Navigating the New Oil Era

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Navigating the New Oil Era Navigating the New Oil Era Diane Munro September 22, 2017 Navigating the New Oil Era Diane Munro Issue Paper #10 2017 The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington (AGSIW), launched in 2015, is an independent, nonprofit institution dedicated to increasing the understanding and appreciation of the social, economic, and political diversity of the Gulf Arab states. Through expert research, analysis, exchanges, and public discussion, the institute seeks to encourage thoughtful debate and inform decision makers shaping U.S. policy regarding this critical geostrategic region. © 2017 Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. All rights reserved. AGSIW does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of AGSIW, its staff, or its Board of Directors. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from AGSIW. Please direct inquiries to: Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington 1050 Connecticut Avenue, NW Suite 1060 Washington, DC 20036 This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.agsiw.org. Cover Photo Credit: AP Photo/Matthew Browny Images About the Author Diane Munro is a non-resident fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, where she specializes in international oil markets and geopolitical issues driving OPEC and Gulf Cooperation Council energy policies. She is also a vice president at Foreign Reports. Previously, she served with the Paris-based International Energy Agency, where her work centered on developing global oil market forecasts, policy analysis of IEA and OPEC member countries, and energy security strategies such as IEA simulations and war-gaming exercises among member countries in the event of major oil supply disruptions. Munro has written on energy issues for more than 30 years, with her work published by Bloomberg, Middle East Economic Survey, Reuters, Al-Hayat, Energy Compass, and Petroleum Intelligence Weekly. Previously, she was president and editor-in-chief of The Oil Daily Co, now known as Energy Intelligence Group. Navigating the New Oil Era | 1 Executive Summary The global energy industry is in the midst of writing a new chapter in its long-storied history as oil producing companies and countries reset their strategies and policies to meet the challenges of a technology-driven, lower oil price era.Industry expectations that prices would steadily strengthen by the end of 2017, as oil inventories contracted and production cuts took place with reduced capital investment curtailing supply, gave way to a soberer mindset. The prevailing industry narrative now sees $50-60/bbl as the new normal through the end of the decade, and possibly longer. Spearheaded by high-level diplomatic initiatives from Saudi Arabia and Russia, the OPEC and non-OPEC production cuts implemented on January 1 aimed at hastening a drawdown in high global stock levels initially triggered a sharp rise in oil prices on expectations of tighter markets. However, the unexpected, robust resurgence in U.S. shale (or tight oil) production has partially undermined OPEC’s strategy and led to a much slower than expected decline in inventories. The rapid rebound in shale took the group by surprise, prompting the producer alliance to undertake a review of its options to support stronger markets. Pressured by prices trading some 50-60 percent below peak levels posted three years ago, producers of relatively higher cost U.S. tight oil exceeded industry expectations yet again by developing even more innovative applications of technology to improve operational and cost efficiencies, increasing production to levels unimaginable just a year ago. The imperative to improve cost economics across the industry has also led international companies to re- engineer their operations by implementing more advanced technologies to develop new best business practices. Once again, the arsenal of more innovative and advanced technologies unleashed by the shale revolution continues to transform the global oil industry. Introduction The same small, independent U.S. drillers that pioneered the game-changing shale oil era are now driving a new industrywide focus on improved project economics to compete in a lower- for-longer oil price environment. Innovative development of more advanced technologies is enabling a significant improvement in cost efficiencies, productivity, and operational best practices. Projections circa 2014 that a price range of $60-90/bbl was needed to sustain U.S. shale (or tight oil) production have now been lowered to $30-65/bbl, with the average cost for the fast-cycle, flexible crude of $50/bbl effectively setting a lower marginal price for the industry. No longer unique to the shale oil patch, new technology-driven best business practices are enabling international oil companies to expand supplies of conventional oil, including traditionally more expensive deepwater projects, and nonconventional resources, by improving project economics and increasing recovery rates at much lower cost levels. National oil companies in the Gulf Cooperation Council states are also aggressively restructuring their operations, which is made more challenging by the need to reduce bloated bureaucracies and at the same time create new skilled jobs for their exploding populations. Moreover, some state oil companies have been behind the curve in the application of even the most standard Diane Munro | 2 technologies long used by the international industry, and severe budget constraints in the wake of lower prices will limit their ability to take advantage of the new advancements. A prolonged lower oil price scenario of between $50 and $60/bbl will also have far-reaching implications for the political agendas and economic fortunes of the Gulf states and oil producing countries around the world. Chronic civil unrest in OPEC members Libya, Nigeria, and Venezuela continues to inject a high level of uncertainty in global supply forecasts. U.S. President Donald J. Trump’s vow to withdraw from the controversial Iran nuclear agreement is undermining Tehran’s efforts to attract foreign investment to its oil sector, which effectively will constrain its future supply New leaders are assuming control and rewriting the growth. playbook for the region in a way that could have significant implications for energy geopolitics. At the same time, a new generation of leaders in the Gulf is upending political agendas and government policies that have long guided relationships among the GCC states, regionally, and internationally.1 From an unprecedented economic embargo on Qatar by some fellow GCC states to the Riyadh-led diplomatic overtures to Iraq, new leaders are assuming control and rewriting the playbook for the region in a way that could have significant implications for energy geopolitics. Meanwhile, oil markets are casting a critical eye on the new Saudi-Russian oil axis, given its pivotal role in achieving and sustaining the unprecedented OPEC and non-OPEC cooperation agreement on production policy. Success of the accord is critical for GCC states as they struggle with economic imperatives and political agendas competing for limited oil revenue. The OPEC and non-OPEC agreement is providing a welcome boost to government coffers with relatively stronger oil prices increasing revenue by an estimated 10 percent from January to June 2017 over the last six month of 2016.2 OPEC’s new market management strategy is not only strengthening oil prices for the industry but the Saudi- and Russian-led production pact is helping government officials better navigate geopolitical strategies and economic reform plans. OPEC and Oil Market Dynamics Despite some unforeseen setbacks, OPEC’s unprecedented agreement with non-OPEC partners has been a success: It averted a price collapse and is on track to deliver a revenue increase of around 20 percent to member countries in 2017. The creation of this powerful alliance signaled a major shift by OPEC toward a more dynamic market management policy aimed at navigating this new era of technology-driven lower prices.3 The historic agreement inked on December 10, 2016 committed the OPEC and non-OPEC producers to reduce supplies by just over 1.7 million barrels per day (mb/d), effective January 1, 2017, for six months, which 1 Kristin Smith Diwan, “New Generation Royals and Succession Dynamics in the Gulf States,” Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, March 21, 2017. 2 Alex Lawler, “Despite Weak Oil Prices, OPEC Still Pockets More Dollars,” Reuters, June 28, 2017. 3 “OPEC Press Release,” OPEC Secretariat, December 10, 2016. Navigating the New Oil Era | 3 was later extended to March 2018. OPEC members agreed to reduce production by almost 1.2 mb/d while non-OPEC oil producing countries committed to cutting supplies by 560,000 barrels per day (kb/d). The 22-member alliance accounts for just over 50 percent of global oil supplies. The agreement initially propelled oil prices 20 percent higher but by March a more bearish outlook emerged, reflecting market frustration that the anticipated rebalancing of oversupplied markets had yet to materialize. The weaker market sentiment was also fueled by growing concerns a surge in drilling rig activity in shale oil fields would soon lead to a strong rebound in U.S. production. Prices have ebbed and flowed with shifting market sentiment in a relatively wide $12/bbl range since the new production accord took effect. Futures prices have edged lower from the loftier levels posted in the first three months immediately following the announcement of the agreement but nonetheless were significantly stronger from January to mid-September above the 2016 levels. International Brent has averaged $8.50/bbl higher this year while U.S. West Texas Intermediate (WTI) has gained a smaller $6/ bbl. The relatively weaker increase for WTI in large part reflects a combination of increased shale production for domestic markets and the lifting of exports constraints, which has made prices more competitive while Brent has benefited from tighter markets in Europe and Asia due to the cutback in OPEC supplies.
Recommended publications
  • Yemen and The
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Research Online Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States ‘One blood and one destiny’? Yemen’s relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council Edward Burke June 2012 Number 23 The Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States is a ten-year multidisciplinary global research programme. It focuses on topics such as globalization and the repositioning of the Gulf States in the global order, capital flows, and patterns of trade; specific challenges facing carbon-rich and resource-rich economic development; diversification, educational and human capital development into post-oil political economies; and the future of regional security structures in the post-Arab Spring environment. The Programme is based in the LSE Department of Government and led by Professor Danny Quah and Dr Kristian Ulrichsen. The Programme produces an acclaimed working paper series featuring cutting-edge original research on the Gulf, published an edited volume of essays in 2011, supports post-doctoral researchers and PhD students, and develops academic networks between LSE and Gulf institutions. At the LSE, the Programme organizes a monthly seminar series, invitational breakfast briefings, and occasional public lectures, and is committed to five major biennial international conferences. The first two conferences took place in Kuwait City in 2009 and 2011, on the themes of Globalization and the Gulf, and The Economic Transformation of the Gulf. The next conference will take place at the LSE in March 2013, on the theme of The Arab Spring and the Gulf: Politics, Economics, and Security.
    [Show full text]
  • Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979) Nima Baghdadi Florida International University, [email protected]
    Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 3-22-2018 Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979) Nima Baghdadi Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FIDC006552 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Baghdadi, Nima, "Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979)" (2018). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 3652. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3652 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida DYNAMICS OF IRANIAN-SAU DI RELATIONS IN THE P ERSIAN GULF REGIONAL SECURITY COMPLEX (1920-1979) A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICAL SCIENCE by Nima Baghdadi 2018 To: Dean John F. Stack Steven J. Green School of International Relations and Public Affairs This dissertation, written by Nima Baghdadi, and entitled Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979), having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. __________________________________ Ralph S. Clem __________________________________ Harry D.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the Role of State Identity in Foreign Policy Decision-Making
    The London School of Economics and Political Science UNDERSTANDING THE ROLE OF STATE IDENTITY IN FOREIGN POLICY DECISION-MAKING The Rise and Demise of Saudi–Iranian Rapprochement (1997–2009) ADEL ALTORAIFI A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, October 2012 1 To Mom and Dad—for everything. 2 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. The final word count of this thesis, including titles, footnotes and in-text citations, is 105,889 words. 3 ABSTRACT The objective of the thesis is to study the concept of state identity and its role in foreign policy decision-making through a constructivist analysis, with particular focus on the Saudi–Iranian rapprochement of 1997. While there has been a recent growth in the study of ideational factors and their effects on foreign policy in the Gulf, state identity remains understudied within mainstream International Relations (IR), Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), and even Middle Eastern studies literature, despite its importance and manifestation in the region’s foreign policy discourses. The aim is to challenge purely realist and power-based explanations that have dominated the discourse on Middle Eastern foreign policy—and in particular, the examination of Saudi–Iranian relations.
    [Show full text]
  • The “Arab Spring” in the Kingdoms
    RESEARCH PAPER The “Arab Spring” in the Kingdoms Zoltan Barany | September 2012 The “Arab Spring” in the Kingdoms Series: Research Paper Zoltan Barany | September 2012 Copyright © 2012 Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies. All Rights Reserved. ____________________________ The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies is an independent research institute and think tank for the study of history and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. The Center‟s paramount concern is the advancement of Arab societies and states, their cooperation with one another and issues concerning the Arab nation in general. To that end, it seeks to examine and diagnose the situation in the Arab world – states and communities – to analyze social, economic, and cultural policies and to provide political analysis from an Arab perspective. The Center publishes in both Arabic and English in order to make its work accessible to both Arab and non-Arab researchers. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies PO Box 10277 Street No. 826, Zone 66 Doha, Qatar Tel.: +974 44199777 | Fax: +974 44831651 www.dohainstitute.org Table of Contents Introduction 1 Varieties of Upheaval 3 Explaining the Different Levels of Upheaval 9 Societal Cleavages 18 Deficiencies of Political Mobilization 20 State Responses 23 Buying Social Peace 23 Political Responses: Carrots and Sticks 25 External Assistance 31 Conclusion 36 THE ARAB SPRING IN THE KINGDOMS Introduction1 The revolutions that have rocked the presidential republics of North Africa and the Middle East since early-2011 have garnered intense scholarly and journalistic interest and, in a short time, spawned an extensive literature.2 The Arab world‟s eight monarchies – Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) – with the notable exception of the first, a tiny island kingdom off the coast of Saudi Arabia, have escaped the brunt of the upheaval and received relatively modest attention.
    [Show full text]
  • EU-GCC Cooperation: Securing the Transition in Yemen
    Gulf Paper EU-GCC Cooperation: Securing the Transition in Yemen GULF PAPER Gulf Research Center Gulf Research Center Gulf Paper EU-GCC Cooperation: Securing the Transition in Yemen GULF PAPER © Gulf Research Center 2013 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Gulf Research Center. Gulf Research Center Gulf Research Center Gulf Paper EU-GCC Cooperation: Securing the Transition in Yemen GULF PAPER EU-GCC Cooperation: Securing the Transition in Yemen Edward Burke*1 he protests of the Arab Spring rose to a crescendo in Yemen in March 2011. On March 18, the Yemeni security forces opened fire on protestors in the country’s capital, Sanaa, killing 52. Key military commanders including Major- General Ali Mohsen Al-Ahmar defected to the opposition. Other commanders took aT more ambivalent approach – siding neither with the government nor the protestors. President Ali Abdullah Saleh began to look for an urgent and, if possible, honorable exit from power. In April 2011, he turned to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The GCC has rightly been praised for its remarkable achievement in creating and maintaining a customs union and encouraging advanced economic, educational, and cultural cooperation between its six member states. But it is not known for its coherence in foreign policy. In the case of Yemen, there had been major disagreements between Doha and Riyadh during 2007 and 2008 over the best approach towards resolving Yemen’s escalating internal conflict between the government and Zaydi Shia rebels led by the Houthi clan in the northern province of Saada (which borders Saudi Arabia).1 Qatar’s ties to the Houthi rebels fed Saudi suspicion that * The author would like to thank Ana Echague, Researcher at FRIDE, Larissa Alles at St.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Reports Inc. the Spr Release Today and the 2000
    FOREIGN REPORTS INC. 818 18TH Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, D.C. 20006 Tel: 202-785-4574 Fax: 202-785-5370 BULLETIN June 23, 2011 THE SPR RELEASE TODAY AND THE 2000 RELEASE Both the IEA and the U.S. Department of Energy announcements on the planned release of a combined 60 million barrels of oil from strategic stocks emphasized cooperation with major producing countries. President Obama has similarly emphasized cooperation with producers since March 11, when, during an “energy” press conference, he first said that plans for an SPR release were all “teed up”. In the last comparable SPR release, in September 2000, Saudi Arabia‟s position on the release evolved over several days, especially as an OPEC Summit was held in Caracas three days later. The 2000 release was announced six weeks prior to a close presidential election. The IEA said today that it “warmly welcomes the announced intentions to increase production by major oil producing countries” but claimed that such an increase “will inevitably take time.” “The IEA collective action is intended to complement expected increases in output by these producing countries, to help bridge the gap until sufficient additional oil from them reaches global markets,” the Agency said today. U.S. Energy Secretary Steven Chu, in a statement, said: “The decision today is intended to complement the production increases recently announced by a number of major oil producing countries. The United States welcomes those commitments and encourages other countries to follow suit.” He noted the U.S. had been “in close contact” with producers. May 14 Meeting in Riyadh Saudi Oil Minister Ali Naimi received a sub-cabinet level group from the Obama Administration on May 14, led by White House deputy national security adviser Michael Froman and Deputy Energy Secretary Dan Poneman.
    [Show full text]
  • Gulf Oil And
    SYMPO S IUM : GULF OIL AND GA S : WHAT ARE THE PRODUCER S THINKIN G ? GULF OIL AND GAS : WHAT ARE THE PR O DUCERS THINKIN G ? Nathaniel Kern, Fareed Mohamedi, Lucian Pugliaresi, Jean-François Seznec The following is an edited transcript of the sixtieth in a series of Capitol Hill conferences convened by the Middle East Policy Council. The meeting was held Thursday, April 22, 2010, with Thomas R. Mattair presiding. THOMAS MATTAIR: Executive director, Middle East Policy Council, and associate editor, Middle East Policy; author, Global Security Watch—Iran: A Reference Handbook Today we’re examining what the oil and gas producers are thinking when they make their calculations and which economic and political factors influence their decisions. The domestic economic factors would be their need for revenue, their desire to diversify their economies, their need to satisfy domestic constituencies — and, in the case of Iraq, the domestic political instability that could challenge oil development. In the international realm, what are the geopolitical forces that the producers have to take into account? Where is demand falling, and where is it rising? Who do their most important customers have to be in a strictly economic sense, and who are their most important political and strategic partners? We have some divergence taking place there now, as the customers are in the East and the security partners are in the West. NATHANIEL KERN: President, Foreign Reports Obviously, none of us here can speak for the governments in the region. But I will de- scribe some of the changes that have occurred in the historic relationship that the United States has had with a key producer — Saudi Arabia — and then look to the future and the mutually beneficial mixture of “hard” and “soft” power each of the two countries brings to the relationship.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Status-Seeking Foreign Policy Through the Prism of the Nuclear Issue
    IRAN’S STATUS-SEEKING FOREIGN POLICY THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE NUCLEAR ISSUE: THE AHMADINEJAD PRESIDENCY, 2005 – 2013 Submitted by Morgane Colleau to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Middle East Politics In September 2015 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: Morgane Colleau ABSTRACT This thesis adopts a Wendtian constructivist perspective in order to explore how Iran defined its interests in the context of the nuclear issue during the Ahmadinejad presidency. Against realist-type approaches which often attributed a nuclear weapons rationale to Iran and framed its programme as a threat to international security, it argues that Iran’s nuclear policy must be interpreted within the context of its identity and the latter’s causal and constitutive effects on its interests and behaviours. The Wendtian perspective, together with a mixed methods approach combining document analysis and interviews, sheds light on how Iran understood its interests and why the regime perceived opportunities/threats and permissible/unacceptable options in the way it did. This thesis demonstrates that Iran’s nuclear programme was interpreted within a structure of meaning that emphasised its legality and legitimacy. Additionally, it shows that the Ahmadinejad administration’s resistance strategies cannot be understood outside the context of the perceived humiliating failure of the Khatami administration’s confidence-building approach.
    [Show full text]
  • Saudi Arabia's Upstream and Downstream Expansion Plans For
    Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax: 1 (202) 457 -8746 Saudi Arabia's Upstream and Downstream Expansion Plan s for the Next Decade: A Saudi Perspective Nawaf Obaid Nathaniel Kern Adjunct Fellow, CSIS FOREIGN REPORTS INC. Revised: October 3 , 2005 Saudi Arabia's Upstream and Downstream Expa nsion Plans for the Next Decade Page 2 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 3 INTEGRATING UPSTREAM AND DOWNSTREAM EXPANSION PLANS ................................ ............................. 4 UPSTREAM ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 5 OIL FIELD DEPLETION RATES & C APACITY ................................ ................................ ............................... 5 PROJECTED NEW PRODUCTION CAPACITY ................................ ................................ ................................ .6 CURRENT SAUDI PRODUCTION GRADE ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 6 MEGA -PROJECTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 6 Abu Safah and Qatif ................................ ...............................
    [Show full text]
  • Israel-China Relations: Opportunities and Challenges
    COVER Israel-China Relations: Opportunities and Challenges Assaf Orion and Galia Lavi, Editors 194 Memorandum 194 Israel-China Relations: Opportunities and Challenges Assaf Orion and Galia Lavi, Editors Institute for National Security Studies The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), incorporating the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, was founded in 2006. The purpose of the Institute for National Security Studies is first, to conduct basic research that meets the highest academic standards on matters related to Israel’s national security as well as Middle East regional and international security affairs. Second, the Institute aims to contribute to the public debate and governmental deliberation of issues that are – or should be – at the top of Israel’s national security agenda. INSS seeks to address Israeli decision makers and policymakers, the defense establishment, public opinion makers, the academic community in Israel and abroad, and the general public. INSS publishes research that it deems worthy of public attention, while it maintains a strict policy of non-partisanship. The opinions expressed in this publication are the authors’ alone, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute, its trustees, boards, research staff, or the organizations and individuals that support its research. Israel-China Relations: Opportunities and Challenges Assaf Orion and Galia Lavi, Editors Memorandum No. 194 August 2019 יחסי ישראל–סין: הזדמנויות ואתגרים עורכים: אסף אוריון וגליה לביא This memorandum, prepared within the framework of the Israel-China Program at INSS, is published with the assistance of a generous grant by the Diane and Guilford Glazer Philanthropies. Institute for National Security Studies (a public benefit company) 40 Haim Levanon Street POB 39950 Ramat Aviv Tel Aviv 6997556 Israel Tel.
    [Show full text]
  • The Iran-Iraq War (Chapter 7: Phase Four: Stalemate
    VII. PHASE FOUR: STALEMATE AND WAR OF ATTRITION ON THE LAND AND ESCALATION OF THE WAR IN THE GULF: APRIL 1984 TO 1986 7.0 The Beginning of the War of Attrition Iran did not halt its offensives in March, 1984, but the cost of its battles had been so high that Iran did not launch another all-out offensive against Iraq until the Faw campaign of 1986, and did not seek to conduct a "final" offensive against Iraq until the battle of Basra in 1987. During the next two years, Iran conducted a war of attrition, punctuated by a few major offensives. Iraq, in return, escalated its "tanker war" and attempted to weaken Iran by attacking its major source of income. At the same time, Iraq increasingly sought to use outside fear of an Iranian conquest of Iraq and Kuwait as a lever to obtain foreign support. The war put steadily increasing pressure on both regimes throughout this period as casualties and costs mounted. Both regimes, however, now had the ability to control their internal opposition. The main factor that shaped the course of the war continued to be the war on the ground, and this was shaped by the extent to which Iran could exploit its superior manpower and revolutionary fervor versus the extent to which Iraq could exploit its superior ability to obtain arms. By and large, it was Iraq that took the lead. Iran was able to obtain about $3.9 billion worth of arms during 1983-1985, but Iraq obtained about $18.1 billion worth, or well over four times as much.
    [Show full text]
  • University of London Yar-Us Relations 1962-1990
    c> I , : } UNIVERSITY OF LONDON YAR-US RELATIONS 1962-1990: A CASE STUDY OF A SUPERPOWER-SMALL STATE RELATIONSHIP A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BY AHMED NOMAN KASSIM ALMADHAGI 1992 UMI Number: U615771 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615771 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I I4 £ S ^ S F ABSTRACT This study examines the nature of the relationship between a superpower and a small state, using as a case study that of the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) and the USA. The period covered is the lifetime of the YAR from 26 September 1962 when the Republic was declared, to 22 May 1990, when the YAR was united with the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) to form the Republic of Yemen (ROY). After a brief examination of pre-revolutionary North Yemen-US contacts, which provide the backdrop to the relationship inherited by the Republic, Chapters 2-5 adopt a chronological approach to the different phases in the YAR-US interaction.
    [Show full text]