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Referencia bibliográfica preferida: Tuman, John P. Migrantes Latinoamericanos en el Valle de Las Vegas: Participación Política y Compromiso Cívico, traducido por Eileen Truax. Reportes sobre Participación Cívica de Inmigrantes Latinoamericanos, No. 4. Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, mayo 2009

© 2009, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars

Imagen de portada: Las banderas de los Estados Unidos y de México se ondean ante una réplica de la Estatua de la Libertad en el Hotel & Casino New York New York durante el desfile “Un Día sin Inmigrantes” el primero de mayo de 2006. (Foto por Ethan Miller/Getty Images) 1 Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey:

Latin American Migr ants in the Las Vegas Valley: Civic Engagement and Political Participation Civic Engagement and Political Participation

A Final Project Report Prepared for The Mexico Institute Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars

John P. Tuman Director, Institute for Latin American Studies Interim Chair, Department of Political Science University of Nevada, Las Vegas

July 2008

Preface & Acknowledgements 5

Executive Summary 6 3 Introduction 8 Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey:

Part I: Background 9 CONTENTS Demographic and Migration Trends Civic Associations and Interest Groups Policy Issues and Challenges

Part II. Discerning Emerging Trends in Civic 18 Engagement, Political Participation, and Paths Toward Citizenship Overview: Considerations in Designing the Roundtable Discussions and Interviews Civic Participation: Engagement Abroad, Engagement in the Local Community Civic Engagement and Political Participation Political Participation in Nevada The Barriers to and Opportunities for Naturalization

Conclusion: Suggestions for Further Research 24

Appendix A: Conference Program 26

Appendix B: Summary of the 28 Roundtable Discussions Roundtable 1: Latin American Migrants and the Local Economy Roundtable 2: Civic and Political Participation Roundtable 3: Opportunities for and Challenges to Naturalization Roundtable 4: Nationality/Ethnic-Based Civic Groups and their Projects

References 36

Notes 38

About the Author 43

5 Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: PREFACE

This report is part of a series on Latin American nities and barriers that Latino immigrants face immigrant civic and political participation in participating as civic and political actors in that looks at eight cities around the United cities around the United States. This collection States: Charlotte, NC; Chicago, IL; Fresno, explores recent trends in Latino immigrant CA; Las Vegas, NV; Los Angeles, CA; Omaha, integration in the aftermath of the 2006 immi- NE; Tucson, AZ and Washington, DC. This grant civic mobilizations, highlighting both series, funded by a grant from the John D. similarities and differences across diverse cities Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, is and sectors. part of an initiative, based at the Woodrow The author of this report, John Tuman, Wilson Center, on Latin American immigrant would like to express his thanks to Xóchitl civic and political participation, led by Xóchitl Bada and Jonathan Fox for their comments on Bada of the University of Illinois at Chicago, the background paper and on the final report. Jonathan Fox of the University of California, In addition, Tuman would like to thank the Santa Cruz, and Andrew Selee at the Woodrow following individuals who provided assistance Wilson Center’s Mexico Institute. Robert with different parts of the project: Andrew Donnelly is the coordinator of the project, and Selee, Sylvia Lazos, Robert Donnelly, Eileen Kate Brick served as coordinator previously. Truax, Leah Florence, Dawn Gearhart, and The reports on each city describe the opportu- Marcelino Santiago. 6

Executive Summary

Funded by a grant from the Woodrow Wilson the first phase, background research was con-

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic International Center for Scholars (with support ducted on the changing demographic structure from the MacArthur Foundation), this project of Clark County, immigration flows, char- is part of a broader national study that exam- acteristics of the local labor market, and the ines Latin America migrants in selected cities involvement of Latinos and Latin American in the United States. The goal of the project immigrants in interest groups and civic asso- is to explore patterns of civic engagement and ciations. Research from this phase was incor- political participation among Latin American porated into a background paper. migrants and Latinos in the Las Vegas, Nevada, The centerpiece of the project, roundtable metropolitan area. A secondary, but not less discussions, took place during the second phase important, goal is to understand the factors of the project. The roundtables were held with that contribute to or inhibit the ability of indi- leaders from migrant associations, immigration viduals from Latin America to acquire U.S. cit- rights groups, political parties, religious organi- izenship. The issues addressed by this study are zations, and other civic groups. Approximately highly salient in Nevada and the United States, forty individuals attended. Convened in the

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin but they also have relevance to researchers and fall of 2007 at UNLV, the roundtables gener- policy analysts who seek to understand the ated lively discussions about the binational relationship between civic engagement and dif- activities of migrant associations, the contribu- ferent forms of political participation in both a tions of Latino and migrant labor to Nevada’s local and a binational context. economy, the barriers to and opportunities for John Tuman, Director of the Institute for Latino political participation, and the chal- Latin American Studies, and Associate Professor lenges facing immigrants who wish to become of Political Science at University of Nevada, Las naturalized citizens. Vegas (UNLV), served as the director of the Las For the third and final phase of the project, Vegas study. Professor Tuman coordinated his a cross section of leaders of various civic and activities with Dr. Xóchitl Bada, a coprincipal political organizations was selected for follow- investigator for the national study. Research for up interviews. Additional data analysis was the project was carried out in three phases. In completed during this phase of the project. The major findings of the study are: • Migrants from Latin America and Latinos are highly involved in some economic • Migrant associations from Mexico, interest groups such as unions, but Guatemala, and selected Latin American membership levels tend to vary and are countries are engaged in a variety of civic concentrated in certain sectors of the local 7 projects, both in their country of origin economy, most visibly in hospitality and

and in the Las Vegas metropolitan area. commercial and residential construction. Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: Although systematic data on the effects of these projects are not available, the • Although the Latino population of Clark fragmentary evidence suggests that the County has grown appreciably since 1990, activities of these associations are having Latino voter registration and voter turnout a positive impact abroad and in the local rates have continued to lag. There are community. indications that Latino registration and turnout may have increased in the 2008 • Migrant associations have helped some presidential caucus, but this has not yet migrants to participate in elections in those been verified by official data. countries where absentee voting is per- mitted. In addition, migrant associations • Contextual factors, including the standard mobilized individuals to participate in of living enjoyed by immigrants and the immigration protests in Las Vegas in 2006 availability of adequate immigration legal

and, to a lesser extent, in 2007. services, may play a key role in shaping Civic Engagement and Political Participation interest in acquiring U.S. citizenship. 8

Introduction

Over the course of the past twenty years, the engagement and political participation among Las Vegas metropolitan area has experienced immigrants from Latin America.

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic a significant social change. In particular, the In this study, we attempt to make a mod- demographic composition and structure of est contribution to our understanding of Latin the local population has become considerably American immigration in Las Vegas by address- more diverse. Individuals have migrated to Las ing some of the gaps found in the recent policy Vegas from many states and foreign countries, and research literature. The study is divided but migration flows from Mexico and other into three main parts. Providing background on Latin American countries have clearly played the social and economic context of Latinos and a leading role in reshaping the region’s popula- Latin American immigrants, the first part of the tion since the early 1990s. report summarizes recent demographic changes Although policy makers and civic lead- in Clark County,4 with a focus on growth in the ers have come to recognize the importance of Latino population and migration flows from migration from Latin America to Las Vegas, the selected Latin American countries. The first research on immigrants has been, to date, some- part of the report also provides an analysis of what limited in its focus. The economic contri- the growth of migrant civic associations, their 1

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin bution made by Latin American migrants to degree of integration with other interest groups the economy of Clark County and the state of such as unions, and recent patterns of political Nevada has been well documented by scholarly engagement among Latinos and immigrants research and by commissioned policy studies from Latin America. The second part of the (e.g., PLAN 2007, Tables 8-10).2 Nevertheless, report discusses key aspects of the study design in other areas, there has been little systematic that followed the background research, includ- research on the activities of recent migrants or ing information on the roundtable discussions the policy challenges confronting their local and interviews that were held with civic and communities.3 For example, we know little political leaders. The second part of the report about Latin American civic associations in the also presents additional data and the main find- Las Vegas metropolitan area and their degree of ings and policy lessons of the study. Finally, integration into other interest groups. Likewise, in the Appendix, a detailed summary of each there is little information regarding civic roundtable discussion is provided. 9 Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: Part I: Background Demographic and Migration Trends

The U.S. Census Bureau reported that in the cent of all students in the district, an increase year 2000, 302,143 Latinos resided in Clark of 9 percent over the level in 1999 (calculat- County, which represented approximately 22 ed from data in Nevada State Department of percent of the county’s total population. By Education 2000, Tables 3-4; 2006, Tables 3-4). the year 2005, the most recent year for which Perhaps more important, at the present time complete data were available, the Latino Latinos are the largest minority group in the population had increased to 443,249, or school district.

26 percent of the county’s population (U.S. As many analysts have noted, a large share Civic Engagement and Political Participation Census Bureau 2007a, b). The total num- of the Latino population in Clark County is ber of Latinos in Clark County grew by 47 comprised of recent migrants and immigrants percent between 2000 and 2005—the fastest from Latin America. Forty-four percent of growth rate for any group in the county or Latinos in Clark County were reported as “for- the state. The geographic concentration of eign born” in 2005 census figures provided Latinos in Clark County is largest in North by the American Community Survey (U.S. Las Vegas—which has some areas that are 85 Census Bureau 2007d)—but only 23 percent percent Latino—and in the eastern parts of of the foreign-born Latino population in the Las Vegas, particularly in the vicinity where county were naturalized U.S. citizens in 2005.7 U.S. Highway 95 and Interstate 15 inter- The five largest groups in the foreign-born sect (see Rothman 2003, 189).5 The growth Latino population (in the year 2005) were from trajectory of the Latino population in Clark Mexico, El Salvador, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and County is largely consistent with the overall Guatemala. There are significant numbers of trend among Latinos in the state of Nevada.6 recent migrants from other Central American Growth in the Latino population has countries (e.g., Nicaragua, Honduras), as well reshaped the composition of Clark County as from Argentina and Colombia (U.S. Census School District (CCSD), the largest school Bureau 2007b). The majority of migrants from district in Nevada and the fifth largest in the Latin America in Clark County have arrived country. Data provided by the Nevada State since 1990. Department of Education indicate that in Patterns of migration from selected coun- 2005, Latino students accounted for 36 per- tries in Latin America to Las Vegas have been shaped by a number of factors, but eco- vices, construction, and wholesale/retail trade. nomic influences clearly have had the great- It is thus unsurprising that in 2005, migrants est effect on recent migration flows. In many from Latin America represented 55 percent of home countries of migrants, such as Mexico, the workforce in the construction industry, 21 Argentina, El Salvador, and Guatemala, recent percent of the combined wholesale and retail 10 economic performance has been lackluster. trade workforce, and 9 percent of the overall As a result, the number of jobs created in the private service workforce, in Clark County.9 formal sector8 in these economies has not kept Although more refined data on the hospitality pace with the growth in the workforce (par- sector are not available, anecdotal reports sug- ticularly for young workers), creating moderate gest that there is a large concentration of the to high levels of unemployment and underem- Latino migrant community in certain occupa- ployment (Tuman 2000a). Claims that eco- tions, including room cleaning and food service nomic liberalization and regional economic (Rothman 2003; see also Pratt 2002). The rela- integration would lead to higher real wages tively high rate of unionization10 in certain sec- throughout Latin America have proven to be tors has had a beneficial effect on the living stan-

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic unfounded. Indeed, despite high levels of for- dards of migrants. Indeed, the strategic decision eign direct investment and increasing exports of the leadership of the Culinary Union Local to the United States, annual growth in real 226 to embrace Latin American workers in average wages in manufacturing has been flat the hospitality sector has helped many of these (or even negative) for the past twenty years workers to obtain better wages, access to health in many Latin American countries (see, for care, and other important services. example, Tuman 2000b, Table 7; Tuman 2003, Table 6.4; ECLAC 2005, Tables 29, 50). In Civic Associations and Colombia, Guatemala, Mexico, and some of Interest Groups the other Central American countries, a lack of access to arable land, poverty, competition As the Latino population in Clark County has from cheap agricultural imports, and political grown, there has been an increase in the num- strife have also induced many in the country- ber of civic associations and interest groups side to choose out-migration as an economic that have formed in order to address issues in 11 ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin survival strategy. the Latino and migrant communities. In gen- The reason that people from Latin America eral, groups in the community tend to fall into choose Las Vegas as a destination city is rela- one of three categories. The first type, which tively obvious. The economy of the Las Vegas includes groups and associations that focus on valley offers job opportunities that are attrac- economic interests and issues, has members tive to many migrants. Although their skill from a cross section of the Latino population sets and backgrounds vary, it is estimated that and engages in a variety of different activities many recent Latin American migrants in Las ranging from issue advocacy to civic projects. Vegas are young and have relatively low levels One of the oldest and most prominent eco- of education attainment. Such individuals are nomic interest groups is the Latino Chamber well matched to the requirements for entry- of Commerce (LCC). Created in the 1970s, level jobs that are abundant in high-growth the LCC has its roots in a political coalition sectors of the local economy, including ser- that was formed to challenge inequalities in the provision of social services, including profit organization that provides free services to education and welfare benefits, to Latinos in immigrants who are applying to become U.S. Clark County.12 Initially, Cuban Americans citizens. Given the increasing administrative assumed prominent positions in the leader- costs and complex paperwork associated with ship of the LCC, but over time, business own- citizenship applications, the work done by The 11 ers from a variety of different backgrounds Citizenship Project has proven to be extremely have joined their ranks. At the present time, useful in helping some migrants transition to Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: the LCC has an estimated membership of citizenship.17 In addition, the union has con- thirteen hundred13 and provides financial sup- sistently raised the issue of immigration reform port for variety of civic projects, including a with political candidates visiting Las Vegas. workforce training center and internships for Likewise, in 2006, the Culinary Union helped Latino students. It has also advocated for the to organize the May 1 immigration protest and awarding of more government contracts to rally on the Las Vegas “strip.” minority-owned business, while strongly sup- Latinos and migrants from Latin America porting the need for immigration reform.14 are also active in other unions in southern Significantly, the LCC has also made attempts Nevada. Concentrated in the skilled trades of to build bridges to civic associations that rep- commercial construction,18 the Laborer’s Union resent migrants from Latin America. Whether has a large number of Latinos and migrant such efforts have helped to facilitate the inte- workers in Las Vegas. Union officials estimate gration of migrants in the broader Latino that of the fifty-six hundred current members, community remains unclear, however. approximately 65 to 70 percent are Latino, Civic Engagement and Political Participation The Culinary Union Local 226 is an equally with the vast majority being recent migrants important interest group in the local econo- primarily from Mexico, and, to a lesser extent, my. 15 First organized in 1936, the union has from Guatemala and El Salvador; forty percent experienced a dramatic increase in membership of the union’s leadership is Latino.19 Although since the mid-1980s. At the present time, the the Laborer’s Union is not active in the area union estimates that it has approximately sixty of immigration politics, it does provide work- thousand members, of which about half are ers with apprenticeship and training programs Latino. Although reliable figures on the number that help to upgrade skill levels, with attendant of migrant union members are not available, consequences for earnings potential.20 Latinos many analysts have suggested that a significant are also well represented in other segments of share of the Latino membership is composed the construction trades. During the latter part of recent migrants from Mexico, El Salvador, of the 1990s, the International Brotherhood Guatemala, and other Central American coun- of Electrical Workers launched a major orga- tries. Beyond its traditional activities of repre- nizing campaign with the Southern Nevada senting workers’ economic interests through Building and Construction Trades Council to collective bargaining and workforce training,16 unionize roofers, cement masons, carpenters, the Culinary Union has also come to play a sig- and day laborers in residential and light com- nificant role in the policy area of immigration mercial construction. At its peak, the campaign reform. For example, since 2001, the union has had forty organizers (including organizers who teamed with several other civic organizations were fluent in Spanish), and it worked actively to support The Citizenship Project, a non- with migrant workers from Latin America on a form of social movement unionism that saw migrants from a particular state in Mexico. At protests, prayer vigils, civil disobedience, and present, there are at least nine Mexican associa- corporate campaigns (Palladino 2007, 214- tions in Las Vegas that represent migrants from 15). The results of the effort were impressive: Michoacán, Colima, Hidalgo, Guadalajara, the campaign unionized some three thousand Jalisco, Puebla, Durango, Chihuahua, and 12 new members (a 14 percent increase), many Zacatecas (Los Dos Méxicos 2007). Part II of of whom were Latino and Latin American this report provides more details on the civic migrants (ibid., 215, 217). Due partly to these projects that these groups have undertaken in efforts, organized labor continues to have an Mexico and the United States. important presence among Latino workers in Migrants from selected Central American the residential construction industry. Likewise, countries have also formed civic associa- officials in the United Food and Commercial tions. Created in 2002, El Comité de Unidad Workers (UFCW) union (Local 711) noted that Guatemalteco (COMUGUA—Guatemalan many union members are Latinos, although Unity Committee) is the major civic associa- the officials could not provide any estimate of tion representing Guatemalans who reside in

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic the percentage. Despite the presence of Latinos the Las Vegas valley. Like many Mexican home- in its membership base, the local affiliate of the town associations, COMUGUA has sponsored UFCW has not been active in the local immi- festivals, helped migrants obtain important gration debate; indeed, a union official stated, services from the Guatemalan government, “I’m not sure what our position is on immigra- and sent funds back to Guatemala to support tion. You should probably check the website of humanitarian projects (Tuman and Gearhart, the International.”21 forthcoming). As Thomas Wright and Jesse In addition to economic interest groups, Moody observe, efforts in the Salvadoran com- there are a number of civic associations that munity to sustain civic associations have prov- represent migrants from selected countries en to be difficult. One recent association, the in Latin America. To varying degrees, these Fundación Salvadoreña, has sought to assist associations support public works projects in members with voter registration and other the “home” country while sponsoring events services, but it apparently has a low level of locally in order to promote cultural cohesion visibility in the local community (Wright and

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin among group members. By most accounts, Moody 2005, 259). membership in these groups has stimulated Finally, there are a variety of different faith- civic participation among migrants from Latin based and nonprofit organizations that have America. Because there is no state or local reg- started to serve Latin American migrants in the istry of migrant civic associations, it is difficult Las Vegas metropolitan area. For example, the to estimate with a high degree of confidence Catholic Charities of Southern Nevada current- the number of such associations found in the ly provides a range of services to migrants and Las Vegas metropolitan area. Based upon infor- refugees, including job placement, English lan- mation obtained from registries in Mexico and guage training, and assistance with immigration from other sources, it would appear that the issues. In recent years, however, migrants from largest number of associations are from Mexico, Mexico, Guatemala, and El Salvador have also and, as in other parts of the United States, started attending Evangelical churches such as each association tends to be organized around Iglesia Bautista Monte Horeb, Iglesia Bautista El Refugio, and Iglesia Amistad Cristiana the Latino population eligible to vote, was Evangélica. At least one of these churches—the only 17 percent, while turnout as a share of latter—has also become active in coordinating all registered Latino voters was 39 percent.25 services in Spanish and in the indigenous lan- Unfortunately, neither state nor county elec- guages spoken by some migrants from Mexico. toral data are refined enough to allow one to 13 In addition, some nonprofit organizations, know what share of the Latino vote in Nevada such as the Immigration Clinic administered or in Clark County is from naturalized citizens Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: by the UNLV Law School, have started provid- from Latin America. ing assistance to individuals who are interested The number of Latinos from Las Vegas in applying for naturalization.22 and Clark County elected to positions in fed- eral, state, county, or municipal government Politics and Political is not reflective of the group’s weight in the Participation electorate or in the population more gener- ally. Improvements, while slow, are nonetheless Conventional Political Participation. visible. The 2006 election was significant in that it marked the second time a candidate of Despite the large increase in the Latino popu- Latino background (Catherine Cortez-Masto) lation of Nevada and Clark County, voter was elected attorney general, a statewide con- registration and turnout among Latinos has stitutional office.26 The picture in the state leg- lagged and not kept pace with the group’s islature was more modest. Following the 2006 population growth. Some estimates suggest state elections, there was a net gain of only Civic Engagement and Political Participation that Latinos represent at least 13 percent of one seat for a Latino elected to the Nevada the state’s electorate, yet only 55 percent of State Assembly, bringing the total number of the eligible Latino population (83,000 out of Latinos in the assembly to two (both represen- an estimated 151,000) is registered to vote in tatives are members of the Democratic Party). Nevada (U.S. Census Bureau 2007d, Table The number of Latino state senators remained 4-A; Hagar 2007). unchanged at one (also a member of the The level of voter registration and turnout Democratic Party). All three Latinos serving in among Latinos in Clark County is slightly the state legislature are from districts located in lower than the estimated level in the state. The Clark County, and at least one representative– data on Latino voter registration for the 2008 Rubén Kihuen, a naturalized citizen originally presidential caucuses remain provisional due to from Guadalajara, Mexico—has strong roots in deletions of inactive voters from registration the Mexican migrant community of Las Vegas. lists (see Part II). As a result, the most reliable Latino representatives in the state legislature data come from 2007. Figures provided by the have been in a unique position to voice their Clark County Election Department23 suggest concerns in Nevada’s immigration debate, but that in 2007, there were 75,122 Hispanic vot- it remains unclear if their presence in state pol- ers registered, which represents an estimated 45 itics has helped to facilitate interest in citizen- percent of the Latino population in the county ship and voting among recent migrants from that is eligible to vote.24 In the November 2006 Latin America.27 election, Latino turnout in Clark County, as Mindful of the need to elect more Latinos measured by the number voting as share of to office, civic leaders from a variety of differ- ent associations have worked with local party Thus far, we have explored recent patterns organizations to identify more individuals of electoral turnout and candidate emergence of Latino background to run for office (see among Latinos and migrants in elections in Bowers 2006, 38). These efforts have resulted Nevada and Clark County. It is important to in an increase in the number of Latino candi- note, however, that migrants from Argentina, 14 dates running for office as both Democrats and Brazil, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Republicans since the year 2000. Nevertheless, Mexico, and Peru are also given the oppor- the divisions that exist in the community tunity to cast absentee ballots in their home have hampered efforts to elect more Latinos country while they are residing in the United to office. Recent survey data suggest that the States. In some cases, absentee voting is com- immigration question may create more cohe- pulsory. For example, migrants from Peru siveness among Latinos in Clark County and residing in Las Vegas (and other U.S. cities) the state, with the effect of boosting turnout have been threatened with a US$60 fine for and increasing the number of Latinos elected not voting in national elections in Peru.29 to office.28 Regardless of the rules governing absentee

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic In 2007, leaders in the local Democratic voting, it has been suggested that absen- and Republican Party organizations stated tee turnout has made a difference in recent that they were making efforts to reach out elections in Latin America.30 In 2006, some to Latino voters—including migrants who Mexicans residing in the Las Vegas metro- have become naturalized citizens—in the politan area were contacted by national party 2008 presidential caucuses in Nevada. The organizations in Mexico (e.g., the Partido Democratic Party hoped to contact Latinos Acción Nacional [PAN], and the Partido de la by advertising at local soccer games and cul- Revolución Democrática, [PRD]) prior to the tural events. The Culinary Union and the vote. Significantly, several hometown associa- state AFL-CIO also indicated that they would tions in Las Vegas organized in order to pro- have union members educate other members vide coordinated assistance and information of their family about how the caucus works; to Mexican nationals about the requirements this may prove to be important for migrants for electoral registration and absentee voting who come from countries that have no tradi- (Pratt 2005). Data provided by the Federal

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin tion of caucusing (Pratt 2007). Meanwhile, Electoral Institute (Instituto Federal Electoral the leadership of the state Republican Party [IFE]) suggest that in 2006, a total of 581 suggested that it would make similar efforts Mexicans residing in Clark County attempted to integrate Latinos into the political pro- to register in order to receive an absentee bal- cess. In August of 2008, maybe as a last lot. Unfortunately, the IFE data do not pro- minute-strategy to support Barack Obama’s vide a further breakdown of the results of the candidacy among the Latino community, the voting from Clark County (IFE 2007). Nevada Democratic Party decided to hire Even when migrants are barred from casting Emilia Pablo Montaño, a naturalized citizen absentee ballots from the United States, they born in Oaxaca as Press Secretary. Prior to may still be drawn into electoral campaigns this position, Emilia worked as a reporter from their country of origin. This pattern is and news producer for the 6pm News at evident among Guatemalans residing in Las Univision Las Vegas. Vegas. As a Guatemalan migrant who works in the hospitality industry in Las Vegas observed nineteen schools in the district walked out of recently: their classrooms and convened for a protest at the county courthouse (Lazos 2006, 2007). The Guatemalans living in Las Vegas are in Subsequently, in April, UNLV students from tune with what is happening back in their Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Azlán 15 homeland…for every Guatemalan in Las (MECHA), Student Organization of Latinos

Vegas, you can multiply that times four to (SOL), and Women’s Studies coordinated Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: eight voters he or she can influence back in activities with high school students for addi- Guatemala. The power of the remittances to tional protests along with a well-formulated set influence how family members should vote of political demands; some thirty-five hundred cannot be underestimated (cited in Tuman attended, including workers, students, and and Gearhart, forthcoming). parents (Lazos 2006).32 As movement activism gained momentum Given the potential significance of labor in other major metropolitan areas, including remittances, politicians in Guatemala have Chicago and Los Angeles, key stakeholders stepped up efforts to reach Guatemalan expa- in Las Vegas became involved in organizing triates living in Las Vegas and other cities in an immigration march and protest on May 1. the United States. In 2007, for example, a Significantly, however, there was little coordi- number of candidates in the Guatemalan presi- nation or planning among various group lead- dential race contacted migrant groups in Las ers and members prior to the protest; some

Vegas and other cities in order to let civic lead- Mexican hometown associations and civic lead- Civic Engagement and Political Participation ers know where each candidate stood on pro- ers used a variety of media (cell phones, e-mail, posed immigration plans in the United States. etc.) to try to encourage a wide boycott and Likewise, Otto Perez Molina, a former general protest, while the Culinary Union attempted who ran for president unsuccessfully as a can- to limit the economic impact of any planned didate of the Patriot Party, visited Las Vegas in action (Pratt 2006). Leaders of the union, who 2007 in the hopes of garnering support for his estimate that about half of its membership is campaign in Guatemala.31 Latino, negotiated with casino owners to allow a protest along the key part of the Las Vegas Unconventional Political Participation. “strip” (i.e., on Las Vegas Boulevard, between Sahara and Flamingo Boulevards) during the As many analysts have noted, a large number evening of May 1, 2006. The union’s proposal of Latinos and Latin American immigrants was controversial, however, because it required mobilized and engaged in protests in Las Vegas members who had day-shift assignments to and in other metropolitan areas in 2006. The report for work while allowing everyone to main issue motivating the protests was immi- attend the evening march without employer gration reform. Paralleling the activism of reprisals. Some radio show hosts and members the late 1960s, Latino students in the Clark of Mexican hometown associations character- County School District were among the first to ized the union’s position as an unnecessary initiate political action. On March 31, 2006— compromise, and urged union members and César Chávez Day—an estimated twenty-eight workers to boycott work altogether on May hundred middle and high school students from 1.33 In response, fifteen Latino supermarkets shut down, and some workers did not report it has been rare—until recently—for migrant to work. Estimates of the total size of the associations to become explicitly involved in union-sponsored rally vary, with media reports local politics in Nevada or in national politics putting the figure at forty-five thousand, and in the United States. Viewed from this angle, scholarly reports estimating attendance at then, the activities of various migrant organiza- 16 sixty-three thousand (Lazos 2006, 2007). tions in the protests was novel and suggestive of Although we lack good data on the structure a potential linkage between civic participation and composition of the May 1 protest, some and political engagement; whether such link- evidence suggests that participants included ages lead members of migrant organizations recent migrants as well as migrants who had to seek U.S. citizenship and voting remains an lived here many years and Latinos who were open question. Part II of the report investigates born in the United States. this issue in more detail. One of the instructive lessons of the 2006 protests in Las Vegas has to do with the role Policy Issues and Challenges of migrant civic associations in promot-

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic ing unconventional political participation. Although the recent migrants and immigrants Although economic interest groups such as the from Latin American who reside in the Las Culinary Union were active in organizing the Vegas valley come from a variety of different largest protests on May 1, migrant civic associ- countries and backgrounds, many face a num- ations—including several Mexican hometown ber of common challenges. Despite the paucity associations and members of COMUGUA— of survey data on attitudes among the local also played an important role in disseminat- migrant population, evidence gleaned from ing information and providing resources to the media and advocacy organization reports the participants in several protests (Tuman points to the salience of at least three issues. and Gearhart, forthcoming). The involve- Similar to other cities that have large con- ment of migrant associations in the movement centrations of migrants from Latin America, represented a departure from their traditional there has been concern about improving the activities. As noted, migrant associations in security of the various migrant communi- Las Vegas have traditionally supported pub- ties found in the Las Vegas metropolitan area.

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin lic works projects in their country of origin, Many migrants are suspicious of the local police helped migrants to obtain local services, and force and, as a consequence, they frequently organized events with a view to maintaining fail to report crimes that have been committed cultural cohesion among individuals in the against them. One particular problem has been community. Recognizing the potential influ- so-called payday robberies. Lacking sufficient ence of labor remittances sent by migrants in documentation to open bank accounts in the the United States, political candidates run- United States, many migrants use check cash- ning for office in Mexico and Guatemala have, ing services when they receive wage payments at times, coordinated campaign stops in Las from employers. After having cashed their Vegas with migrant groups. Mexican home- paychecks, some migrants have been robbed town associations have also helped migrants in in very close proximity to the check cash- Las Vegas with the process of absentee voting ing stores. Although associations represent- in Mexican elections. Beyond such activities, ing Latino police officers have tried to assure migrants that reporting such crimes to the Las (TANF), state-subsidized health insurance for Vegas metropolitan police force will not lead children, food stamps, federal housing assis- to immigration enforcement, it is estimated tance, and Social Security. For many migrants, that many payday robberies are not reported. addressing these inequities remains central to In this context, civic leaders have called atten- any discussion of immigration reform in the 17 tion to the need to improve relations between United States. 34 migrant communities and the local police. Finally, and perhaps most important, Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: Advocacy organizations that represent migrants have called upon policy makers in migrant workers have also called attention to Washington to move quickly on implement- the need to improve and enforce basic labor ing reforms to U.S. immigration policies. standards for migrant workers in Las Vegas Some migrants have voiced concern over the and other areas of the United States. As is well recent increase in administrative fees associ- known, employers have frequently taken advan- ated with the application for U.S. citizenship. tage of the precarious legal position of migrant Likewise, there is widespread concern that workers who are not represented by unions. The recent federal efforts to enforce immigration violations of basic labor laws and standards vary, laws (e.g., Social Security number enforce- but they have included requiring migrants to ment) will result in a new round of deporta- work overtime without pay, garnishing wages tions in the local community. In addition, the for employer-related costs (in plain violation of anti-immigration backlash, which has gained the law), failing to pay wages, and failing to pro- momentum in many municipalities through- vide adequate safety equipment and training for out the United States in recent months, has Civic Engagement and Political Participation work that is frequently hazardous.35 reached cities close to Las Vegas, including In addition, although it has been estimated Pahrump, Nevada. Echoing demands made in that in 2005, Latin American migrant workers the 2006 immigration protests, there is inter- paid some $1.6 billion in state and local taxes est in a comprehensive immigration reform in Nevada and $2.6 billion in federal taxes plan that would legalize the working status (PLAN 2007), the rules governing many social of Latin American migrants in the United programs exclude migrants from coverage. For States, provide them with coverage under all example, Latin American migrants (and their applicable federal and state labor laws and children) in Nevada are prohibited from receiv- safety regulations, and provide a mechanism ing Temporary Assistance to Needy Families for securing U.S. citizenship. 18

Part II: Discerning Emerging Trends in Civic Engagement, Political Participation, and Paths Toward Citizenship

Having discussed the background research Overview: Considerations

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic on the context and setting of Latin American in Designing the Roundtable immigration in Las Vegas, we turn now to an Discussions and Interviews analysis of the findings that emerged from the second phase of the project (roundtable dis- As one step in developing a better understand- cussions and follow-up interviews that were ing of civic engagement, political participa- conducted with community and civic lead- tion, and policy challenges, the project team ers). One of the principal objectives of this decided to organize a meeting of civic leaders phase of the project was to assess the degree and other stakeholders in the community. In of civic engagement among Latin American 2007, for several months prior to meeting, migrants in the Las Vegas metropolitan John Tuman, local coordinator of the project, area. The roundtables and follow-up inter- worked with Xóchitl Bada, a coprincipal inves- views were also intended to generate more tigator, to develop a list of invitees. In develop- information about patterns of conventional ing the list, Tuman also sought the advice of and unconventional political participation faculty at UNLV and individuals from local

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin among Latinos, to analyze the barriers to service organizations who have had experience attaining citizenship, and to understand how working in the policy areas of immigration immigrants view their contributions to the and Latino political participation. The project local and state economy. This section begins team approved a tentative list of participants in with a description of the roundtable discus- August 2007, and invitations were sent shortly sions and the follow-up interviews that were thereafter. A background paper was provided conducted, followed by a summary of the to conference participants. major findings and lessons that emerged Held on September 21, 2007, the round- from the study; a summary of the roundtable table discussions included participants from discussions is provided in the Appendix of government, local party organizations, orga- the report. nized labor, business, religious organizations, the media, migrant associations, immigration rights’ organizations, and the university com- munity. Simultaneous interpretation (from tively supporting some fifty programs in that English to Spanish, and Spanish to English) state.37 Significantly, some representatives from facilitated the flow of discussion among par- the local federation in Las Vegas have been ticipants. Summarized in the Appendix, the involved in municipal-level negotiations in roundtable discussions generated lively and at Michoacán concerning how funds will be allo- 19 times spirited discussions about a variety of cated.38 Other Mexican hometown associations issues and problems that are facing Latinos and (e.g., the Chihuahua and Guadalajara federa- Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: migrants from Latin America. tions) have provided financial support for pro- After the conclusion of the roundtable dis- grams abroad as well. For example, a leader cussions, individuals were selected for follow- from the Chihuahua federation noted: up interviews. The individuals selected for analysis included a cross-section of leaders From November 8 to 11 [2007], the from migrant associations, the labor move- Chihuahua association participated as com- ment, immigrant rights’ organizations, politi- munity liaison with the Las Vegas Fair held cal groups and state party organizations, and at Freedom Park. The proceeds earned by the the media. The information yielded by these association from the event were donated in interviews, when combined with findings their entirety to Emmanuel Children’s Home of the roundtable discussion, gives rise to a in Juárez, Mexico, a self-sustained orphan- number of tentative conclusions related to: (a) age and free-of-charge childcare facility.39 patterns of civic engagement among migrant associations, (b) recent trends in political par- COMUGUA has also raised funds to buy Civic Engagement and Political Participation ticipation among Latinos, and (c) the barriers poor children in Guatemala reading glasses and to naturalization. provides financial support to some municipali- ties that have a high prevalence of poverty.40 Civic Participation: Engagement Although it is beyond the scope of this Abroad, Engagement in the Local project to assess the effects of financial dona- Community tions made by migrant associations in the United States, it is worth noting that some The findings of the study suggest that migrant clearly believe that such programs are help- associations in the Las Vegas metropolitan area ing people in Mexico. As one leader from are engaged in a variety of binational proj- the Guadalajara association commented, the ects. However, there is some variation in the poverty alleviation achieved by individual frequency, size, and scope of each association’s and collective remittances from the United binational initiatives. Among the Mexican States “is preventing a civil war from break- hometown associations, the Michoacán federa- ing out in Mexico!”41 Likewise, a leader of tion, which has approximately two thousand the Michoacán federation suggested that the members and represents twelve local clubs, financial support provided by the clubs in the would appear to have the most well orga- United States is mitigating the effects of social nized and sustained program of financial sup- exclusion and poverty in Mexico. port for humanitarian projects in the state of Fragmentary evidence from the study sug- Michoacán.36 In early 2008, the Michoacán gests that Latin American migrant associa- associations in the United States were collec- tions are engaged in civic projects in the local ­community as well. Some groups work in a industry in Las Vegas.45 The Guadalajara asso- variety of domains at the local level, while oth- ciation appears to have a more limited focus ers have had a narrower focus. For example, as well. the Michoacán federation—which holds meetings every eight days—found that some Political Participation in Nevada 20 individuals were having difficulty obtaining services with only one form of official iden- As noted in Part I of this report and in the tification, the consular-issued identification summary of the roundtable discussions, a large card. Financial institutions, clinics, stores, number of Latinos and migrants from Latin and other service providers may require a sec- America participated in the immigration pro- ond form of official identification. To address tests in Las Vegas in 2006. Members in the this problem, the federation has been working Mexican and Guatemalan migrant associa- with individuals to obtain birth certificates tions also participated in the 2006 and 2007 and other documents for a second form of immigration protests, although leaders of the identification.42 The Michoacán federation migrant associations had major disagreements

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic also sponsors English and citizenship classes, with the Culinary Union Local 226 over politi- organizes Dia de los Muertos celebrations, cal strategy. One question that emerged from and participates in international food festivals the background research and from the round- and other cultural activities.43 table discussions was whether political activism The Chihuahua federation is active in a in the immigration protests would translate number of areas. The association has partici- into conventional participation in 2008 and, pated in local cultural events (e.g., Winchester if so, which organizations might play a role in Cultural Center’s “Life in Death Festival”), increasing voter registration and electoral turn- organizes workshops on immigration and natu- out among Latinos.46 ralization, coordinates some activities with local Analysis of the follow-up interviews and faith-based associations (e.g., Christ the King), subsequent research revealed that a major and provides counseling services to couples and drive was underway to boost voter registra- families that are having emotional difficulties. tion and turnout for the 2008 caucuses and Through a cooperative arrangement with the federal presidential election. Local party orga-

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin Mexican consulate, the Chihuahua federation nizations, nonpartisan groups, and the labor is also working on organizing a meeting of all movement were a key part of this initiative. In hometown associations to discuss immigration the follow-up interviews, an official with the and other pressing issues, including “the real Nevada Democratic Party noted, “we did do estate crisis, domestic violence, youth pregnan- a fair amount of advertising in order to reach cy, gangs, school truancy, and so on. We hope out to Hispanics” before the 2008 caucus. The to launch this campaign soon, mostly utilizing official elaborated: spots on Spanish media.”44 The Hidalgo federation, by contrast, has We created two different posters in Spanish concentrated its recent efforts on providing that sought to inform Hispanics on the advice and assistance to workers in the home caucus. They were distributed to various construction industry who have been displaced Hispanic businesses and meeting places. as a result of the severe crisis in the housing Also, we ran Spanish-language radio ads to further reach out to the community through courthouse in Las Vegas to assist people who [that] medium. We also did multiple litera- have just become citizens to register to vote.52 ture drops to Hispanic neighborhoods, giving PLAN uses the address information provided them information on mock caucuses, tempo- on registration forms to send additional mail- rary chair trainings and the caucus itself… ings about the caucus and voting more gener- 21 Another opportunity we had was to sponsor ally to recently naturalized citizens from Latin

our…own local soccer team, Los Democratas, America. Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: in order to reach out to Hispanics through the The evidence also suggests that some very popular sport. In its initial season, the Mexican hometown associations have been team was captained by Assemblyman Ruben highly involved with other groups to help Kihuen, one of two Hispanic Assemblymen mobilize the Latino vote in the 2008 presi- for Nevada in the legislature. The soccer dential caucuses (and in the general elec- games allowed us to register Hispanics to vote tion). For example, the Michoacán federation and gave us the opportunity to discuss the reported working extensively with the Nevada caucus with them.47 Democratic Party, with State Representative Ruben Kihuen, and with staff in U.S. Senator Similarly, the Progressive Leadership Harry Reid’s office on a Latino voter registration Alliance of Nevada (PLAN) distributed infor- drive.53 Likewise, the Guadalajara association mation on the 2008 presidential caucus in has sought to form a large voting bloc among neighborhoods that had a high concentration members who are eligible to vote. Members of 48 of Latino households. The group Hispanics the Guadalajara association have also under- Civic Engagement and Political Participation in Politics held several breakfast meetings with taken a letter-writing campaign to elected offi- small groups of Latino voters, “conducted a cials in the United States and Mexico, urging radio interview once a week on ‘Miguel in the them to move forward on immigration reform. Morning’ and AM 1340 in the afternoon, and A similar pattern was evident in the activi- ran an advertisement weekly in El Mundo sup- ties of the Chihuahua federation. One leader porting Latino voter turnout.”49 In addition, stated, “The Chihuahua association instruct- the local Spanish-language television stations, ed our members who are eligible to vote and including Univisión and Telemundo, “were encouraged them to do so, making them aware very active in covering the caucus process.”50 [that] this particular election is historical in its The efforts of economic interest groups context as Nevada’s future participation in the and political organizations to increase Latino primary and caucus process.”54 Leaders of the voter registration and participation were partly Chihuahua federation also distributed flyers, tailored to reach Latin American immigrants in Spanish, about who had recently become U.S. citizens. For example, staff in the Culinary Union Local a nonpartisan “ caucus workshop” spon- 226 “encouraged [Latino] members to become sored by AFSCME Local 4041…on Friday, citizens and to register to vote.”51 The union January 18th, from 11 am to 1 pm. Two also held numerous bilingual training ses- one-hour workshops were held with an excel- sions in order to educate their members about lent attendance. The…Chihuahua associa- how the caucus process works. Similarly, since tion was involved both in coordinating and May 2007, PLAN has had staff at the federal securing meeting space as well as getting the word out among other associations, Christ the Latino community. Many people wanted the King Hispanic Group, and the Mexican to get involved, but didn’t know how. We are consulate facilities.55 helping with this. Our biggest goal was to show people that they could support whatever Levels of contact and cooperation between candidate they chose, no matter what anyone 22 migrant associations and other interest and would say or do to influence them.61 political groups were not, however, uniform in the period preceding the 2008 caucus. Positive assessments aside, the available data Although the Culinary Union and PLAN coor- do not yet suggest any clear conclusions about dinated some activities on voter registration the effects of the recent drive to increase Latino to reach recently naturalized Latinos, neither voter registration and turnout in Las Vegas for group worked directly with any of the Mexican the Nevada caucuses. The official voter registra- hometown associations or with groups that tion data suggest that between June 2007 and represent migrants from other Latin American February 2008 there was a small net decline in countries.56 When queried about this, an offi- the number of active registered Latino voters 62

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic cial from the Culinary Union suggested that in Clark County, from 75,122 to 74,990; in the aftermath of the 2006 immigration the number registered in early 2008 repre- protests, which saw strong divisions between sented an estimated 45 percent of the Latino the Culinary Union and some of the Latin population in Clark County that is eligible American migrant associations, the union did to vote. 63 Nevertheless, these figures may not not view the hometown associations as strate- represent the real level of Latino voter registra- gic partners.57 An immigrant rights’ organizer tion. Officials in the Clark County Elections that works with some Mexican hometown Department noted that in December 2007, associations said that people she works with approximately seventy-four thousand voters remain distrustful of the union.58 Officials from who had not voted in two consecutive federal Hispanics in Politics also noted that they did elections, or whose address could not be veri- not work directly with hometown associations, fied, were moved from active to inactive regis- but this appeared to reflect a lack of knowledge tration status; some Latino voters were affected about how to contact these organizations.59 by this action. In addition, the Democratic

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin Several individuals commented that efforts Party registered approximately thirty thousand to increase Latino voter registration and par- new voters on the day of the Nevada caucus. As ticipation were effective.60 As one civic leader of February 2008, officials had only processed noted, the results of the caucuses were: about one-half of these new registration forms. After these new registration applications are Incredible, broke whatever records there completed, the total number of active Latino were to break. Additionally, we were able voters will probably be higher than the figures to bring many new voters into the process from mid-2007.64 likely to turn out in November. In my opin- What do the data suggest about Latino turn- ion, we did right by the people…The talk on out in the Nevada caucuses? Unfortunately, at the radio has been very positive. People got the present time, there are no official data on involved in strong number…I believe people the number of Latinos who participated in the appreciated our efforts to get out the vote in Democratic and Republican Party caucuses. Officials in the state party organizations indi- salient issue to members of the local com- cated that they were using estimates of Latino munity. The findings of this project are turnout based on exit poll data for the entire potentially revealing about the barriers that state from CNN65 and other news organiza- Latin American migrants face as they seek to tions. Utilizing the exit poll data, the following become naturalized citizens. A combination of 23 tendencies can be discerned: Latino turnout in rising application fees, changes to the English

Nevada was approximately 15 and 8 percent, proficiency exam, and other administrative Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: respectively, of total turnout in the Democratic problems are well known barriers that many and Republican caucuses throughout the state; immigrants face, regardless of whether they the combined Latino turnout in Nevada in the are located in the Las Vegas metropolitan area 2008 caucuses, as a share of those Latinos in the or in other cities. Nevertheless, as suggested state who are eligible to vote, was 14 percent, in the roundtable discussions, there are other while turnout as a share of those Latinos regis- background factors that impede, or facilitate, tered in Nevada was 25 percent. Compared to the naturalization process. Of these back- the 2004 caucuses—which saw only 1 percent ground conditions, three are noteworthy. of the state’s eligible voters participating66—the First, given the complexities of immigration Latino turnout in Nevada during the 2008 cau- law and regulations, it is extremely important cuses almost certainly increased over turnout for applicants to have access to qualified legal levels of 2004. Still, these findings are tentative staff to review their file prior to the beginning and should be interpreted with caution. First, of the naturalization process. In the Las Vegas although Clark County turnout accounts for a metropolitan area, there is a lack of legal ser- Civic Engagement and Political Participation large share of the state’s total vote, the lack of vice providers (who are proficient in Spanish) detailed county-level data67 limits our ability to to provide this kind of assistance to low- and analyze with more precision the effects of efforts moderate-income individuals from Latin to increase Latino turnout in the Las Vegas America. Second, when immigrants from Latin metropolitan area. Second, the data are not suf- America obtain jobs that provide economic ficiently refined to allow one to estimate how security and mobility, they tend to have stron- much of the Latino vote is comprised of recently ger ties to the community and greater interest naturalized U.S. citizens (I elaborate more on in U.S. citizenship. In the local labor market, this point in the conclusion of this report). the existence of economic interest groups such as the Culinary Union has been key to helping The Barriers to and Opportunities immigrants find jobs that provide economic for Naturalization security.68 Finally, there is some evidence that as members of migrant associations experience Although a number of policy issues were a sense of efficacy through their participation highlighted in the background research for in local service projects, they develop greater this study (see Part I), the follow-up research interest in becoming permanent members of revealed that naturalization remains a highly the local community.69 24

Conclusion: Suggestions for Further Research

This study has offered a brief overview of the One implication of the findings has to

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic contemporary situation of Latin American do with the orientation of civic participation migrants who reside in the Las Vegas metro- among recent migrants and the associations that politan area. The findings suggest that there represent them. As noted, migrant civic asso- has been a large increase in the Latino popu- ciations in Las Vegas tend to be concentrated lation of Clark County and Las Vegas, with among people from Mexico and Guatemala. To much of the recent growth due to immigra- the extent that these associations support pub- tion from Latin America. The analysis also lic works projects and other charitable causes in suggests that migration from Latin America the country of origin of group members, their stems from economic problems throughout activities might reasonably be viewed as partly the region, including low levels of econom- oriented toward Latin America. Nevertheless, ic growth in some countries, lack of access some group activities—such as support of local to land, a concentration of young people in festivals, coordination of services (e.g., adult lit- the labor market, and lack of job creation eracy), and other projects—would appear to be in the formal sector of the economy. In this associated with local civic participation. What

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin economic context, there are strong pressures remains unclear, however, is whether such local for out-migration from selected countries civic participation facilitates the social integra- to the United States. At the same time, the tion of migrants and encourages them to seek relative abundance of low-skilled jobs in con- citizenship in the United States. struction, hospitality, and other service sec- A broader implication of the study concerns tors in Las Vegas has made the metropolitan the relationship between membership in a area attractive to many recent migrants from migrant civic association and political partici- Mexico, Central America, and other countries pation. Although this project has advanced our in Latin America. Although migrants are a understanding of civic and political engage- diverse group, they face a common set of chal- ment among Latin American migrants in the lenges after they arrive in the United States, Las Vegas metropolitan area, there are a num- regardless of whether they reside in Las Vegas ber of issues that need to be investigated fur- or in other medium-to-large-size cities. ther in future research. Researchers should attempt to provide a such as voting. As noted, the data on Latino more thorough examination of the effects of vari- voting patterns in Clark County often fails ous local civic projects on the quality of life and to distinguish between those individuals who living standards of Latin American immigrants. were naturalized and those who were born in The anecdotal evidence gathered for this study the United States. Similarly, we lack adequate 25 suggests that these programs—which range data on the extent to which naturalized citizens from literacy classes to counseling services—are from Latin America maintain their member- Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: having a positive effect on the local community, ship in migrant associations after becoming but in the absence of systematic data on per- citizens, and, if so, if the continuation of mem- formance and benchmarks, one cannot make a bership in such associations is correlated with more definitive assessment at this time. ongoing political participation in Nevada. To There is evidence that migrant associations address this question, the scope of the inquiry have helped individuals with absentee voting in should be expanded to include more in-depth their country of origin and have also coordinat- research and interviews with members of ed meetings in the United States with electoral migrants associations. campaigns based in Mexico and Guatemala. Finally, more research needs to be complet- In addition, selected groups played a role in ed in order to understand the pathways to nat- mobilizing migrants to participate in the 2006 uralization and U.S. citizenship. If immigrants immigration protests in Las Vegas. Beyond these maintain their membership in hometown activities, we still have little understanding of associations after having spent many years in what role—if any—these groups play in facili- Las Vegas, does this membership make it less Civic Engagement and Political Participation tating electoral participation in U.S. elections or more likely that they will apply for natural- among migrants who have become naturalized ization? Do the citizenship classes organized citizens. Certainly, future research would benefit by migrant associations facilitate interest in from a more thorough investigation of the link- citizenship? Or do other factors, such as mem- ages among civic membership and conventional bership in a labor union or economic security, political participation in the United States. make it more likely that migrants will seek Provisionally, it remains unclear whether citizenship? At present, these questions remain recently naturalized Latinos are engaging in unresolved in the study of Latin American conventional forms of political participation migrants in Las Vegas. 26

APPENDIX A: Agenda

Latin American Migrants:

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic Civic and Political Participation in Las Vegas, Nevada

Friday September 21, 2007 Mexico Institute, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Institute for Latin American Studies, University of Nevada, Las Vegas

4505 South Maryland Parkway Wright Hall, Room C–235

9:00–9:10 Introduction and Welcoming Comments Andrew Selee, Mexico Institute, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars John Tuman, UNLV, Institute for Latin American Studies ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin 9:10–10:30 Roundtable 1: Latin American Migrants and the Local Economy Facilitator: Timothy Pratt, Las Vegas Sun Fernando Romero, Hispanics in Politics Raquel Aldana, UNLV Law School Eddie Escobedo, Publisher, El Mundo Eddie Ramírez, Laborers Employers Cooperation and Education Trust of Southern Nevada

10:30–10:40 Coffee break 10:40–noon Roundtable 2: Today we march, tomorrow we vote: Civic and Political Participation Facilitator: Sylvia Lazos, UNLV Law School Moises Denis, Nevada Legislature Assembly Pilar Weiss, Culinary Union local 229 27 Reveriano Orozco Sánchez, Michoacán State Congress Representative

Christina Martinez, Sen. Reid’s Office Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: Irma Aguirre, Coordinator of Outreach for Hispanic Voters, Republican Party, Southern Nevada

Noon–1PM Lunch

1–2:20 Roundtable 3: Opportunities and Challenges to Naturalization Facilitator: John Tuman, UNLV, Institute for Latin American Studies David Thronson, UNLV Law School/Citizenship Project Ireri Rivas, Progressive Leadership Alliance of Nevada Pam Egan, Culinary Union/Citizenship Project Jasmine Coca, Catholic Charities Immigration Services Pastor Almanza, Iglesia Amistad Cristiana Evangélica

2:20–3:00 Coffee break Civic Engagement and Political Participation

3:00–4:30 Roundtable 4: Nationality/ethnic–based Civic Groups and their Projects Facilitator: Xóchitl Bada, University of Notre Dame–Wilson Center María Espinosa, Inmigrantes Trabajando Saldremos Adelante (ITSA) Evelyn Flores, 2006 student marches organizer Israel Fuentes, Guatemalan Unity Committee Alma Guillén, Federación de Clubes Michoacanos Unidos de Nevada Ciria Pérez, Hispanic Group at the Christ the King Catholic Community Silvano Ramos López, Federación de Clubes Hidalguenses

4:30–4:40 Coffee break

4:40–5:00 Final wrap–up session Andrew Selee, Mexico Institute–Wilson Center Xóchitl Bada, University of Notre Dame–Wilson Center John Tuman, UNLV–Institute for Latin American Studies

5:00PM Adjourn

Additional invited guests: Anita Revilla, UNLV Women’s Studies AJ McClure, Progressive Leadership Alliance of Nevada 28

Appendix B: Summary of the Roundtable Discussions

The meeting began with brief presentations by dynamism, helps keep prices low, and consti-

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic John Tuman and by Andrew Selee, Director tutes an important segment of the domestic of the Mexico Institute, Woodrow Wilson consumer market. Nevertheless, due to eco- International Center for Scholars. Tuman nomic insecurity and racism, Latin American noted that migration from Latin America is migrants are being blamed for unemployment one of the most important issues in the local and job displacement. He doubts that migrants economy and in Nevada politics. Selee fol- are causing job displacement, because many lowed with a general overview of the history, jobs that are being eliminated have been out- purpose, and aim of the project, and thanked sourced to India and China; moreover, many the MacArthur Foundation for financial sup- U.S. workers frequently refuse to apply for port of the study. the low-paying service jobs that Mexicans work in. In Romero’s view, there are parallels Roundtable 1: Latin American between the current reaction against immigra- Migrants and the Local Economy tion and the treatment of Mexicans during the Great Depression, when some 3.5 million

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin The first roundtable focused on the contri- Mexicans and Mexican Americans (who could butions of Latin American migrants to the not prove citizenship) were deported from the local economy. Tim Pratt, a reporter for the United States. Romero concluded by empha- Las Vegas Sun, served as the facilitator for the sizing the importance of countering the anti- panel. Participants included Raquel Aldana, immigration rhetoric that is prevalent in the Associate Professor of Law at UNLV; Fernando media. Aldana made a number of observations Romero, Director of Hispanics in Politics; and about the connections between the economics Eddie Escobedo, publisher and founder of El and politics of immigration. She noted that Mundo, the oldest Latino-owned weekly news- data and analysis are extremely important for paper distributed in Southern Nevada. evaluating immigration policy choices; how- Romero noted that studies show that Latinos ever, the data on the effects of immigration are spend $40 billion annually in the state econ- often manipulated by various “think tanks” to omy. Migrant labor also promotes economic give an inaccurate picture. Still, business lead- ers in a range of sectors—most visibly, in agri- elected officials who failed to support immigra- culture and hospitality—clearly understand tion reform would face political consequences the importance of migrant labor. Aldana also in the next elections. He predicted that the lack argued that the terms of the debate need to be of progress on immigration reform, combined unified to look at the structures that influence with the increased levels of discrimination faced 29 immigration: What role do U.S. farm subsidies by Latinos, will spur more Mexicans to become play in displacing Mexican peasant farmers naturalized citizens in order to vote. By his Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: and causing out-migration from Mexico? Do estimates, of the approximately one thousand U.S. employers create incentives for migration; legal permanent residents who recently became that is, if employers were willing to pay higher naturalized citizens in Nevada (in 2007), many wages, would this induce more U.S. citizens were Mexican. to work (and reduce migration flows)? What research design should be used to evaluate the Roundtable 2: Civic and Political relative costs and benefits of migrant labor? In Participation other words, what is the best design to study labor displacement? Professor Sylvia Lazos (UNLV Law School) Aldana acknowledged that there are legiti- served as the facilitator of the second panel. mate concerns about the economic impact of She was joined by Moises Denis, a Democratic unregulated migration flows, including wheth- representative in the Nevada State Assembly; er migration from Mexico leads to competition Reveriano Orozco Sánchez, a representa-

(and possible displacement, via high supply of tive in the Michoacán State Congress; Pilar Civic Engagement and Political Participation labor) of African American workers and other Weiss, Political Director of Culinary Union low-income workers in the U.S. economy. In Local 226; Irma Aguirre, a representative of her view, there is no evidence of such a dis- the Nevada Republican Party; and Christina placement effect in Nevada, although a study Martinez, a representative from U.S. Senator by the Pew Hispanic Center did find that some Harry Reid’s office. displacement has occurred in Arizona. In her prefatory remarks, Lazos posed sever- Escobedo countered a number of myths al questions for discussion: How is the Latino about immigration. He suggested that it is community developing in the area of political not true that “undocumented” migrant work- participation? What has been achieved since ers from Latin America have brought social or the 2006 marches? Where does the community health problems, that they are obtaining welfare go from here? or social services illegally, or that they receive Weiss suggested that there is a popular mis- more in social services than they are paying in conception that civic and political engagement income and other consumption taxes. Despite is largely absent from the political culture of paying payroll taxes, many migrants are not Las Vegas. In fact, the Culinary Union in Las eligible to receive, and do not receive, govern- Vegas has been engaged in civic and politi- ment benefits (e.g., Social Security, Medicare, cal action since the 1950s. She stated that it worker’s compensation, unemployment insur- is also important to recognize that as the ance); undocumented workers also contribute union’s membership base has become more enormously to the consumer market and to diverse over time, the participants in various economic growth. Escobedo also suggested that movements has changed. Weiss estimates that 45 percent of the total membership (of sixty tion, language barriers frequently prevent them thousand) is Latino. In recent years, women from doing so. Denis concluded by stating of color, including young Latina women, that the potential for divisions in the Latino have been at the forefront of local activism, as community should not be ignored. Frequently illustrated by their role in labor conflicts and groups of differing national origin do not sup- 30 in the 2006 marches. For example, Gioconda port candidates or groups from other parts of Kline, the union’s current president, is from Latin America. Nevertheless, Latinos may be Nicaragua originally. Kline was a key leader able to coalesce around a number of common in the six-year strike—which was successful— issues in the 2008 elections. at the Frontier Hotel. The Frontier strike not As representative in the state legislature only demonstrated the importance of women of Michoacán, and a member of a migrant of color in leadership positions, but also the civic federation in Las Vegas, Orozco Sánchez solidarity of a diverse union membership spoke about the origins and development of (which varies by race/ethnicity, national ori- Mexican migrant associations in Las Vegas gin, gender, and age). In Weiss’s view, members and the United States. Participating actively in

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic drive the activism in Las Vegas—as reflected in the social life of both Mexico and the United the union’s participation in the 2006 immigra- States, these associations have existed for over tion protests. She believes that activism in the a decade, and recently they have responded to local labor movement is also helping to stimu- the increasingly hostile political climate regard- late broader political activism, not only around ing immigration. In Las Vegas, there are a immigration but also around other economic number of civic associations that are organized issues as well. by individuals from various Mexican states, Denis observed that one of the key chal- including clubs from Michoacán, Nayarit, lenges for the community is increasing the level Puebla, Jalisco, and Chihuahua, to name a few. of electoral turnout among Latinos. He noted Having a plural character, these groups seek to that a large share of those Latinos who are eligi- protect the rights and interests of migrants in ble to vote do not participate in elections. This the United States, while also promoting pub- may improve, however. The election of a second lic works programs in their state of origin in Latino representative to the state legislature is Mexico. The Michoacán federation locally has

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin a sign of the increasing importance of Latinos integrated a number of clubs; there are simi- in the electorate. Political activism among lar federations in California, Texas, Illinois, Latinos is also present despite the low electoral Indiana, Nebraska, Alaska, and Utah. Mexican turnout levels. Beyond political participation, hometown associations have negotiated a it is important for Latinos to become more number of agreements with municipal authori- involved in civic organizations. Despite the ties in Mexico to support social programs. impression left by the media, which suggests Through a partnership program (e.g., the 3 X that Latinos are apathetic, civic participation 1 program) with the Mexican government that among Latinos and Latin American migrants involves matching funds, the Michoacán fed- is definitely present in the Las Vegas valley. As erations have provided millions dollars of sup- the first Hispanic elected to the school board, port for public works and humanitarian proj- Denis noted that although Latino parents want ects throughout Michoacán over the past five to actively participate in their children’s educa- years. Beyond their support for humanitarian causes, the group has been active in stimulat- ed several barriers to naturalization. For some ing political participation among migrants. For individuals, achieving proficiency in English the first time in Mexico’s history, authorities remains a problem. The format for the citizen- have simplified the process of absentee voting ship test is in the process of being changed, and for those living abroad; in this context, the fed- this may cause delays. Health problems create 31 eration has assisted Mexican citizens working barriers to studying for some individuals; the in the United States with the process of voter government is granting fewer health-related Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: registration and absentee voting in Mexico’s waivers. In other cases, people apply without federal and state elections. In the 2006 immi- the aid of an attorney, and then subsequently gration protests, the federations were active in have difficulty with various procedures; this Las Vegas, Los Angeles, and other metropoli- causes delays that may last for years while forc- tan areas. ing applicants to pay additional administrative Aguirre discussed efforts of the Nevada fees. Some individuals who obtained legal per- Republican Party to boost electoral turnout manent residency in the 1970s are now obliged among Hispanic voters. In her view, turn- to reapply, although many are not familiar with out levels are too low. To remedy this, it is this new statutory requirement. important to identify qualified leaders from Martinez suggested that Senator Reid and the Hispanic community to run for office. others in Washington took note of the 2006 Hispanic voters also need to become more marches. Yet the marches responded to a per- knowledgeable of the political process. It is ceived crisis—the threat by some in Congress necessary to educate non-Hispanic leaders to make it a felony for entering the United Civic Engagement and Political Participation about the needs of the community. But voting States illegally—and once this threat was no is a key part of making leaders accountable; if longer present, activism diminished. What is turnout remain low, politicians who are run- needed is a more sustained movement. Latino ning for office have little incentive to listen to youth, who were so crucial in organizing the members of the community. 2006 protests, need to be included in the dis- As one of Senator Reid’s representatives cussions in Washington. Martinez added that in southern Nevada, Martinez has had many for the first time, in 2007, Democrats had opportunities to observe civic and politi- decided to invite Latino youth to Capitol Hill cal participation in the Latino community. to discuss issues that are relevant to them; she Hispanics in Politics and federations and clubs expressed hope that this program would stimu- that represent migrants from Latin America late civic engagement. are all very active. Yet many Latino constitu- In follow-up comments made by members ents do not know about the existence of these of the audience, several participants made a various civic and political organizations; thus number of observations about the factors that Martinez frequently advises people to become influence participation among Latinos and more informed so that they can participate Latin American immigrants in the United more fully in their community. Like others, States. Pastor Almanza suggested that some Martinez has observed that many legal perma- Latin Americans come from countries where nent residents (from Mexico and other Latin electoral participation is very low. Ciria Pérez American countries) do not become citizens, noted that Latino immigrants did not believe and consequently, they do not vote. She list- in their governments when they lived in Latin America. As a result, is now very hard for them which, along with eleven other states, is a com- to trust the U.S. government when it claims petitive “swing” state—higher rates of natu- that it wants to promote a culture of civic par- ralization might translate into higher rates of ticipation. Other participants suggested that Latino voting, with the potential to alter the political messages should be made simpler and outcome of the 2008 election. Yet many bar- 32 more appropriate for people with low literacy riers need to be overcome. Rivas agreed that levels and/or low levels of education, categories increased administrative fees and changes in into which many Latinos fall. the citizenship exam are problems; additional barriers are the bureaucratic complexity of the Roundtable 3: Opportunities process—including more forms (that are not for and Challenges to always easily accessible)—and the fact that Naturalization many applicants do not know their full rights under the law. The obstacles to obtaining citi- The third roundtable featured a number of ser- zenship may make some people feel that it is vice providers who currently assist individuals not worth it to naturalize, although there are

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic with citizenship applications and other immi- some indications that interest remains high (as gration law issues. John Tuman, Director of measured by the number of applications that the Institute for Latin American Studies and have been downloaded from the immigration Associate Professor of Political Science, UNLV, service). PLAN has sought to educate people served as the facilitator on the panel. The pre- about their rights and provide timely informa- senters were: Ireri Rivas, Progressive Leadership tion, including information about recent legis- Alliance of Nevada (PLAN); Pam Egan, lative efforts to deny Social Security benefits to Culinary Union and The Citizenship Project; newly naturalized immigrants. Jasmine Coca, Catholic Charities Immigration Discussing her experience with the Culinary Services; Pastor J. Almanza, Iglesia Amistad Union, Nevada Partners, and The Citizenship Cristiana Evangélica; David Thronson, UNLV Project, Egan pointed to some of the opportu- Law School and The Citizenship Project. nities in Las Vegas that lead immigrants to seek Tuman began by observing that there are a naturalization. She emphasized the importance number of barriers to naturalization, including of contextual issues—beyond the administra-

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin the increasing administrative fees for immigra- tive fees and the exam—that include the eco- tion applications, changes in the English exam, nomic security or marginalization of migrant and the fact that prior misdemeanor offenses workers. Viewing opportunities for naturaliza- (under state law) are sometimes treated as tion from an economic perspective, she noted grounds for a removal proceeding. He asked that the Culinary Union has been able to pro- members of the panel, or audience, to com- vide many immigrant workers with well-pay- ment on these issues. ing jobs, important fringe benefits, job secu- According to Rivas, given the potential rity, and job training. Once their economic political significance of higher rates of natu- security has been realized, immigrants feel that ralization among Latinos, it is important to they are stakeholders in the community, lead- understand why Latinos who are eligible to ing to more interest in citizenship. Relocation become citizens are not going through the of The Citizenship Project to the offices of the naturalization process. Certainly, in Nevada— Culinary Union’s training institute has proven to be useful because these offices are in an area ness. Thronson stated that some of the biggest of the city that is more accessible to Latinos; the challenges are helping people prepare for the result has been an increase in The Citizenship application process and providing access to Project’s caseload, particularly among those qualified advocates who can help screen and Latino union members who are economically assess potential applications. For example, of 33 secure. Still, for other immigrant workers and the approximately twenty legal aid attorneys their families who are employed outside the that provide assistance at The Citizenship Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: unionized hospitality sector, economic margin- Project and the UNLV Immigration Law ality and social exclusion constitute ongoing Clinic, only one is proficient in Spanish. barriers to naturalization. In this connection, Given the size of the immigrant community she pointed to the high levels of high school here, the number of legal service provid- drop out rates for Latino students, which might ers is woefully inadequate. In addition, in end up marginalizing a generation of people, contrast to other metropolitan areas (e.g., creating barriers to naturalization. New York), where the immigration caseload Coca noted that she and her colleagues at involves applications from people who have Catholic Charities Immigration Services rep- “overstayed” on their visas, the immigration resent many clients in “removal proceedings” caseload in Las Vegas tends to have a large before administrative courts. In her experience, concentration of people who crossed the bor- it is imperative for applicants to be screened der without a visa. The current law tends to properly prior to filing a citizenship applica- treat those individuals more harshly in com- tion. All too often, individuals apply without parison to people who overstayed their visas. Civic Engagement and Political Participation consulting an attorney or a professional advo- Thronson concluded by observing that inad- cate; in some cases, these individuals have a equate investment in the public agencies that criminal conviction in their background and, process applications also constitutes a serious depending on the date and severity of the barrier, leading to administrative delays and a crime, this triggers a deportation procedure. large backlog of cases. Among the clients she has seen in Las Vegas, Finally, Pastor Almanza related the per- approximately 60 to 70 percent have had some spective of Latin American immigrants as kind of criminal conviction—although some they confront the process of naturalization. of these are only misdemeanor offenses under The obstacles to naturalization are not only state law that are defined as “moral turpitude” administrative and legal—of having “docu- in the immigration law. mentation”; the barriers also include the Thronson provided additional informa- problems of negotiating the different cul- tion about the provision of immigration and ture, taste, lifestyle, and society in the United naturalization assistance services in the local States. Many migrants see the enormous community. He concurred that the process of opportunities that exist in the United States, naturalization is very complex, and that the a country that is expanding economically, context is important too. Many social and culturally, and technologically. Still, natural- economic factors influence the readiness of ization requires a significant psychological individuals to begin the process of naturaliza- adjustment that involves negotiating two dif- tion—it is not simply a question of anticipat- ferent cultures. Humanizing the naturaliza- ing questions on the exam or language readi- tion process is extremely important. Roundtable 4: Nationality/Ethnic- individuals integrate socially and economically, Based Civic Groups and their in particular people from the Otomi commu- Projects nity of Hidalgo, which has a distinct culture and a prevalence of members who do not speak Xóchitl Bada, University of Illinois at Chicago Spanish as their first language. The leader- 34 and the Woodrow Wilson International Center ship of the federation has tried to focus on the for Scholars, served as the facilitator of the final problems within the community by providing roundtable of the meeting. The presenters includ- information and education and by working ed Silvano Ramos López, Federación de Clubes with representatives from each club. For exam- Hidalguenses; Ciria Pérez, Legislative Council ple, the federation has organized educational Bureau, State Legislature of Nevada; María activities about the law in order to prevent Espinosa, Inmigrantes Trabajando Saldremos people from having problems with authorities. Adelante (ITSA); Alma Guillén, Federación de They have also tried to provide education to Clubes Michoacanos Unidos de Nevada; Israel members so that they can participate in the Fuentes, El Comité de Unidad Guatemalteco political life of Nevada.

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic (COMUGUA); and Evelyn Flores, an organizer Ramos López emphasized that conditions of the 2006 student marches. in the local construction industry—where In her introduction, Bada noted that dur- many people from his state work—are very ing Roundtable 2, Orozco Sánchez had elabo- poor at the present time. Unemployment has rated upon the types of activities that Mexican increased. Many migrant workers in the con- hometown associations have undertaken in struction industry are accepting employment their home states in Mexico. For discussion, she at the minimum wage, and there is discrimina- suggested that the panelists might talk about tion in some companies, because there is not the projects of these associations within the Las enough work for everyone. Given current con- Vegas area. Bada also wondered whether civic ditions, workers cannot afford to be “choosy” participation in Mexican projects has led mem- about working conditions. Volunteers from the bers of migrant associations to seek out civic federation have tried to provide assistance to and political participation in their community people adversely affected in the industry, and in Las Vegas. For example, does having the have worked with representatives from each

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin opportunity to vote in federal or state elections club to provide information and help. Echoing in Mexico stimulate their interest in political some of the themes in Ramos López’s talk, participation in Las Vegas? Alternatively, does Guillén added that the Michoacán federation civic or political engagement in Mexican proj- has supported a variety of civic causes locally ects lead migrants to remain less integrated in (e.g., helping individuals obtain health servic- the civic life of Las Vegas? What has happened es). As one of the larger federations, the group since the 2006 marches? is highly visible in the local community. Ramos López represents members of the Pérez spoke about the efforts of Christ the Hidalgo community in Las Vegas. Formed in King to address the concerns of Hispanics March 2006, the Hidalgo federation groups within the local Catholic diocese. Historically, together a number of local clubs. Recognizing the church did not offer services in Spanish the problems that migrants from Hidalgo anywhere in Las Vegas. To address this issue, encounter in Las Vegas, the group seeks to help a group of Hispanic Catholics organized, and eventually were successful in persuading the community. Shifting his attention to the cur- church to offer services in Spanish to a con- rent debate about immigration, Fuentes noted gregation located in the southwest part of the that COMUGUA participated in the immi- valley. This has helped to integrate Hispanics gration protests of 2006. He also talked about there, for whom faith is so important, into the the need to see migrants as human beings and 35 family of the Church. They have also done drew attention to the enormous impact that ministerial work with groups from Chihuahua. deportation proceedings have when parents Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: In her view, the Catholic Church in the Las and children are separated. Vegas valley places more value on diversity as a Finally, Flores shared her experiences as a result of their efforts. community and immigration rights’ organizer. Espinosa’s group, ITSA, which formed very A former student at UNLV, Flores and her col- recently, has been extremely active in promot- leagues were highly active in mobilizing mem- ing change and dialogue in the immigration bers of the community in the 2006 immigra- debate. Members of the group participated tion protests. Her group worked initially with in the 2006 protests. The group has also been students in MECHA and Women’s Studies, highly involved in providing education to the and high school students and their parents on community about the contribution of Latin a protest at Freedom Park. Subsequently, this American migrants to the local economy, and coalition developed ties to Mexican hometown about the different stances of politicians on associations and participated in the May 1 immigration issues. In order to press officials to protest. Although Flores’s group (and others) support a just immigration reform, ITSA has had strategic disagreements with the Culinary Civic Engagement and Political Participation organized letter-writing campaigns to elected Union, the May 1 protest was, in her view, an representatives. exciting event that demonstrated the potential Fuentes provided insight on the civic political weight of Latinos in southern Nevada. activities of the Guatemalan community in Indeed, she saw the protest as a way of reclaim- Las Vegas. Formed in 2002, COMUGUA ing the “space” of the Las Vegas strip and forc- is the major civic association that represents ing the city to acknowledge migrant workers. Guatemalans in the local area. Small business In the aftermath, the group created the United owners are particularly active in the leader- Coalition for Immigration Rights (UCIR). ship of the organization. COMUGUA spon- UCIR has been active in providing informa- sors cultural programs, helps migrants obtain tion about the economic contributions of important services from the Guatemalan con- Latin American migrant workers, in helping to sulate, and is active in the immigration debate. educate people about immigration law, and in La Hora Chapina, COMUGUA’s weekly AM helping people with voter registration. UCIR radio program, promotes Guatemalan music hopes to develop stronger ties to Latinos who and culture and provides information to the are elected to office. 36

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Notes

1 At the time of their departure from Latin 4 Most of the population in Clark County is

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic America, many individuals may view themselves concentrated in the Las Vegas metropolitan as international migrants and hope to return to area, which includes Las Vegas, North Las their country of origin after earning enough Vegas, Henderson, and Boulder City. Because money in the United States. After arriving in these four cities are highly integrated into one Las Vegas, however, some migrants change their metropolitan area (where services are shared, minds and seek to become immigrants (even and people work), I employ data for Clark though some may lack the proper documenta- County as opposed to data only for Las Vegas/ tion for legal immigration). As such, the com- Paradise. It should be noted, however, that munity in Las Vegas is composed of people who there is little difference between the growth intend to stay in the United States permanently rates among Latinos documented by the census and people who would like to return to Latin data for Clark County and for Las Vegas. America. Both groups are clearly involved in 5 For example, in the central and northeastern migrant civic associations. In addition, there is a parts of Las Vegas and North Las Vegas, there subgroup of Latin Americans in Las Vegas that has been a large increase in the number of busi- intends to stay permanently but that consid- nesses that market to the Latino community; ers both the United States and their country of see Las Vegas Business Press (2006). origin their permanent homes. For these reasons, ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin when discussing the factors that give rise to out- 6 The Census Bureau data indicate that in 2000, migration from Latin America, I use the term approximately 394,000 Latinos resided in migrant; when I discuss communities (and civic Nevada, which represented 19.7 percent of the associations) of Mexicans, Guatemalans, and state’s total population. In 2005, this num- others from Latin America in Las Vegas, I tend ber had increased to 564,000, 24 percent of to use both migrants and immigrants to capture Nevada’s population. Between 2000 and 2005, the diversity in the local community. the number of Latinos increased by 43 percent (U.S. Census Bureau 2007c, d). 2 Regarding the scholarly research on the economic contributions of Latin American 7 Calculated from data in the American migrants, see Riddel and Schwer (2003). Community Survey, U.S. Census Bureau, for the year 2005 (U.S. Census Bureau 2007e). To 3 Of notable exception are the excellent studies calculate this estimate, I took the sum of the of the Mexican, Salvadoran, and Chilean com- total male and female Hispanic population in munities of Las Vegas presented in Wright and Clark County that is foreign born, and the sum Simich (2005). of foreign-born Hispanics reported as natural- coverage rate of the LCC (as measured by the ized U.S. citizens. number of LCC affiliates as a percent of all Latino-owned businesses). 8 The term “formal sector” refers to work that is counted and measured in government employ- 14 For background, see Latino Chamber of ment surveys and in reporting for government Commerce (2007). Some information for this social security contributions and national section was also provided in previous commu- 39 income accounts. nications from members. Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: 9 Calculated from migrant workforce data (by 15 Similar to many other unions in the United sector) in PLAN (2007, Table 6), and labor States, the national leadership of the Culinary force data for Clark County from the U.S. Union (HERE) decided to address declin- Census Bureau, American Community Survey ing membership nationally by merging with (2007c). Anecdotal reports suggest that the another national union, UNITE, in 2004. migrant share of the workforce in some subsec- UNITE also has a significant number of Latino tors of the construction industry (e.g., new members. I use the name “Culinary Union” home construction) is higher than the overall (not “Culinary Workers Union”) because that it figure of 55 percent, but this claim could not how people in Las Vegas refer to it. be verified because data for the number of 16 The Laborer’s Union, which has a significant migrants in each subsector of construction were number of Latino members, has also made not available. significant contributions to worker training and 10 Fantasia and Voss (2004, 209, n. 57) estimate improvement of wages; information from an that in 2000, private sector unionization in Las interview with a leader of this union (Interview Vegas was 14.8 percent, while the rate in the 22, 2008).

United States in the same year was only 8.6 Civic Engagement and Political Participation 17 There are no systematic recent data on the percent. As noted below, unionization rates in number of Latin Americans residing in Las certain sectors are considerably higher. Vegas who have applied for citizenship (with 11 Although the primary focus of this section is or without the assistance of The Citizenship on interest groups and civic associations, it is Project or other organizations). Older data important to recognize how the growth of the for Mexican “Legal Permanent Residents” in Spanish-language media—ranging from televi- Clark County suggest the following: from sion programming offered by Telemundo and 1985 to 1999, there were 20,433 Mexican Univisión, to publications such as El Mundo Legal Permanent Residents in Clark County; of and El Tiempo—has contributed to the civic this number, only 5,160 had become natural- life of the community and the debate about ized citizens (25.2 percent naturalized; U.S. immigration. Reporting on Latino issues in Department of Homeland Security 2007a). the English-language media has had a similarly More recently, in 2005, a total of 1,684 positive effect. persons in Las Vegas from Cuba, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, and Peru became natural- 12 It does not appear that social movements in ized citizens (U.S. Department of Homeland the Latino community during the 1970s were Security 2007a). These data are for Las Vegas coordinated with other movements that were and only represent figures in the top twenty also challenging the lack of provision of welfare countries by birthplace of the applicant; more- and social services in Las Vegas. For details on the over, because we lack data on the number of activism of African American women (and others) new and preexisting Legal Permanent Residents during the 1970s, see Orleck (2005). in Las Vegas for the year 2005, it is not pos- 13 In the absence of reliable economic census data sible to calculate the naturalization rate. (The on the number of Latino-owned businesses Department of Homeland Security’s data in Clark County, it is difficult to estimate the for Legal Permanent Residents in 2005 refer only to new residents; see U.S. Department of 13 percent increase in the Hispanic population Homeland Security 2007b). eligible to vote from 2005 to 2007, to 167,029 individuals. This is the figure employed for the 18 Palladino (2007, 214) notes that approximately crude estimate of the Latino voter registra- 40 percent of the commercial and high-rise tion rate in Clark County. The figure does not construction sector in Las Vegas is unionized. 40 take into account people who may have been 19 Interview 22, 2008. disqualified to vote based upon developmental disability or other legal factors. 20 In 2007, the Laborer’s Union had been in talks with the Confederation of Mexican Workers 25 Data on the number of Hispanics voting (Confederación de Trabajadores de México) to in 2006 were obtained from Clark County establish a binational health and safety training Election Department (see n. 23). program; however, this initiative stalled for 26 In 2002, Brian Sandoval, a Republican, was reasons that union officials did not want to elected as attorney general. In 2005, Sandoval disclose (ibid.). left this position after being confirmed as 21 Interview 23, 2008. Contact with staff in Nevada’s first Latino federal district court Teamsters Local 631 did not yield any specific judge. data on Latino membership in the union.

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic 27 Within county institutions, Dario Herrera 22 The UNLV clinic receives referrals from a served recently on the Clark County variety of different sources, including the local Commission; at the present time, however, office of Senator Harry Reid. there are no Latinos serving on the commission or on the city councils of Las Vegas, North Las 23 Unpublished data generated from a data- Vegas, or Henderson. Five judges of Latino ori- base report provided by Steve Pak, Election gin were elected to positions in Nevada district Administration, Clark County Election and family courts in 2006. It is unclear if any Department, June 11, 2007. Pak reported that of these judges have strong ties to the migrant his office does not have estimates of the share community. of Latinos who are eligible to vote. 28 See survey research on registered Latino voters 24 Data for the denominator for this esti- from twenty-three states, including Nevada, as mate (number of Latinos eligible to vote presented in Lake Research Partners (2007). in Clark County) are taken from estimates In a personal contact with the Lake Research from the U.S. Census Bureau and the State Partners staff, they indicated that the Nevada Demographer of Nevada. The most recent U.S. sample size was not large enough to be disag- census data (U.S. Census Bureau 2007e), for ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin gregated for further analysis of attitudes in the year 2005, report estimates of the number Nevada. of Hispanics age eighteen and over born in the United States, and the number of foreign-born 29 This information was obtained from a Peruvian Hispanic naturalized citizens age eighteen and migrant in Las Vegas, July 2007. over; the sum of these two numbers provides 30 For example, in the Mexican elections of 2006, a rough estimate of the eligible voting-age absentee ballots from the United States may population. Assuming that the relative propor- have given Felipe Calderón –the PAN candi- tions of U.S. and foreign-born Hispanics date—the advantage that he needed in order (by age and citizenship status) remained the to clinch a very narrow electoral victory over same from 2005 to 2007, one can estimate his main rival, Andres Manuel López Obrador the eligible voting-age population for 2007 of the PRD. Data from the IFE suggest that of by combining the 2005 census figures with the 32,621 valid absentee ballots received from Hispanic population projections for 2007 from abroad, 58 percent went for Calderón (Reforma the State Demographer (Harcourt 2006), and 2006). For preelection preferences among then examine the growth rate. This suggests a migrants surveyed, see Suro and Escobar 40 Interview 2b, 2007. As noted in Part I, some (2006). of the other associations that represent Latin American migrants (e.g., from El Salvador) 31 Molina’s visit was not the first time a have low visibility in the local community. Guatemalan candidate had traveled to Las Vegas. In 2002, Alvaro Colom, who was run- 41 Interview 4, 2008. ning in the 2003 Guatemalan presidential elec- 41 42 Interview 16, 2008. tions, campaigned in Las Vegas on a trip that included several major U.S. cities (see Tuman 43 Interview 16, 2008. Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: and Gearhart, forthcoming). 44 Answers and comments submitted by intervie- 32 My understanding of the sequence of events wee via electronic mail (follow-up to Interview in the 2006 protests and marches relies heavily 7a, 2008). on Lazos (2006), Pratt (2006), and discussions 45 See the summary of Silvano Ramos López’s with former movement organizers. presentation in the roundtable discussions in 33 As noted in Part II of this report, the division the Appendix. that emerged in 2006 between the Culinary 46 This question also arose in Interview 12, 2007. Union and Mexican hometown associations still exists. 47 Answers and comments submitted by intervie- wee via electronic mail (follow-up to Interview 34 The issuance of consular identification cards 10a, 2008). for Mexican nationals—which are now accepted by some banks in Las Vegas—has 48 Interview 5, 2008. helped to alleviate this situation somewhat. 49 Interview 14, 2008. Nevertheless, for other groups of migrants from Civic Engagement and Political Participation Latin America, the threat of robbery remains a 50 Answers and comments submitted by intervie- serious issue. For background on the Mexican wee via electronic mail (follow-up to Interview consular identification cards, and examples of 10a, 2008). See also Interview 11, 2007. migrants who were robbed on payday, see Pratt 51 Interview 6b, 2008. Culinary Union Local 226 (2003). has approximately sixty thousand members, of 35 This information is based partly on personal which about 50 percent are Latino. As a result, contact with individuals who have assisted the union has tremendous potential to organize migrants in individual labor disputes during the vote. the past five years. The claims are also sup- 52 Interview 5, 2008. ported by the fragmentary data on injury rates among migrants in selected sectors. 53 Interviews 15, 16, 2008. 36 These donations are frequently pooled with 54 Answers and comments submitted via elec- funds raised by other Michoacán associations in tronic mail,(follow-up to Interview 7a) 2008. the United States and combined with contribu- 55 Ibid. tions from the Mexican state, which provides matching funds under programs such as the “3 56 Interviews 5, 6a, 6c, 2007, 2008. X 1” initiative. 57 Interview 6c, 2008. 37 Interviews 15, 16, 2008. Unfortunately, during 58 Interview 2, 2007. the interviews, the local research team was unable to obtain systematic, detailed records on 59 Interview 14, 2008. A member of a local the projects supported by the local federation. writers’ group (which has ties to some of the local hometown associations) suggested that 38 Interview 15, 2008. Hispanics in Politics has a low profile among 39 Interview 16, 2008. Mexican immigrants (interview 1, 2007). 60 Interviews 4, 5, 7a, 10, 12, 14, 15, 2008. 66 Low levels of turnout in the Nevada caucuses in 2000 and 2004 were due primarily to the 61 Interview 14, 2008. fact that the elections were scheduled late in 62 Data provided by the Clark County Elections the campaign season, when a front-runner had Department, June 2007 and February 2008. already emerged. 42 63 For information on the methods used to 67 Regrettably, the Democratic Party only gave calculate these figures, see note 24. This is the a vote total for the entire state; the party only figure employed as the denominator in order to reported the number of delegates won in each estimate a crude Latino voter registration rate county. in Clark County in 2007 and early 2008. 68 On this point, see Interviews 6a, 2007, and 12, 64 Interview 9, 2008. 2007. During the roundtable discussions, Pam Egan and David Thronson made this same 65 CNN, “Election Center 2008, Primaries point. and Caucuses—Nevada,” http://www.cnn. com/ELECTION/2008/primaries/results/ 69 This does not imply that such individuals lose epolls/index.html#NVDEM (accessed their identity tied to their county of origin; January 22, 2008); http://www.cnn.com/ they may, in fact, come to experience a sense

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic ELECTION/2008/primaries/results/epolls/ of binational identity through their civic index.html#NVREP (accessed January 22, participation. 2008). ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin 43 Latin A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va ll ey: about the author

John P. Tuman is Interim Chair of the Corporatism and Union Democracy in Mexico Department of Political Science, and the (New York and London: Routledge, 2003). His Director of the Institute for Latin American articles have been published in Latin American Studies, at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. Research Review, Political Research Quarterly, His recent research has focused on aid and Social Science Quarterly, Studies in Comparative investment flows to developing areas, health International Development, International policy in Latin America, and the effects of Interactions, Industrial Relations Journal, Global Civic Engagement and Political Participation immigration on social capital. Professor Tuman’s Health Governance, and several other journals. publications include Reshaping the North He is currently President of the Pacific Coast American Automobile Industry: Restructuring, Council on Latin American Studies. 44

Woodrow Wilson International

Civic Engagement and Political Participation and Political Engagement Civic Center for Scholars Lee H. Hamilton, President and Director

BOARD OF TRUSTEES ABOUT THE CENTER Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chair The Center is the living memorial of the United States of America to the nation’s twenty-eighth Public Members: James H. Billington, president, Woodrow Wilson. Congress estab- Librarian of Congress; Hillary R. Clinton, lished the Woodrow Wilson Center in 1968 as Secretary, U.S. Department of State; G. an international institute for advanced study, Wayne Clough, Secretary, Smithsonian “symbolizing and strengthening the fruitful Institution; Arne Duncan, Secretary, U.S. relationship between the world of learning and Department of Education; Kathleen Sebelius, the world of public affairs.” The Center opened Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and in 1970 under its own board of trustees.

ll ey: A merican M igrants in the Las Vegas Va Latin Human Services; Adrienne Thomas, Acting In all its activities the Woodrow Wilson Archivist of the United States, National Center is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organiza- Archives and Records Administration; tion, supported financially by annual appropria- Carol Watson, Acting Chairman, National tions from Congress, and by the contributions Endowment for the Humanities of foundations, corporations, and individuals. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center pub- Private Citizen Members: Charles E. Cobb, lications and programs are those of the authors Jr.; Robin Cook; Charles L. Glazer; Carlos and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the M. Gutierrez; Susan Hutchinson; Barry S. views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advi- Jackson; Ignacio E. Sanchez sory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center.