vol. 62 (1914)] ; Pontano, De Principe ; Beroaldo, De optima statu et principe ; Machiavelli, II Principe (1513) ; Sir Thomas Elyot, The Governour (I53I) I James VI. of Scotland, Basilikon Doron (1597). Linked with this is the literature dealing with the education and lives of the nobility and gentry : Castiglione, II Cortegiano (1528) ; Laurence Humphrey, The Nobles (1562} ; Henry Peacham, The Compleat Gentleman (1622) ; William Higford, The Institution of a Gentleman (1660) ; Francis Osborn, The Gentleman’s Calling (1659-67) ; The Courtier’s Calling (1675) ; Jean Gailhard, The Compleat Gentleman (1678), &c. All Lindsay’s advice to the monarch, whether to James V. in person, as in The Dreme (“ Exhortatioun to the Kyngis Grace ”), The Complaynt, and The Papyngo (first and second epistles to James V.), or to the ideal king personified in Rex Humanitas in Ane Satyre (cf. lines 78-101, 214-26, 1026-68, 1571-1620, 1835-50, 1875-1901, &c., where see notes), is drawn from such portions of this literature as existed in his day, but I do not trace a sole authority.

Papyngo, 311-315. Borrowed for Ane Satyre, 1896-99.

Deploratioun, “ Commentary,” para 3. For texts of Lydgate’s coronation poems, and civic entries, of the reign of Henry VI., see Lydgate, Minor Poems, Vol. II., ed. H. M. MacCracken, E.E.T.S. (1934).

Kitteis Confessioun, 86-93. Cf. Sat., 4440-43, and note. ADDITIONAL NOTES 495

Hist. Sq. Meldrum, g-io. Cf. Barbour, Bruce, i. 17-20 : For aulde storys that men redys Representis to thaim the dedys Of stalwart folk that lywyt ar, Rycht as thai than in presence war.

Hist. Sq. Meldrum, 317 : Gowmakmorne. See note to lines 1281-82, last paragraph.

Hist. Sq. Meldrum, 1313 : Holland, with Brandwell, his bricht brand. At first sight this appears to mean that Roland’s sword was named Brand- well, but Oliver’s sword was called Durandal, or Durandan, and I do not find a sword of the name Brandwell, but in the later examples of knightly prowess the names of pairs of combatants are given [lines 1315-18], and this may be the case here. I find, however, no knight of the name Brandwell, and suggest that it is a corruption of Brandalis, Brandelis, who appears in Le Livre de Lancelot del Lac, cousin of Guinganbresil, a knight of Artus, who takes part in the first and second quests of Lancelot [Vulgate Version of the Arthurian Romances, ed. H. O. Summer, 8 vols. (see Index of Names)]. Brandelys also appears in The Jeaste of Syr Gawane [Syr Gawane : A Collection of Ancient Romance Poems, ed. Sir F. Madden, Bannatyne Club (1839), pp. 207-23]. He is the brother of the lady, Guinalorete, whom Sir Gawain finds in the tent after leaving the siege of Branlant, where he had been wounded. She is the daughter of the King of Lys. The king attacks Sir Gawain, who kills him. Brandelys thereupon attacks Sir Gawain, and they fight until exhausted, when they part, purposing to meet later. Sir Gawain returns to Arthur’s host, which after the siege moves to Lys. During the feasting at the castle of Brandelys, Sir Gawain discovers his foe’s shield, and puts on his helmet. He is asked the reason for this, but his version of the adventure differs from that already given. When Brandelys hears of Gawain’s presence he puts on his armour, and they fight by candle-light. They are interrupted by the lady, who has brought her child by Gawain, named Guinglain. Brandelys kicks the child away. The fight is resumed, and Brandelys is finally struck down. The lady again interposes. Brandelys is persuaded to yield, and is made a knight of the Round Table, granting his forgiveness to Sir Gawain. Brandelys is mentioned by Malory, Morte D’Arthur : “ Thenne came in Syr Gawayne, with his thre sones, Syr Gyngleyn, Syr Florence, and Sir Louel; these two [sic] were begoten upon Sir Brandyles syster.” They were later slain by Lancelot at the rescue of Queen Gueneveve. The name also appears as Brandelis, Brandies, Brandless, the latter form offering an opportunity for corruption. I would derive Brandwell from the form Brandal(is). Lindsay’s Brandwell is, however, not an Arthurian knight, but a French knight from the romances of Roland, from which the name may have been borrowed for the Gawain story. A parallel will be found in the name of Gaudifer, one of the heroes of the Roman di Alexandre [see note to Hist Sq. Mel., 1281-82], also found in the Knightly Tale of Golagros and Gawane, stanza 43 [see note to Hist. Sq. Mel., 1315]. I 496 THE WORKS OF SIR DAVID LINDSAY do not find the original French romance in which Roland fights with Brandalis. Cf. also S. R. Maitland, Early Printed Books in the Lambeth Library (1843), 297-305.

Hist. Sq. Meldrum, 1316 : Olyuer, with Pharambras. Barbour, Bruce, hi. 435, describes how when Bruce was moving south to Kintyre he and his men had to cross Loch Lomond. They found but one small boat, which would only hold three men, and, two at a time, rowed by a third, the troop passed over the loch, taking a day and a half. Bruce and James of Douglas crossed first, and while waiting for the men to complete the crossing Bruce read aloud the Romanys off worthi Ferambrace, That worthily our-cummyn was Throw the rycht douchty Olywer.

Hist. Sq. Meldrum, 1318. To the notes on the popularity of the story of Graysteel add, " Item, iii° Graysteillis, the pece vi d.—summa vii li. x s ” [Testament of Thomas Bassandyne, 6 Feb., 1579, in Dickson and Edmond, Annals of Scottish Printing, 301], and cf. Calderwood, Historic [Wodrow Soc. (1842), I. 113], “Archibald Dowglas of Kil- spindie, whome he [James V] loved singularlie for his abilitie, when he was a childe, and called him his Graysteill.”

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(The Buik of Alexander. Edited by R. L. Graeme Ritchie, D.Litt. Vol. I. Containing Part I. of the Buik of Alexander (namely pp. 1-106) and Li Fuerres de Gadres, edited from MS. 264 of Bodley’s Library, pp. 210 and cclxxxiv. (17)

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!The Maitland Folio Manuscript. Containing Poems by Sir Richard Maitland, Dunbar, Douglas, Henryson, and others. Edited by W. A. Craigie, LL.D., D.Litt. Vol. II. pp. 187 and vii. (20) The Buik of Alexander. Edited by R. L. Graeme Ritchie, D.Litt. Vol. III. Containing Part III. of the Buik of Alexander (namely, pp. 248-352) and Part II. (1) of Les Voeux du Paon, now edited for the first time from MS. Fr. 12565 of the Bibliotheque Nationale, and collated with numerous MSS. pp. 208 and cviii. (21) 7

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THIRD SERIES. ( The Works of Sir David Lindsay of the Mount, 1490-1555. 1929-30 -| Edited by Douglas Hamer, M.C., M.A. Vol. I. Text of the ( Poems, pp. 405 and ix. (Part I.) r The Works of Sir David Lindsay of the Mount, 1490-1555. Edited by Douglas Hamer, M.C., M.A. Vol. II. Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis. pp. 405 and xi. (2) I930-3I The seuin Seages. Translatit out of prois in Scottis meter be lohne Rolland in Dalkeith. Edited, with Introduction, Notes, and . Glossary, by George F. Black, Ph.D. pp. 400 and xxxi. (3) ' Miscellany Volume. The Scot tish Text Society. By W. B. Menzies, Hon. Sec. The Sea Law of Scotland. Edited by T. Callander Wade, M.B.E., LL.B. Philotus. Edited by Miss A. J. Mill, Ph.D. The Joy of Tears (Sir William Mure). Edited by C. Davis. 1931-32 . Robert Wedderburn, Notary and Poet. By W. B. Menzies, Hon. Sec. The Quare of Jelusy. Edited by Dr J. T. T. Brown. pp. 212 and v. (4) The Bannatyne Manuscript. Writtin in Tyme of Pest, 1568, by George Bannatyne. Edited by W. Tod Ritchie, M.A. Vol. I. . pp. 120 and cxci. (5) The Works of Sir David Lindsay of the Mount, 1490-1555. 1932-33 Edited by Douglas Hamer, M.C., M.A. Vol. III. Notes to the Poems, pp. 496 and vii. (6)