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World Commerce Review ■ March 2014 1 Contents
WORLD COMMERCE R EVIEW ISSN 1751-0023 VOLUME 8 ISSUE 1 ■ MARCH 2014 AMERICAN OIL FROM AMERICAN SOIL NEELIE KROES ARGUES THAT TAMING FINANCIAL MARKETS Q&A WITH CHRIS COPYRIGHT NEEDS TO BE IS A MUST FOR ACHIEVING FAULKNER, PRESIDENT & REFORMED FOR THE SAKE OF STABILITY CEO OF BREITLING ENERGY THE FUTURE ECONOMY WRITES DANIEL DăiANU CORPORATION THE GLOBAL TRADE PLATFORM - 0 . 0 8 6 3 4 8 controlling corporate travel spend is your top priority we belong in your world LZLY]LK @V\RUV^P[»ZHIV\[TVYL[OHUJVUULJ[PUNWLVWSL^P[O[OLPYKLZ[PUH[PVUZ·P[»ZHIV\[[YHUZMVYTPUN PUMVYTH[PVUPU[VZTHY[KLJPZPVUZ[OH[OLSW`V\THUHNLHUKJVU[YVSJVZ[Z;OH[»Z`V\Y^VYSKHUK ^OLU`V\THRL+PULYZ*S\IWHY[VMP[^LOLSW`V\ZLL`V\Y^VYSKTVYLJSLHYS`>LJHSSP[ .SVIHS=PZPVU·ILJH\ZL[OH[»ZL_HJ[S`^OH[P[NP]LZ`V\! UH[PVUHS3[K(SSYPNO[ZY .HPUPTTLKPH[LHJJLZZ[V`V\Y; ,L_WLUZLZKV^U[V[OLPUKP]PK\HSJOHYNLSL]LS =PL^HUKHUHS`ZLL_WLUZLKH[H^P[OPUKH`ZVMWVZ[PUNPUV]LYJ\YYLUJPLZ .LULYH[LKL[HPSLKYLWVY[ZPUQ\Z[TPU\[LZVUZWLUKPUNHJ[P]P[`WVSPJ`JVTWSPHUJL KLSPUX\LUJPLZHUKTVYL +PULYZ*S\I0U[LY *HSS\ZUV^MVYZVS\[PVUZ[OH[W\[PUMVYTH[PVUPUHUL^WLYZWLJ[P]L +PULYZ*S\I*VYWVYH[L'KPZJV]LYJVTcc^^^+PULYZ*S\IJVT 51.51 41151 corporate solutions from diners club international® 3<',B$'9B%X\LQJ%XV7UDYHOBLQGG $0 DN-11-00703 210mm x 297mm London Diners Club International - Buying Business Travel Magazine Sept/Oct Foreword Ukrainian prospects s a new ‘Unity Government’ gets down to work in Kiev, the factors determining the political and economic trajectory of Ukraine will be determined less by a tug of war between Russia and the West than by the actions and decisions of the leadership that emerges in Ukraine. -
The EU Referendum and EU Reform
HOUSE OF LORDS European Union Committee 9th Report of Session 2015–16 The EU referendum and EU reform Ordered to be printed 22 March 2016 and published 30 March 2016 Published by the Authority of the House of Lords London : The Stationery Office Limited £price HL Paper 122 The European Union Committee The European Union Committee is appointed each session “to scrutinise documents deposited in the House by a Minister, and other matters relating to the European Union”. In practice this means that the Select Committee, along with its Sub-Committees, scrutinises the UK Government’s policies and actions in respect of the EU; considers and seeks to influence the development of policies and draft laws proposed by the EU institutions; and more generally represents the House of Lords in its dealings with the EU institutions and other Member States. The six Sub-Committees are as follows: Energy and Environment Sub-Committee External Affairs Sub-Committee Financial Affairs Sub-Committee Home Affairs Sub-Committee Internal Market Sub-Committee Justice Sub-Committee Membership The Members of the European Union Select Committee, which conducted this inquiry, are: Baroness Armstrong of Hill Top Lord Green of Hurstpierpoint Baroness Suttie Lord Blair of Boughton Lord Jay of Ewelme Lord Trees Lord Borwick Baroness Kennedy of The Shaws Lord Tugendhat Lord Boswell of Aynho (Chairman) Lord Liddle Lord Whitty Earl of Caithness Lord Mawson Baroness Wilcox Lord Davies of Stamford Baroness Prashar Baroness Falkner of Magravine Baroness Scott of Needham Market Further information Publications, press notices, details of membership, forthcoming meetings and other information is available at http://www.parliament.uk/hleu. -
Can the EU Rebuild Failing States? a Review of Europe’S Civilian Capacities
Can the EU Rebuild Failing States? A Review of Europe’s Civilian Capacities Daniel Korski & Richard Gowan Foreword by Jean-Marie Guéhenno ABOUT ECFR The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and values-based European foreign policy. ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements that define its activities: A pan-European Council. ECFR has brought together a distinguished Council of over one hundred Members – politicians, decision makers, thinkers and business people from the EU’s member states and candidate countries – which meets twice a year as a full body. Through geographical and thematic task forces, members provide ECFR staff with advice and feedback on policy ideas and help with ECFR’s activities within their own countries. The Council is chaired by Martti Ahtisaari, Joschka Fischer and Mabel van Oranje. A physical presence in the main EU member states. ECFR, uniquely among European think-tanks, has offices in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris and Sofia. In the future ECFR plans to open offices in Rome, Warsaw and Brussels. Our offices are platforms for research, debate, advocacy and communications. A distinctive research and policy development process. ECFR has brought together a team of distinguished researchers and practitioners from all over Europe to advance its objectives through innovative projects with a pan-European focus. ECFR’s activities include primary research, publication of policy reports, private meetings and public debates, ‘friends of ECFR’ gatherings in EU capitals and outreach to strategic media outlets. -
Printmgr File
OFFERING MEMORANDUM NOT FOR GENERAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE UNITED STATES BAE Systems plc (incorporated with limited liability in England and Wales under the Companies Acts 1948 to 1980 with registered number 1470151) US$1,000,000,000 1.900% Notes due 2031 Issue price: 99.232% US$1,000,000,000 3.000% Notes due 2050 Issue price: 98.537% BAE Systems plc, a public limited company registered in England and Wales (the “Issuer”), is offering (the “Offering”) $1,000,000,000 aggregate principal amount of its 1.900% Notes due 2031 (the “2031 Notes”) and $1,000,000,000 aggregate principal amount of its 3.000% Notes due 2050 (the “2050 Notes” and, together with the 2031 Notes, the “Securities”). The Issuer is the parent holding company of the BAE Systems group of companies (which, together with the Issuer, are referred to herein as “BAE Systems”). The 2031 Notes and the 2050 Notes will mature on February 15, 2031 and September 15, 2050, respectively (in each case, the “Stated Maturity Date” of the respective series of Securities), and upon surrender will be repaid in an amount equal to the principal amount thereof together with accrued and unpaid interest thereon. Interest on the Securities will be payable semi-annually in arrears on February 15 and August 15 of each year (in the case of the 2031 Notes), commencing on February 15, 2021 and on March 15 and September 15 of each year (in the case of the 2050 Notes), commencing on March 15, 2021. The Securities will be redeemable at any time at the option of the Issuer at a redemption price calculated as set forth under “Description of Securities—Optional Redemption.” The Securities will be direct, unsecured and unsubordinated obligations of the Issuer and will rank pari passu with all other direct, unsecured and unsubordinated obligations (except those obligations preferred by statute or operation of law) of the Issuer. -
The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict
Przegląd Strategiczny 2020, Issue 13 Bogdan KOSZEL DOI : 10.14746/ps.2020.1.7 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7118-3057 THE ROLE OF GERMANY IN THE TRANSNISTRIA CONFLICT HISTORIC BACKGROUND The territory of Transnistria is a special enclave on the left bank of the Dniester River, with cultural and historical traditions markedly different than those in neighbor- ing Moldova. The Ottoman conquests, followed by the partitioning of Poland, made the Dniester a river marking the border between the Russian and Turkish empires. When Turkey grew weaker in the international arena and Russia grew stronger after its victory over Napoleon, the territory – known as Bessarabia – fell under Russian rule until 1918, to be embraced by Greater Romania after the collapse of tsarism (Lubicz- Miszewski, 2012: 121–122). After the Soviet Union was formally established in 1922, the Moscow government immediately began to question the legality of Bessarabia’s inclusion within Romania and never accepted this annexation. In 1924, the Moldovan Autonomous Socialist So- viet Republic (MASSR) was established on the left bank of the Dniester as an integral part of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic. Before World War II, Germany showed no interest in this region of Europe, believ- ing that this territory was a zone of influence of its ally, the Austro-Hungarian mon- archy, and then of the Soviet Union. In the interwar period, Romania was a member of the French system of eastern alliances (Little Entente) and Berlin, which supported Hungarian revisionist sentiments, held no esteem for Bucharest whatsoever. At the time of the Weimar Republic, Romania became interested in German capital and ob- taining a loan from the Wolff concern to develop their railroads, but Germany shunned any binding declarations (Koszel, 1987: 64). -
A British Agenda for Europe Designing Our Own Future
A B r i t i s h A g e n d a f o r E u r o p e : D e s i g n i n g o u r o w n f u t u r e A British Agenda for Europe Designing our own future A Chatham House Commission Report Chatham House, 10 St James’s Square, London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0)20 7957 5700 E: [email protected] www.chathamhouse.org.uk F: +44 (0)20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org.uk Charity Registration Number: 208223 A British Agenda for Europe Designing Our Own Future The Chatham House Commission Report on Europe after Fifty: Policy Implications for Britain Chair: Sir Stephen Wall 1 www.chathamhouse.org.uk Chatham House has been the home of the Royal Institute of International Affairs for over eight decades. Our mission is to be a world-leading source of independent analysis, informed debate and influential ideas on how to build a prosperous and secure world for all. © Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2008 Chatham House (the Royal Institute of International Affairs) is an independent body which promotes the rigorous study of international questions and does not express opinion of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. -
The Influence of Newer Member States in the European Union: the Case of Poland and the Eastern Partnership
EAS_EB_190713 EUROPE ASIA STUDIES 2013 (Special Issue Editor Final Proof) 5 The Influence of Newer Member States in the European Union: The Case of Poland and the Eastern Partnership 10 NATHANIEL COPSEY KAROLINA POMORSKA 15 Abstract This article seeks to examine and assess the role of Poland in the early stage making of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) of the European Union (EU). First, it briefly reviews Poland’s aims and ambitions with regard to the European Union’s policy towards its eastern neighbours, both before and since it 20 joined the European Union in 2004. Second, it describes and analyses the EaP, including its added value for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Third, it draws on a range of interviews carried out by the authors in Brussels and Warsaw on Poland’s role in the initial formation of the EaP, as seen by its partners in the other Member States and European institutions. In addition, it seeks to unpack some of the early stage lessons learnt by the Polish government about how best to achieve its ambitions 25 in the EU, and notes the remaining weaknesses of the Polish administration, particularly in the area of administrative capacity. THIS ARTICLE SEEKS TO EXAMINE AND ASSESS THE ROLE OF POLAND 30 during the initial establishment phase of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) of the European Union (EU), as viewed by key EU and Polish political elites. The EaP was jointly launched by Poland and Sweden in 2008 as a means of reinforcing the eastern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The article contributes primarily to the growing body of scholarship on the impact and influence of newer 35 Member States of the European Union as unlikely power brokers on its policy agenda (see, for example, Dangerfield 2010). -
The Economic Consequences of Leaving the EU
April 2016 The economic consequences of leaving the EU The final report of the CER commission on Brexit 2016 Advisory Board Esko Aho Sir Richard Lambert Senior fellow, Harvard University, consultative Chairman of the British Museum, former partner for Nokia and former Finnish prime director-general of the Confederation of minister British Industry and editor of the Financial Joaquín Almunia Times Former vice-president and competition Pascal Lamy commissioner, European Commission President emeritus, Jacques Delors Institute Carl Bildt Philip Lowe Former prime minister and foreign minister Former director-general for energy, European of Sweden Commission Nick Butler Dominique Moïsi Visiting fellow and chairman of the Kings Senior adviser, Institut français des relations Policy Institute, Kings College London internationales Tim Clark Lord Monks Former senior partner, Slaughter & May Former general secretary, European Trades Iain Conn Union Confederation Group CEO, Centrica Mario Monti Sir Robert Cooper President, Bocconi University and former Special adviser to the High Representative Italian prime minister and former counsellor, EEAS Christine Ockrent Professor Paul De Grauwe Former chief executive officer, Audiovisuel John Paulson Chair in European Political Extérieur de la France Economy, London School of Economics Michel Petite Stephanie Flanders Lawyer Of Counsel, Clifford Chance, Paris Chief market strategist for the UK and Europe, Lord Robertson J.P. Morgan Asset Management Deputy chairman, TNK-BP and former Timothy Garton Ash secretary -
The Process of Withdrawing from the European Union
HOUSE OF LORDS European Union Committee 11th Report of Session 2015–16 The process of withdrawing from the European Union Ordered to be printed 28 April 2016 and published 4 May 2016 Published by the Authority of the House of Lords HL Paper 138 The European Union Committee The European Union Committee is appointed each session “to scrutinise documents deposited in the House by a Minister, and other matters relating to the European Union”. In practice this means that the Select Committee, along with its Sub-Committees, scrutinises the UK Government’s policies and actions in respect of the EU; considers and seeks to influence the development of policies and draft laws proposed by the EU institutions; and more generally represents the House of Lords in its dealings with the EU institutions and other Member States. The six Sub-Committees are as follows: Energy and Environment Sub-Committee External Affairs Sub-Committee Financial Affairs Sub-Committee Home Affairs Sub-Committee Internal Market Sub-Committee Justice Sub-Committee Membership The Members of the European Union Select Committee, which conducted this inquiry, are: Baroness Armstrong of Hill Top Lord Green of Hurstpierpoint Baroness Suttie Lord Blair of Boughton Lord Jay of Ewelme Lord Trees Lord Borwick Baroness Kennedy of The Shaws Lord Tugendhat Lord Boswell of Aynho (Chairman) Lord Liddle Lord Whitty Earl of Caithness Lord Mawson Baroness Wilcox Lord Davies of Stamford Baroness Prashar Baroness Falkner of Margravine Baroness Scott of Needham Market Further information Publications, press notices, details of membership, forthcoming meetings and other information is available at http://www.parliament.uk/hleu. -
Dniester Jews Between
PARALLEL RUPTURES: JEWS OF BESSARABIA AND TRANSNISTRIA BETWEEN ROMANIAN NATIONALISM AND SOVIET COMMUNISM, 1918-1940 BY DMITRY TARTAKOVSKY DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2009 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Mark D. Steinberg, Chair Professor Keith Hitchins Professor Diane P. Koenker Professor Harriet Murav Assistant Professor Eugene Avrutin Abstract ―Parallel Ruptures: Jews of Bessarabia and Transnistria between Romanian Nationalism and Soviet Communism, 1918-1940,‖ explores the political and social debates that took place in Jewish communities in Romanian-held Bessarabia and the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic during the interwar era. Both had been part of the Russian Pale of Settlement until its dissolution in 1917; they were then divided by the Romanian Army‘s occupation of Bessarabia in 1918 with the establishment of a well-guarded border along the Dniester River between two newly-formed states, Greater Romania and the Soviet Union. At its core, the project focuses in comparative context on the traumatic and multi-faceted confrontation with these two modernizing states: exclusion, discrimination and growing violence in Bessarabia; destruction of religious tradition, agricultural resettlement, and socialist re-education and assimilation in Soviet Transnistria. It examines also the similarities in both states‘ striving to create model subjects usable by the homeland, as well as commonalities within Jewish responses on both sides of the border. Contacts between Jews on either side of the border remained significant after 1918 despite the efforts of both states to curb them, thereby necessitating a transnational view in order to examine Jewish political and social life in borderland regions. -
Cultural Policy Landscapes a Guide to Eighteen Central and South Eastern European Countries
ERSTE Stiftung Cultural policy landscapes Studies A guide to eighteen Central and South Eastern European countries Cultural policy landscapes. A guide to eighteen Central and South Eastern European countries Authors: Veronika Ratzenböck, Katharina Okulski, Xenia Kopf Proof reading: David Westacott Editing: Andrea Huemer Vienna 2012, 116 pages All rights reserved. © ERSTE Foundation and österreichische kulturdokumentation. internationales archiv für kulturanalysen, Schultergasse 5/15, 1010 Vienna 0043 (0)1 535 27 05 [email protected] www.kulturdokumentation.org Despite careful checking, errors cannot be excluded and no claim is made to the exhaustive completeness of the data. Cultural policy landscapes A guide to eighteen Central and South Eastern European countries Veronika Ratzenböck Katharina Okulski Xenia Kopf CONTENTS 7 Preface 9 Introduction 11 1. Country profiles: 18 outlines of cultural policy development 12 Albania 15 Bosnia and Herzegovina 19 Bulgaria 22 Croatia 26 Czech Republic 30 Estonia 34 Hungary 38 Kosovo 42 Latvia 46 Lithuania 50 The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 53 Moldova 57 Poland 61 Romania 65 Serbia 69 Slovakia 73 Slovenia 77 Ukraine 81 2. Country profiles in comparison 82 2.1 A comparison of figures: cultural budgets and expenditure 85 2.2 Common issues and characteristics 87 2.2.1 Transformation and (de)centralisation 89 2.2.2 International relations and cross-regional alliances 93 2.2.3 The status of contemporary art 96 Sources 102 Annex 5 PREFACE ERSTE Foundation develops its projects in cooperation with non-profit organisations (NPOs) in East- ern Europe. As a result, we are very much involved in the local NPO scene and often learn about deci- sions on budgetary issues and political priorities first hand through our contacts. -
Introduction
Introduction R a y B r a n d o n a n d W e n d y L o w e r Before the Second World War, the Jews of Ukraine constituted one of the largest Jewish populations in Europe.1 They were without a doubt the largest Jewish population within the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union.2 And between July 1940 and June 1941—af ter Stalin occupied the interwar Polish territories of eastern Gali cia and western Volhynia as well as the interwar Romanian territo ries of northern Bukovina and southern Bessarabia—the number of Jews in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (UkrSSR) rose to at least 2.45 million persons, thus making it for a brief period home to the largest Jewish population in Europe.3 Despite the size of Ukraine’s Jewish population, academics and laypersons alike have for over two generations tended to talk about the Holocaust in the Soviet Union, Poland, Romania, or Hungary, but not about the Holocaust in Ukraine, which is the subject of this book. The reason for this traditional approach is evident. Unlike any of the aforementioned countries, Ukraine from the mid-thir teenth until the mid-twentieth century was but an ensemble of disparate territories partitioned among several neighboring pow ers. Ukrainian efforts to establish a state in these lands in the aftermath of the First World War were thwarted by internecine factionalism as well as Polish national aspirations and Soviet rev olutionary ambitions. Between the Polish-Soviet peace of 1920 and the Nazi-Soviet pact of 1939, the lands of modern Ukraine were split among Poland (eastern Galicia and western Volhynia), Czechoslovakia (Transcarpathia), Romania (northern Bukovina and southern Bessarabia), and the Soviet Union.