Today's Paper Markets Data Events Lists Policy Print article Bubble boys: Who's in Scott Morrison's inner circle? Andrew Tillett Dec 7, 2018 – 11.00pm Save Share When MalcolmMalcolm TTurnbullurnbull bbeganeganegan tr trtryingyingying to toto torp torptorpedoedoedo Scott ScottScott Morrison's Morrison'sMorrison's efforts effortsefforts to toto sa sasavvveee Craig CraigCraig KKelly'selly'selly's preselection preselectionpreselection this thisthis w wweekeekeek, the Prime Minister turned to a man who had been a confidant to both the current and former leaders for help. Scott Briggs' only official position in the Liberal Party hierarchy is the president of Morrison's local Federal Electorate Council for his seat of Cook but when Briggs calls, people know he's speaking for the PM and on Sunday and Monday, he hit the phones. While Morrison is known to have called at least one member of the NSW Liberal Party state executive, Sally Betts (a Waverley councillor close to Turnbull), to prevail upon her to let Kelly survive, Briggs repeatedly spoke to executive members to ensure Morrison's position carried the day. Federal Liberal MPs Steve Irons, Scott Morrison and Stuart Robert. Steve Irons/Facebook One NSW Liberal described Briggs – who like Morrison worked in the NSW Liberal Party's head office before becoming a TV executive and now heads up his own private investment firm – as very direct and aggressive in party battles. "Now Briggs has the Prime Minister's Office behind him, he thinks he can really throw his weight around," the party source said. The preselection stoush was just one in a rolling series of crises that has engulfed the MorrisonMorrison gogovvvernmenternmenternment as asas it itit battles battlesbattles to toto control controlcontrol the thethe hung hunghung parliament parliamentparliament. But as MPs upped sticks for the last time in 2018, some Liberal MPs felt more upbeat than they had for a while. In one frenzied week Morrison had moved to put an end to the revolving door at The Lodge by announcing new party rules making it virtually impossible to challenge an incumbent prime minister. LabLabororor had hadhad b bbeeneeneen forced forcedforced to toto back backback dodownwn oovvvererer encr encrencryptionyptionyption la lalawwsss. And it may not have been pretty, but the government avoided an embarrassing defeat on the floor of the house over demands sick asylum seekers be transferred to Australia. Employing a tactic straight out of the John Howard playbook, the government was able to accuse Labor of being soft on national security and boat people. As the curtain comes down on the parliamentary year, there's no question the Morrison government has its back against the wall. But the PM will use the summer break to plot out an election strategy with key advisers. As AFR Weekend spoke with ministers, MPs, staffers, party members and business figures about the PM's inner circle, what emerged ws a picture of a leader who relies on a small cadre of loyalists he has known for years. 'He understands grassroots politics' Along with Briggs, the other significant "mate of Morrison" who straddles the business and political worlds is David Gazard, a former staffer to Howard and Peter Costello turned lobbyist. Morrison and Gazard got to know each other when Gazard was chief of staff to NSW Liberal leader John Brogden and Morrison was the NSW Liberal Party State Director for the 2003 election. One Liberal source says Gazard is "number one" in terms of who Morrison talks to first but Gazard, who calls the PM one of his best friends, maintains he is way down the pecking order. "It's a feature of the Prime Minister he wants the first course of consultation to occur with his colleagues," Gazard says. "From that perspective he is a Westminster-style PM. He respects the process of governing which has not taken place over the last little while." Gazard says when Morrison does seek his counsel, he is able to give the PM a historical perspective, such as how Howard and Costello confronted issues. One area was GST reform, with Gazard able to give tips on how to bring all the states to the table. PM Scott Morrison gets on with the low-key Nationals leader Michael McCormack (right), although some Nats grumble the current Coalition relationship is not transactional enough. Alex Ellinghausen / Fairfax Media While the pre-politics Scott Morrison is best known for unleashing a bikini-clad Lara Bingle asking the rest of the world "Where the bloody hell are you?", many sources point to his time as NSW Liberal state director as the job that influences his thinking the most. "One of the benefits of coming out of the organisation is you get a feel for what people think. You understand what drives people and their vote," Gazard says. One minister says of the PM: "He understands grassroots politics. He understands the war is going to be won on the ground, not in the Canberra bubble or leafy suburbs." One trait that Gazard and ministers say is a Morrison hallmark is a willingness to act. Unlike Turnbull's vacillation, Morrison is firm on what he thinks and wants advice on how to do it. Former Prime Minister John Howard and Prime Minister Scott Morrison during the opening of the UNSW Howard Library at Old Parliament House in Canberra on Tuesday 4 December 2018. Morrison was not part of the Howard government but he has tried to model himself on Howard's pragmatism and seeks the former prime minister's counsel. Alex Ellinghausen / Fairfax Media "There is a tendency among some in the governing process to get overwhelmed by different views but he has shown an ability to get on with it fairly quickly. He is not going to die in a ditch waiting," Gazard says. "The guy has a massive work ethic. He works a problem hard, turns it over in his mind." 'You've got to build a relationship with Scott to get trust' One frontbencher says both Turnbull and Morrison empowered their ministers but the key difference is Morrison has sharper instincts. "There is no bullshit with Scott. He is much more willing to push back against and give directions to bureaucrats," the minister said. Power trio: Scott Morrison relies on Christopher Pyne and Josh Frydenberg. Alex Ellinghausen "You've got to build a relationship with Scott to get trust. Once you've got that, you get a free rein to do what you've got to do." With the government basing its re-election campaign on a strong economy and budget surplus, it's not surprising that Morrison speaks regularly with deputy Liberal leader and Treasurer Josh Frydenberg, one of the Coalition's most energetic performers. A number of sources emphasised the central role small business plays in the Morrison pitch. Morrison appointed a minister he has worked closely with in the past, Michaelia Cash (she was his junior in the immigration portfolio), and has made a raft of policy announcements, includingincludingincluding a aa $2 $2$2 billion billionbillion fund fundfund to toto b bboooostostost SME SMESME lending lendinglending. "There is the focus on small business because that gets you into every household in Australia," one frontbencher says. He is said to get on with the low-key Nationals leader Michael McCormack, although some Nats grumble the current Coalition relationship is not transactional enough. It was only when McCormack's leadership came under threat over the inability to deliver a regional labour visa Morrison stepped in by promising help to bring in extra overseas farm workers. Chief parliamentary tactician Christopher Pyne is also a key player. Pyne helped make Morrison PM by locking in the moderates behind him instead of backing Julie Bishop. Key players But undoubtedly within the government, the three politicians Morrison is closest to are NSW factional powerbroker Alex Hawke, Queensland frontbencher Stuart Robert and West Australian MP Steve Irons. The trio had their loyalty reciprocated with promotions after the August leadership spill. Hawke heads up the small but influential and highly disciplined centre-right faction in NSW and, as Morrison's representative on the state executive, manages party matters for the PM along with Briggs. Robert and Irons – like Morrison committed Christians – were his long-time Canberra flatmates Lucy Wicks MP for Robertson is part of a microcosm of middle Australia. Andrew Meares Even though Robert is no stranger to controversy – this week alone thethethe minister ministerminister resprespresponsibleonsibleonsible for forfor financial financialfinancial ser serservicesvicesvices came camecame under underunder attack attackattack for forfor headlining headliningheadlining a aa part partpartyyy fundraiser fundraiserfundraiser billedbilled asas aa chancechance toto hearhear thethe gogovvvernment'sernment'sernment's resp respresponseonseonse to toto the thethe banking bankingbanking ro roroyyyalalal commissio commissiocommission – colleagues know he has Morrison's full backing. Irons, as Morrison's assistant minister, is his chief conduit to the backbench. Irons has regularly defied pundits to hold onto his marginal seat of Swan in Perth and has a key role advising fellow marginal seatholders. "They are his eyes and ears on the ground," one MP says. "If someone can't get to Scott directly, [talking to Robert and Irons] is their opportunity to speak to the PM." Other backbenchers close to Morrison are Ben Morton and Lucy Wicks, who holds the NSW marginal Central Coast seat of Robertson, a microcosm of middle Australia with its high proportion of retirees and mortgage belt families. In his personal office, Morrison has brought in a number of Liberal veterans from the Howard years, including chief of staff John Kunkel, cabinet secretary Peter Conran and backbench liaison Bronwyn Morris. 'His key political allies are his sounding boards' Morrison had some experience in foreign affairs and national security through his time as immigration minister and treasurer but his key international adviser is career diplomat Michelle Chan, a south-east Asia expert who was deputy director-general of the Office of National Assessments.