Attachement 2 Inter-Ethnic Conflicts in Kazakhstan
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What It Means and What’
Cracking Down on Creative Voices: Turkey’s Silencing of Writers, Intellectuals, and Artists Five Years After the Failed Coup Thank you for joining us for Cracking Down on Creative Voices: Turkey’s Silencing of Writers, Intellectuals, and Artists Five Years After the Failed Coup Since the attempted coup d’état in 2016, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has elevated his attacks on Turkey’s civil society to unprecedented levels, becoming one of the world’s foremost persecutors of freedom of expression. In the five years since the attempted coup, dozens of writers, activists, artists, and intellectuals have been targeted, prosecuted, and jailed; 29 publishing houses have been closed; over 135,000 books have been banned from Turkish public libraries; and more than 5,800 academics have been dismissed from their posts for expressing dissent. PEN America’s 2020 Freedom to Write Index found that Turkey was the world’s third highest imprisoner of writers and public intellectuals, with at least 25 cases of detention or imprisonment. This repressive climate has left writers and other members of Turkey’s cultural sector feeling embattled and targeted, unsure of what they can say or write without falling into their government’s crosshairs. PEN America, the Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED), and members of Turkey’s cultural, artistic, and literary communities discussed these trends and made recommendations on how policymakers might respond to Erdoğan’s campaign of repression. The discussion highlighted PEN America’s report on freedom of expression in Turkey, which features interviews from members of Turkey’s literary, cultural, and human rights communities to better understand how this society- wide crackdown has affected freedom of expression within the country. -
Turkmenistan 2016 Human Rights Report
TURKMENISTAN 2016 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Although the 2016 constitution declares Turkmenistan to be a secular democracy, the country has an authoritarian government controlled by the president, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, and his inner circle. Berdimuhamedov has been president since 2006 and remained president following a February 2012 election the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s (OSCE) Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights determined involved limited choice between competing political alternatives. In August the country conducted interim parliamentary elections, which were not subject to international observation, to fill a limited number of vacant seats. In September parliament ratified a new constitution that extended the presidential term in office from five to seven years, cancelled a maximum age limit of 70 years, and failed to reintroduce earlier term limits. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. The most important human rights problems were: arbitrary arrest and detention; involuntary confinement; torture; disregard for civil liberties, including restrictions on freedoms of religion, speech, press, assembly, and movement; and citizens’ inability to choose their government through free-and-fair elections that include real political alternatives. Other continuing human rights problems included denial of due process and fair trial and arbitrary interference with privacy, home, and correspondence. Restrictions on access to the internet and certain sites and information sources remained a significant problem. There was also discrimination and violence against women; trafficking in persons, including use of government-compelled forced labor during the annual cotton harvest; restrictions on the free association of workers; and forced destruction of domiciles of Ashgabat residents. -
The U.S. South Caucasus Strategy and Azerbaijan
THE U.S. SOUTH CAUCASUS STRATEGY AND AZERBAIJAN This article analyzes the evolution of U.S. foreign policy in the South Cauca- sus through three concepts, “soft power”, “hard power” and “smart power” which have been developed under the administrations of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama respectively. The authors also aim to identify how the US strategy towards this region has been perceived in Azerbaijan, which, due to its geographical position, energy resources and geopolitical environment, is one of the “geopolitical pivots of Eurasia”. Inessa Baban & Zaur Shiriyev* * Inessa Baban is a Ph.D candidate in geopolitics at Paris-Sorbonne University of France. She is a former visiting scholar at Center for Strategic Studies under the President of Azerbaijan. Zaur Shiriyev is a foreign policy analyst at the same think tank. The views expressed in this article are entirely personal. 93 VOLUME 9 NUMBER 2 INESSA BABAN & ZAUR SHIRIYEV he U.S. strategy towards the South Caucasus has become one of the most controversial issues of American foreign policy under the Obama administration. Most American experts argue that because of the current priorities of the U.S. government, the South Caucasus region does not get the attention that it merits. Even if they admit that none of U.S.’ interests in the Caucasus “fall under the vital category”1 there is a realization that Washington must reconsider its policy towards this region which matters geopolitically, economically and strategically. The South Caucasus, also referred as Transcaucasia, is located between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, neighboring Central Asia to the east, the Middle East to the south, and Eastern Europe to the west, hence connecting Europe to Asia. -
World Bank Document
Document of The World Bank FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Public Disclosure Authorized ’ Report No: 5 1477-Kz PROJECT APPRAISAL DOCUMENT ON A PROPOSED LOAN Public Disclosure Authorized IN THE AMOUNT OF US$198.5 MILLION TO THE KAZAKHSTAN ELECTRICITY GRID OPERATING COMPANY WITH THE GUARANTEE OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN Public Disclosure Authorized FOR AN ALMA ELECTRICITY TRANSMISSION PROJECT November 17,2009 Sustainable Development Department Central Asia Country Unit Europe and Central Asia Region Public Disclosure Authorized This document has a restricted distribution and may be used by recipients only in the performance of their official duties. Its contents may not otherwise be disclosed without World Bank authorization. CURRENCY EQUIVALENTS (Exchange Rate Effective October 29, 2009) Currency Unit = Kazakh Tenge (KZT), 1 KZT = 100 tyin KZT 1.0 = US$0.0066 US$l.O = KZT 150.71 FISCAL YEAR January 1 - December 3 1 ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ARNM Agency for Regulation of Natural Monopolies kV Kilovolt (1,000 Volts) CAPS Central Asian Power System kWh Kilowatt Hour (1,000 Watt Hours);; DA Designated Account LA Loan Agreement DBK Development Bank of Kazakhstan LAP Land Acquisition Plan DP Development Plan LAPF Land Acquisition Policy Framework EA Environmental Assessment MES Regional Branch of KEGOC EBRD European Bank for Reconstruction and Development MHPP Moinak Hydroelectric Power Plant EIRR Economic Internal Rate of Return MVA Megavolt Ampere (1,000 KVA) EMP Environmental Management Plan MWh Megawatt Hour (1,000 kWh) ESO Energy Supply Organization -
The Turkey-Armenia-Azerbaijan Triangle: the Unexpected Outcomes of the Zurich Protocols Zaur SHIRIYEV* & Celia DAVIES** Abstract Key Words
The Turkey-Armenia-Azerbaijan Triangle: The Unexpected Outcomes of the Zurich Protocols Zaur SHIRIYEV* & Celia DAVIES** Abstract Key Words This paper analyses the domestic and regional Zurich Protocols, Turkish-Armenian impact of the Turkish-Armenian normalisation rapprochement/normalisation, Russo- process from the Azerbaijani perspective, with Georgian War, Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, a focus on the changing dynamic of Ankara- Azerbaijani-Turkish relations. Baku relations. This line of enquiry is informed by international contexts, notably the 2008 Russian-Georgian war and the respective roles Introduction of the US and Russia. The first section reviews the changed regional dynamic following two regional crises: the August War and the Turkish- Between 2008 and 2009, Azerbaijan’s Armenian rapprochement. The second section foreign policy was thrown into a state analyses domestic reaction in Azerbaijan among of crisis. The Russo-Georgian War in political parties, the media, and the public. The third section will consider the normalisation August 2008 followed by the attempted process, from its inception through to its Turkish-Armenian rapprochement suspension. The authors find that the crisis in process (initiated in September 2008) Turkish-Azerbaijani relations has resulted in an intensification of the strategic partnership, unsettled geopolitical perspectives across concluding that the abortive normalisation the Caucasus and the wider region, process in many ways stabilised the pre-2008 throwing traditionally perceived axes status quo in terms of the geopolitical dynamics of the region. of threats and alliances into question. Before the dust had settled on the first conflict, another was already brewing, * Zaur Shiriyev is a foreign policy analyst based destabilising many of Azerbaijan’s in Azerbaijan, a columnist for Today’s Zaman, basic foreign policy assumptions. -
Update: of the Gülen Movement in Turkey
Testimony before the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats At a Hearing Titled Turkey’s Democratic Decline by Fevzi Bilgin, PhD President Rethink Institute Washington D.C. July 13, 2016 1 Introduction Chairman Rohrabacher, Ranking Member Meeks, and members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today on Turkey’s democratic decline. It is fair to say that all the major political developments in Turkey in the last five years can be attributed to Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s presidentialist aspirations. In 2014, he succeeded in becoming the first popularly elected president in modern Turkish history, with 52% of the votes. However, the current system is still a parliamentary system, in which, technically speaking, the prime minister runs the country as the executive. Previously as prime minister, and now as president, Erdogan has been leading a very determined campaign, promoting a regime where the president is an elected autocrat with unbridled executive power. A de facto “Turkish-style” presidential system is already in place, where Erdogan appoints and dismisses prime ministers, shapes the cabinet, and packs the courts and bureaucracy with sworn loyalists who are ready to take on political and social dissent, the media and civil society. The final step is to be a constitutional amendment that will set the new regime in stone. Erdogan has a particular way of doing politics. He dominates the country’s agenda. The pro-Erdogan media, whose owners have been financially rewarded by government contracts, disseminates that agenda with similar newspaper headlines and phony talk shows on TV. -
Democracy in Crisis: Corruption, Media, and Power in Turkey
A Freedom House Special Report Democracy in Crisis: Corruption, Media, and Power in Turkey Susan Corke Andrew Finkel David J. Kramer Carla Anne Robbins Nate Schenkkan Executive Summary 1 Cover: Mustafa Ozer AFP / GettyImages Introduction 3 The Media Sector in Turkey 5 Historical Development 5 The Media in Crisis 8 How a History Magazine Fell Victim 10 to Self-Censorship Media Ownership and Dependency 12 Imprisonment and Detention 14 Prognosis 15 Recommendations 16 Turkey 16 European Union 17 United States 17 About the Authors Susan Corke is Andrew Finkel David J. Kramer Carla Anne Robbins Nate Schenkkan director for Eurasia is a journalist based is president of Freedom is clinical professor is a program officer programs at Freedom in Turkey since 1989, House. Prior to joining of national security at Freedom House, House. Ms. Corke contributing regularly Freedom House in studies at Baruch covering Central spent seven years at to The Daily Telegraph, 2010, he was a Senior College/CUNY’s School Asia and Turkey. the State Department, The Times, The Transatlantic Fellow at of Public Affairs and He previously worked including as Deputy Economist, TIME, the German Marshall an adjunct senior as a journalist Director for European and CNN. He has also Fund of the United States. fellow at the Council in Kazakhstan and Affairs in the Bureau written for Sabah, Mr. Kramer served as on Foreign Relations. Kyrgyzstan and of Democracy, Human Milliyet, and Taraf and Assistant Secretary of She was deputy editorial studied at Ankara Rights, and Labor. appears frequently on State for Democracy, page editor at University as a Critical Turkish television. -
Technical Assistance Consultant's Report
Technical Assistance Consultant’s Report Project Number: 52312-001 November 2019 Kazakhstan: Scoping the Green Investments Finance Program Prepared by Janna Forthman Frankfurt School of Finance and Management Frankfurt, Germany For DAMU Entrepreneurship Development Fund This consultant’s report does not necessarily reflect the views of ADB or the Government concerned, and ADB and the Government cannot be held liable for its contents. (For project preparatory technical assistance: All the views expressed herein may not be incorporated into the proposed project’s design. ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK (ADB) TA-9667 KAZ: SCOPING THE GREEN INVESTMENTS FINANCE PROGRAM - INTERNATIONAL FIRM (52312-001) SCOPING STUDY - FINAL 22 NOVEMBER 2019 Prepared by Janna Fortmann Reviewed by Mert Dedebas Frankfurt School of Finance & Management Adickesallee 32-34 60322 Frankfurt am Main Tel. +49-69-154008-634 http://www.frankfurt-school.de [email protected] TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Executive Summary .............................................................................................. 1 1.1. Overview of Summary Results............................................................... 1 1.1.1. There is an opportunity for a green technology credit line: .................................. 1 1.1.2. The M/SME Sector in Kazakhstan: ...................................................................... 2 1.1.3. The Banking Sector in Kazakhstan ..................................................................... 3 1.1.4. The Leasing Sector in Kazakhstan ..................................................................... -
Jilili Abuduwaili · Gulnura Issanova Galymzhan Saparov Hydrology and Limnology of Central Asia Water Resources Development and Management
Water Resources Development and Management Jilili Abuduwaili · Gulnura Issanova Galymzhan Saparov Hydrology and Limnology of Central Asia Water Resources Development and Management Series editors Asit K. Biswas, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore, Singapore, Singapore Cecilia Tortajada, Institute of Water Policy, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore, Singapore, Singapore Editorial Board Dogan Altinbilek, Ankara, Turkey Francisco González-Gómez, Granada, Spain Chennat Gopalakrishnan, Honolulu, USA James Horne, Canberra, Australia David J. Molden, Kathmandu, Nepal Olli Varis, Helsinki, Finland Hao Wang, Beijing, China [email protected] More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/7009 [email protected] Jilili Abuduwaili • Gulnura Issanova Galymzhan Saparov Hydrology and Limnology of Central Asia 123 [email protected] Jilili Abuduwaili and State Key Laboratory of Desert and Oasis Ecology, Xinjiang Institute of Ecology Faculty of Geography and Environmental and Geography, Chinese Academy of Sciences Sciences Al-Farabi Kazakh National University Urumqi Almaty China Kazakhstan and and Research Centre of Ecology and Research Centre of Ecology and Environment of Central Asia (Almaty) Environment of Central Asia (Almaty) Almaty Almaty Kazakhstan Kazakhstan Gulnura Issanova Galymzhan Saparov State Key Laboratory of Desert and Oasis Research Centre of Ecology and Ecology, Xinjiang Institute of Ecology Environment of Central Asia (Almaty) and Geography, Chinese Academy of U.U. Uspanov Kazakh Research Institute of Sciences Soil Science and Agrochemistry Urumqi Almaty China Kazakhstan ISSN 1614-810X ISSN 2198-316X (electronic) Water Resources Development and Management ISBN 978-981-13-0928-1 ISBN 978-981-13-0929-8 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0929-8 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018943710 © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. -
Declining Journalism Freedom in Turkey
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College Spring 5-2018 Declining Journalism Freedom in Turkey Aliya Uteuova University of Maine, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Journalism Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Uteuova, Aliya, "Declining Journalism Freedom in Turkey" (2018). Honors College. 464. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/464 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DECLINING JOURNALISTIC FREEDOM IN TURKEY by Aliya Uteuova A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for a Degree with Honors (Political Science and Journalism) The Honors College University of Maine May 2018 Advisory Committee: James W. Warhola, Professor of Political Science, Advisor Paul Holman, Adjunct Professor of Political Science Jordan LaBouff, Associate Professor of Psychology and Honors Holly Schreiber, Assistant Professor of Communication and Journalism Seth Singleton, Adjunct Professor and Libra Professor of International Relations © 2018 Aliya Uteuova All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT Currently, Turkey is the country with the most jailed journalists. According to the Journalists Union of Turkey, 145 journalists and media workers are in prison as of February 2018. In the decades that press freedom was monitored in Turkey, the suppression of press and violations of the free expression rights under the regime of Recep Tayyip Erdogan is unprecedented. Turkey once had a potential of emerging as the first modern democracy in a Muslim majority nation. -
Biomass Resources of Phragmites Australis in Kazakhstan: Historical Developments, Utilization, and Prospects
resources Review Biomass Resources of Phragmites australis in Kazakhstan: Historical Developments, Utilization, and Prospects Azim Baibagyssov 1,2,3,*, Niels Thevs 2,4, Sabir Nurtazin 1, Rainer Waldhardt 3, Volker Beckmann 2 and Ruslan Salmurzauly 1 1 Faculty of Biology and Biotechnology, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Almaty 050010, Kazakhstan; [email protected] (S.N.); [email protected] (R.S.) 2 Faculty of Law and Economics & Institute of Botany and Landscape Ecology, University of Greifswald, 17489 Greifswald, Germany; [email protected] (N.T.); [email protected] (V.B.) 3 Division of Landscape Ecology and Landscape Planning, Institute of Landscape Ecology and Resources Management, Center for International Development and Environmental Research (ZEU), Justus Liebig University Giessen, 35390 Giessen, Germany; [email protected] 4 Central Asia Office, World Agroforestry Center, Bishkek 720001, Kyrgyzstan * Correspondence: [email protected] or [email protected] Received: 5 April 2020; Accepted: 12 June 2020; Published: 16 June 2020 Abstract: Common reed (Phragmites australis (Cav.) Trin. Ex Steud.) is a highly productive wetland plant and a potentially valuable source of renewable biomass worldwide. There is more than 10 million ha of reed area globally, distributed mainly across Eurasia followed by America and Africa. The literature analysis in this paper revealed that Kazakhstan alone harbored ca. 1,600,000–3,000,000 ha of reed area, mostly distributed in the deltas and along the rivers of the country. Herein, we explored 1 the total reed biomass stock of 17 million t year− which is potentially available for harvesting in the context of wise use of wetlands. -
Turkey-Armenia Rapprochement at Risk: Time for Vision and Courage
TURKEY-ARMENIA RAPPROCHEMENT AT RISK: TIME FOR VISION AND COURAGE The international community hailed last year’s October 10 signing of protocols on the establishment of diplomatic relations and the development of bilateral ties be- tween Turkey and Armenia as a turning point, but all were aware that the road to normalization would not be smooth, and the hurdles on the way demonstrate just that. Difficulties arise partly from the complicated nature of the problem since Tur- key closed the border in solidarity with Azerbaijan when Armenia took control of the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave following a war with Azerbaijan in the early 1990s. If the involved parties leave the situation to its course, the relations, stuck at a standoff, will soon be deadlocked. Yonca Poyraz Doğan* *Correspondent with the English language daily Today’s Zaman based in Istanbul. The views expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily represent any organization. 129 he beginning of last year saw increased diplomatic traffic between Turkey and Armenia, signaling intense efforts for normalizing ties be- tween the two countries. But this year observers are witnessing only harsh statements, lack of trust and unhappy politicians from both sides Tabout bilateral relations, despite the fact that they signed protocols on normal- izing and developing their relations last year. Emotions were on full display in Turkey on the night of March 4 when Turk- ish news channels broadcasted live a committee vote of the U.S. Congress to call the 1915 killings of Armenians by Ottoman Turks as genocide. Officials in Ankara expressed outrage over the U.S.