'Man makes religion, religion does not make man' said Karl

Marx in 1843. Religious behaviour has always held a great mystery

and concern for the ethnologists and especially when it impinges

on social activity area. The main point here is to understand

various ways in which the 'religious behavious involves or is

involved by other aspects of social existence’ (Clammer, 1983:79).

In using Radhakrishnan's (1939:21) words 'Religion is not

so much a revelation to be attained by us in faith, as an effort

to unveil the deepest layers of man's being and get into enduring

contact with them'.

The Son Kolis are very partial towards religion. Their life

even today is supported by and moulded to stand on a firm footing by rituals and beliefs. Here we shall examine in some detail the role of belief systems, rituals and ceremonies of Son Kolis as

adaptive strategies to their environment. Thus the main interest

here is not in the origin of religion, but to try and understand

'the historical, structural, casual or functional relationships

which exist between the particular religion or defined aspect of

it, and the relevant aspect of the social organisation'(Clammer,

1983:87). This helps to comprehend the totality of behaviour.

The Son Kolis exist on the narrow boundary of animism and

Hinduism. Though included in the fold of ,they can be

comfortably placed at a 'non-sanskritic'{Babb, 1970:137-48) level. I.e. centered around non-brahmanic priesthood and regional lore and usage.

aia. Apart from a number of vedic deities, numerous non-vedic elements play an important role in the lives of the Son Kolis.

They have belief in kuldevatas, vira (hero worship), gramdevatas

(village gods), spirits and magic, and are very superstitious.

The kuldevatas could be male or female as is the case here. Many scholars believe that they are mostly females. The worship of kuldevata today has been adopted by higher classes from the sudras and the lower classes among whom they considered to be the principal house gods (Joshi, 1890:202). The kuldevatas of the Son

Kolis are the god Khandoba and the goddess . The lives of the Son Kolis revolve around them. Not a single step is taken without their permission. This is sought by breaking a coconut and giving it to them as maan.

These principal deities alter in form to correspond to the various contexts of life. 'In some contexts particular deities

are seen as discreet entities, and under other circumstances, deities merge with one another and their characters

blend' (Clammer, 1983:87).

The Son Kolis are basically Saivite,but now the worship of

Krsna and also play an important role in their lives. They

also have a love for pilgrimage and visit Benares, Nasik, Tuljapur, , Lonavala, Pandharpur, Shirdi, etc. The proof of

these journeys undertaken hangs in the form of pictures of these

places at the entrance to the house along with those of ,

Hanuman, Saibaba, Santoshimata and, at times, even the deified

saints. Along with this they have also adopted the common fasts Fij 8 >1.

F\q .8.0-, ViV, and festivals of the and they usually ask a to officiate as a priest. Even so the basic essence of their religion remains animistic and the development of the mother goddess and male deity retains its prominence.

In the devqhar (room of the gods. Fig.8.1) of the Son Kolis

the most prominent of all are the silver plaques that portray

their main deity, i.e. Vira, Ekvira and Khandoba. These silver

plaques, in a more defined form, recall the seals and amulets of

the Indus Valley Civilization. Miniatures of such seals are even

today used by most religions and communities all over the world in

the form of armlets, amulets and even pendants which are supposed

to protect the person from the evil spirit.

The worship of Vira , Ekvira and Khandoba represents the

three steps in the evolution of religion from spirit worship to

that of mother goddess and finally the male deity. We shall now

take into account how the adaptative function of religion among

the Son Kolis, in satisfying the desire for attainment of goals,

provides them with a moet important basis for social, economical

and political stability.

VIR OR IRA: The worship of Vira or Ira amongst the Son

Kolis symbolizes the first step in the evolution of religion,

namely ancestor worship/hero worship. Vir is a term adopted in

Marathi from Sankrit,and in both languages means a hero. The wonderous cycle and mystery of birth, ripening youth and death of all forms of existence on earth has so deeply concerned mankind

since early times that it has led him to conjure and build up various supports. One of them is worshiping that what one could

not define, and one of the first form of reverence was directed

towards the worship of the dead, or ancestor worship. As Herbert

Spencer acknowledged, 'ancestor worship (in its broadest sence) is

the root of all religion.'(Spencer,1893).

Death holds untold fears and some measures have to be taken

to offer some security to the living relatives. This dread

intensifies when the deceased is in his prime and thus has failed

to fulfil the duties for which he was born,viz. marriage and

perpetuation. Thus Hero worship or the worship of Ira or Vira was

"especially true of those who died in a particular way (accident)

... No amount of love for a living individual will, if he or she

has died from any such cause, prevent the living from talking

urgent measures to rid themselves of the malevolent influences

likely to be exerted by these departed souls."(Anderson,1950: 12).

This is but one explanation. Another reason ascribed is the

heroic act. 'The emotions behind the heroic act are, firstly,

integrity, loyalty to a cause or to mother earth, self sacrifice

and daring, all these to an exceptional and spectacular degree ...

memorials to them, therefore, had been a fairly consistent

practice.'(Soundarajan,19 82:59).

According to the Son Kolis, Ira represents sysmbolically the

memory of family members who were lost tragically at sea, or died

unnatural deaths, or as bachelors. Such memorial stones are found

also amongst the sailors and fishing communities along the coastal regions of Kutch and Saurashtra. When a sailor died 'an unnatural death due to cyclone, or shipwreck, his relatives installed a memorial stone in which a ship with a sailor or sailors is depicted'(Jain, 1982:85). In recent years, more often a horse rider is portrayed. It could also be that by braving the sea he showed his courge (virya) in his duty (fishing) and had thus

immediate access to god. The horse rider also suggests a warrior

(Sonthiemer, 1982:274).

Thus this is more of a family affair. And by keeping

memorial stones and plaques and offering prayers and yearly

appeasement to the Ira the Son Kolis :

(i) keep alive the memory of the dead;

(ii) offer security to the living relatives; and

(iii) appease the spirits of the dead, lest their shades may

cause evil spells.

There is a belief amongst the Son Kolis that if one

regularly worships the Ira, the Ira rewards him with a good catch

of fish. And even as the individuals and names are forgotten, the

memory of the Ira is remembered and revered in its symbolic form.

"We constantly hear that the departed, the fathers, the ancestors,

the heros,are admitted to the society of the gods, they are often

called half gods, they may at times claim even a certain equality

with the gods. But the gods are always there before them, and

even when their individual names are forgotten, there is a general

concept of deity to which the ancestral spirits aspire."(Muller, :123) .

These symbolic representations are either in the form of sticks or blocks of wood, and dried coconut. These symbols of

Vira (Fig.8.2) are never in the devghar . They accupy a corner of the room away from the devghar.

According to Rajlakshmi (1962:4) the sticks are an embodiment of the male ancestors who passed away 'in war or accidents in sea'. These sticks are of sag (teak) and may vary

from 10 cm to 16 cm in length. They are rather crude in appearance.A tiny brass cow-bell is tied to every stick at the top by a thin chain of either silver or iron. The sticks are fixed on a wooden plank in the holes carved thereon, and this wooden plank

is hung against a wall or kept on any high platform. She further

goes on to say that there is always a full coconut (without the

fibers removed) placed along with the virs. These are believed by

some Kolis to symbolize Vetal,the sea god.

At times strips of cloth are tied to the tops of the sticks,

And the fluttering of its ends denotes that the spirits are

restless as does the tinkling of the bells. The coconut and the

sticks are normally dusted with bhandar (termuric powder). Thus a

kinship pattern can be observed between Ira, Vetal and Khandoba

(the association of Khandoba, Vetal and bhandar will be seen later

in this chapter).

In short,we could say that heros are somehow associated with

battle, whether it be on land or at sea. And Vetal is none other

than the protector at sea,as the sea god and also as the leader of

the spirits and bhutas (ghosts) and an associate of Mahadev

(Kosambi, 1962) Women, who died when being pregnant, are also at times worshipped,but anointed with Sindoor (Vermillion) and green bangles. This could emphasis two aspects, namely that the woman is not worshipped for herself but for the fact that she had proved that she is not barren. Being barren is one of the greatest curse of womanhood , according to the kolin. And in dying pregnant with the unborn child who had attained life at

conception, and could have been a male, the mother becomes heroic

along with the child and thus entitled to being worshipped.

Thus, when the bells tinkle and the spirits become restless,

appeasements and offerings are called for. Once a year, blood

sacrifice is also given.

EKVIRA; Just as Bhagvati and Chamundi are considered to be

the manifestations of , so is Bhavani. These are the

goddesses incarnate of sakti. The specific form of sakti held

sacred by the Son Kolis is Ekvira. She is the supreme mother-

goddess who presides over the Son Kolis as the kuldevi . No new

or anuspicious step is undertaken without first taking the

blessings of Ekvira.

Ekvira has her seat at Karle caves near Lonavala

() about 130 kilometres from Bombay. It is more

commonly referred to as 'al jage’(the place of the mother) by the

Son Kolis. The shrine is constructed in front of the main chaitya

hall. She is represented by a rugged stone, coloured with

Vermillion paste, and two eyes boldly painted in black and white.

The mother goddesses or the as they later came to be

a i q addressed as, assume various forms in the numerous branches of

Hinduism. Their list is innumerable and some of these are known only in a single village as a minor deity and "who are loosely identified by theologians as minor aspects of the great mother goddesses and thus find some sort of status in the enormous pantheon of " (Basham, 1985).

The question arises as to where and how did this arise?

According to the once King Janamejaya questioned about the birth of the devi to which he replied as follows: "Even

Brahmavisnumahesvaras (, Visnu and Siva - the Hindu trinity) are not capable of thinking about the origin of devi. Then what about me? You let me make an attempt. All the forces everything which appears in various names and forms are in fact devi herself, her different manifaestations. Just as a master actor appears on stage in different roles for the delectation of the audience, the formless devi, on behalf of the devas, assumes many forms and imposes upon herself attributes,though in fact she is without any attribute whatsoever. Thus depending on her various forms, actions, etc. she is addressed by different names

(Devi Bhaqvata : Pancam Skandha) (Sircar, 1980 : 103). There are supposed to be five forms of devi, i.e. , Laksmi, Sarasvati,

Savitri and . These five forms are designated as the Pancadevis.

Ekvira is the sakti form of Durga or Parvati or Uma. There can be, and are a number of names ascribed to her or associated with her which are not found in regular books of Hinduism. She a.20 becomes the epitome of 'the earth', directly responsible for the welfare of the village. And it could be that her nature and functions haven't changed for more than past five hundred years

(Mani, 1974 : 216) .

According to Punekar (1959 : 159), Ekvira is Bhavani and

Bhavani is the name of Durga, the consort of Siva. As Ekvira is the goddess enshrined at Sahyadris, Kosambi (1955:50) takes her to be Yamai who resides at the entrance of the great chaitya at Karle whose sanskritized name is Ekvira. This is linked with the

Puranic story of the devipithas or saktipithas. Ekvira is mentioned here as one of the 108 devipithas listed (Mani, 1974 ;

216) .

Tradition has it that ^iva was completely grief-striken when

Sati, his first wife immolated herself as she could not stand the insults heaped upon her husband by her father Daksa Prajapti. So

Siva roamed the earth with the corpse of on his shoulder.

This alarmed the other gods as Siva enraged, and not meditating, was disturbing the equilibrium of the trinity. In order to free him from his agony,the gods spiritually entered Sati's body through yogic powers and started her disintegration. These pieces fell on various parts of which came to be referred to as « devipithas or saktipithas (Matsya Purana). The list of these pithas vary from 52 to 108 in various texts and a number of these sites are lost. 'These form the focal points in the sacred geography of Indian mother goddess worship ...' Sircar (1980) opines that this was one way by which major goddess temples were linked to Hinduism. And that the legend of Sati might have

2JL.\ originally been used to bring the diverse tribal and Buddhist goddesses within the circle of Hinduism. These different goddesses were none other than minor tribal deities worshipped in different parts of the country and later taken into the fold of

Hinduism. He goes on to comment that the aboriginal elements are responsible for contributing not only to the conception of Siva but also his consort.

Kosambi (1962:28) echoes similar views when he talks about the 'wives' of Krsna. He considers them none other than the local mother goddesses who were subjugated to insignificance and enrolled into Hinduism. So also while talking about the devipithas, they could in their own way symbolize the various mother goddess cults who were enfolded by Saivism, their origin being ascribed to Sakti, or as the various forms of Parvati.

Ekvira thus falls as one of them. Ekvira is also popularly

referred to as the veherai or the mother of the caves (Kosambi,

1955 : 59).

Yamai, according to the locals is said to have originated at

Sivri, on the Sasvad-Jejuri route. At Karle, as Ekvira, she is

identified by the Son Kolis as the caitya itself. Children of the

Son Koli were dedicated to the stupa itself (Fig.8.2), But the Son

Kolis have no knowledge of the goddess of Sivri (Kosambi, 1962 :

116) .

Ketkar (1924 : Ka 409, part 10) believes that the name Ekvira is derived from the Dravidian phase 'akka aveyar' meaning

'adorable mother'. The C.K.P’s (Chandraseniya Kayestha Prabhus, a group established during Shivaji's time, kshtriya by caste and followers of Ekvira) consider that Ekvira is known as akka aovaichar in Karnakata. They too believe in the myth of the devipithas. In fact, according to one CKP informant, Sati was aware that she was going to end her life and so she had told Siva that she would meet him at Karle as Ekvira (This story is also present in Ekvira Mahatmya).

Ekvira is also taken to be synonymous with Renuca (

Mahatmay 1:3), the mother of Parshuram (the creator of the strip), and is also at times referred to as Yellamma.

Your name may be Renuca, You may have five sons One only will be a vir conquerer from them. Thus you will be called Ekvira (the mother of one vira.)

(Ekvira Mahatmya 1:9).

Renuca and Yellama have been described thus: "Midway between the orthodox gods and demons come the female deities or

Ammas whose worship is an interesting blend of Brahmanical and

Dravidian ritual. These goddesses have their own proper pujaris

(ministrants) ... and in the more important temples daily

(worship) is performed ..." (Ghurye, 1962 : 239). This cult of

Yellama and Renuca is very popular in and and has a large number of followers. Yellama is described as one of the nine saktis of .

A molecule (Renu) is a small combination of atoms (Kana) and as the earth is made up of innumerable atoms and molecules, Renuca became the embodiment of the Earth goddess and Ekvira is none Z i 3 other than Parvati."Ekvira, Renuca aani Yellama mhanje pratyeksa

Parvati. Sthadkaadparatve naverupe veqade aahet avdhe".

Ekvira, Renuca and Yellama are none other than Parvati. Only the place, time form and name differ (Ekvira Mahatmya).

Ekvira is also associated with the Pandavas. The Mahatmya talks about Ekvira as becoming jagrut (awakened) at Karle which earlier was known as Vihirgaon. This was even before the Buddhist times during the Pandava era. For the Kolis she is the one sister

(ek) of the five brave Pandavas (vir) and hence the name.

Ekvira is basically the parton deity of the Son Kolis though even other groups of Kolis worship her. She is referred to mainly as al (mother). The other groups that worship her are the

C.K.P., Agri, Sonar, Prabhu, Bhandari, Marathas, and as

the popularity of the goddess is increasing every year, the number of devotees from various walks of life and faith are visiting her.

In spite of this the majority of her followers are the Son Kolis.

Infact she is more popularly referred to as the devi ofthe Kolis.

There are various myths and mythologies associated with the

coming of the goddess at Karle. Though the Ekvira Mahatmya

referes to her as being svayambhu at Karle, the Son Kolis belive

that she migrated from the 'Konkan coast to the hills of Karle'.

Myths try and tell us only of that which could have happened, the

actors in the myth being supernatural beings which makes the myth

sacred and true. So also in the case of the Son Kolis and Ekvira. Here we have an example of how in order to have direct link with

the coast and inland, a new myth was created.

2 . 2 . 1 + The most common legend of Ekvira is that she is the sister of the five Pandavas. She used to dwell on the coast — most probably at Ceul Revdanda. But she was not satisfied with her place so she decided to find a new area where her temple could be established. Along with her five brothers she first went to

Gharapore (Elephanta) but she was not happy with the material there. During the course of their exploration they came to Karle in the Sahyadris,which she thought was ideal,and was persuaded by the Pandavas to establish a temple there. They promised to complete her temple in one night. And they began to work.The Kolis are firm believers that the caves and the Chaitya Hall are not of

Buddhist origin but carved out by the Pandavas for Ekvira and get quite agitated if told otherwise.

There are two endings to this myth. The more popular one states that the Pandavas insisted on goinghigher and higher while building and they wanted to establish her shrine right on the top of the hillock. Ekvira, who was following their progress, was a bit upset that her ardent devotees would not be able to reach the top. So she prevailed upon the Pandavas to stop. But they refused and Bhima tried to kick her aside. When he did so his

feet were infested with worms and they understood the anger of

their sister and stopped work. Thus the caves were left

incomplete.

In the other version, the Pandavas promised to build her the

shrine in one night and stop at dawn. So when Ekvira saw them going higher and higher she turned into a rooster and started 2.1.^ crowing in the middle of the night. The Pandavas, thinking that dawn had broken stopped working, hence the incomplete monument.

According to an old Agri woman in Bombay, Ekvira's shrine was actually situated at Revdanda (Alibag tl.) . But as she could not bear the smell of the fishes drying on the beaches she fled and found solace only at Karle. But enquiries at Revdanda yielded no such stories. According to them (the natives of Revdanda) it is true that Ekvira was there but she could not find good stones to build her shrine and so she left.

According to an informant from Khar Danda Koliwada, Bombay, the worship of Ekvira was a borrowed cult. It is while going inland to trade on bullock carts and the Son Kolis came across a number of people going towards Karle. So this Koli trader too went along to see this deity. After this, a number of miracles occurred which favoured the Son Kolis. Being overwhelmed they

(Son Kolis) adopted Ekvira as their kuldevi.

It could be that in order to impress upon the Kolis the magnificance of Ekvira, the people who introduced them to her worship, build up the myth that Ekvira was in fact a goddess from their home town. It could have also sum an attempt to nullify the existence of the Buddhist faith both at Elephanta Islands and at

Karle caves, and by calling one of the minor local deities of

Revdanda as Ceul Bhagwati or Ekvira, brought the faith and allegiance of the Kolis themselves. They could also be that the

Son Kolis being immigrants from the Deccan to the coast, and in order to settle amicably with the locals adopted the local deity and called her Ekvira. The same was in a way done with Khandoba as we shall see later.

Thus temples of Ekvira can be found in every fishing village along the coast. At times, locally, she is referred to by another name,but to the Son Kolis she is Ekvira. For example, while other communities refer to the temple of Bhagvati at Ceul, for the Son

Kolis she is Ekvira ai.

This temple of Bhagwati at Ceul has special significance for

the Son Kolis. They go to her and ask her whether it will be profitable or not for them to go out. The nakwa or the Dolkar

requests the ministrant to consult the deity as to the answer.

The temple priest takes two beetle-nuts coated with sindoor

(Vermillion) mixed with sweet oil. These beetlenuts are known as

kale or inti. He sticks one to the right and the other to the

left of the goddess and questions thus: "jr ja^ sanqavache asti tr

ujva de, jr nako sanqavache asti tr dava de" (If you think it is

profitable to go then give me the right, if you think I should not

go then give me the left). After a while one of the beetlenuts

falls first. If the left side beetlenut falls first then the

nakwa will not go to sea.And if it is the right hand side then

the profits are assured. Thus at times of dilemma and even during

thefts, putting kale are resorted to and gives full satisfaction

to the assembly because it is the will of the devi. These

questions also portray the simple blind trust and faith in the goddess. In case the beetlenuts fall together or if none of them

fall, the process is repeated till it gives a postive answer.

2 1 7 The main festival of Ekvira falls during chait pornima

(March/April) and Aswin (September/October). A big jatra or festival is held where people just pour in at Karle. It is also interesting to observe that along with the worship of the shrine of Ekvira thechaitya hall too is not ignored as we shall see later.

During such jatras "all ritual differences seem to be resolved.

All are reconciled with each other and even the feeling of caste is completely forgotten (Wirz,1966 : 16).

They flock for the purpose of curing diseases and asking for small favours. Women come for fertility, others for financial problems, for protection etc. It is noticed shrines of mother goddesses are visited for the above causes while those of male deities are more out of devotion (Bhardwaj, 1973; Preston, 1980).

Goddesses take the form of a protectress and mediator. 'One surrenders with ease to the goddess who offers some degree of hope in face of overwhelming tragedy’ (Preston, 1980 : 13).

During these festivals Ekvira is treated with great pomp and splendour. She is offered a place of sit, welcomed and praised.

Next she is bathed, garlanded, ornamented, dressed in new clothes, offered sandalwood and incense. Then she is given a sweet drink, fed a meal, offered spices and warmed with the light of the fires

(of the aarti). • These elaborate proceedings are performed every day during the festivals.

The priests that cater to the goddess belong to the caste clan. In all there are forty of them who are in charge of looking after thedevi.They believe that they were born only

2 2 6 this task. As is common belief amongst them, they came into existence along with the devi.

According to another Gurav, they are actually forty-two of them and only eight of them are to look after the devi. They work on rotation basis and on the first day of every month the shift changes. During their period of service they live in the viharas above the temple itself and have to abstain from any sort of family life. It is only during the main festivals with the coming of the crowds that all twenty-four of them are involved.

They basically dress in white dhoti, a white vest and a gandhi topi (cap). The women of their family are not involved in any way in the care-taking of the goddess.

The position of the Gurav is heriditary and the present lot are supposed to be the fifth generation. But then the main puja is not performed by them. Their main job is to look after the maintenance of the devi and her temple. And during festival times, they take offerings from the devotees anci^give it to the devi, and give the devotees prasad. They have to light incense and camphor and get things ready for the pooja. To perform the main chants and the hom a Karhada brahmin is involved. He does not live there itself but in the village below (Vihirgaon).

As regards their livelihood, the basically have to depend upon the donations of the devotees. Out of every rupee donated, seventy-five paise goes for the feeding and upkeeping of the Gurav and the regular maintenance of the temple. The rest of the paise, i.e. twenty-five paise goes to a trust. The brahmin is paid separately and directly from the trust. The main office of this trust established to look after the maintenance of the shrine is at , opposite Wadia College. Another branch is in Bombay at Worli Naka, opposite petrol pump on the third floor. There seems to be a slight tension between the brahmin and Gurav who don't seem to get along.

THE TEMPLE: While most of the shrines of the goddesses are

small and insignificant, many have developed into famous

pilgrimage centres being visited by thousands of devotees every year. These more important temples are listed in the sacred

literature and absorbed into the Hindu pantheon through the legend of Sati as in the case of Karle. There are three temples of

Ekvira at Karle. One is established just at the foot of the

hillock. The priest (Gurav) informant said that it was meant

basically for old men and women who cannot reach the top. This is

a very recent construction — a small square room with just the

idol of the devi. It was built in 1973 by a Koli devotee.

Half way up to the.main shrine is another small shrine where

one finds the devi represented by just an outcrop of rock coated

with Vermillion paste and having big prominent eyes. This too was

established sometime in 1973 by a Chandrabai Dagdo Koli.

The main shrine on the top is situated right in front of the*

main chaitya hall. This edifice too is quite modern. The

earliest date to be found, recording any sort of building

establishment is dated to 1866 a.d. The inscription runs "Shri

Ekvira Bhavani's old temple built for religious sake by Naga Posu ,2.3<0 Varlikar and Harippa Charnavir, Fajandal of Bombay, in consultation with Bapurav Kulkarni on Maha Shud, 5th, s, 1788

(February-March 1886).

Locals believe that an older temple stood for four generations at the same spot. And belief goes on to say that the worship of the goddess goes back even befoe the time of the

Pandavas and the great rock temple.

On the top most step,leading to the plinth is an iron arch hung with a row of nine bells. Most of the bells are local, but the largest is English and has a rough inscription stating the dedicator was a Banahanar Jivan Padam Koli and Dhondu Koli Thankar

(of Thana) on Shud Astami 8,1790 (April 1868). What is noteworthy here is that all donations and dedications are mainly by the Son Kolis.

A temple is the supreme focus for puja for the Indian and as

a home for a deity. The temple plays a major role in the

spiritual awakening of an individual. Like most, this temple has

two rooms. The outer sanctum is larger of the two but almost bare. Here the devotees come and sit. On one of the walls we

have a photograph of Ekvira flanked by two of . At another corner is one of Laksmi. These are all donated by dovotees. On

the floor in the centre of the room is a sculpture of tortoise which is said to be her vahan But according to the priests

(Gurav) it is the simha (lion) that is her .In fact, popular legend says that until very recently a tiger came down

from the Sahyadri to the Karle caves. But her main vahanais the 23.1 fig. 8.5

4.4 Koli chiM U, d» ^ k m . O i^ Fig, 8.1+. KospvM,e,i ^ rooster. On the ceiling suspended is a small bronze status of

Mahisasura Mardani.

It is the inner sanctum that holds the icon of the deity.

It is mostly referred to as the garbhaqriha or the womb. Here is where the most sacred rites are performed. It is the heart of

Hinduism. The devi is represented by a silver mask with a very benevolent expression, covered with flower garlands.(Fig.8.3) One of the devotees had also given a garland of coconuts which very much resembled a garland of skulls. Behind the mask is the same amorphous representative as in the earlier shrine.

This human face is so distorted by layers of red lead that the cheek-bones stand out almost to the level of the nose bridge and the mouth seems sunk like the toothless jaws of an old woman

(Gaz.Bomb.Pres.VIII:I:453).The eyes are of white meena (enameled) with the pupils of black enamel. Around the shoulders are draped rich silk saris and bodice of which she has eight to ten sets ten sets. Ornaments for daily wear are silver earrings, pearl nose-ring and gold necklaces. During festivals she donns her gold ear-rings and her silver/gold face masks.

Every day int the morning at 8 a.m. , the brahmin priest comes and gives the devi a bath and then adorns her with her silver mask. This mask is again removed after 7.00 p.m. after the main aarti. During the navratris, on the eight and nineth day the mask she wears is of gold. On the other days this mask is put away in a locker at Lonavala. This mask is removed on the nineth day after the goddess has been annointed and satisfied with the

Z53 sacrific through 'horn'.

On the right hand of Ekvira on the adjacent wall is another devi.She is Jogeshwari who is the sister-in-law of Ekvira.Four kilometres behind Karle is the maher qhar or the mother's house of Ekvira.This is the shrine of Kal Bhairav who is described by the Kolis as Ekvira's brother. Kosambi (1955:50) calls this place a

Devqhar where"the Kolis have built an impressive temple of the village death God ,a generation ago (he euqates this place with Dhenukad whare an Indo-Greek settlement existed for some time).

Karle is said to be the one and only temple of Ekvira.

Kosambi (1967:96) goes on to strees that Yamai images are found at many places, at Bedsa, Vihara caves and at the not so well-known cave at Benere Pune. But it is only at Karle where the cult is alive even today. The offerings are made not only to the deity but .also to the stupa in the Chaitya. Pennies are thrown on top of the stupa and wishes made. Prayers for children are offered indirectly to the stupa and if the wish is fulfilled the elated parents 'show' the cradle to the stupa rather than the goddesss.

One of the major part of Hindu ritual is sacrifice.And blood sacrifice forms an integral aspect in the veneration of the mother goddess. So also it is a very prominent aspect of Ekvira worship.

Rams and roosters are sacrificed in large numbers during chaitra and ashwin festivals. It is the culminating point and the ritualistic identity. It is the maan to the goddess. Since people turn to the goddess with all their problems, it is logical

iBlv- for them to offer sacrifice as an expression of their thanks­ giving. Today with people becoming more conscious of the concept of ahiitisa, and to some extent the government prohibition nevertheless take a rat. or rooster to her (this is very common at

Karle), rub his nose on the doorstep of the goddess and set it free. It denotes the allegiance of the family to theirkuldevi and also the fulfilment of the navas (vow) taken.

But a peculiar aspect amongst the Son Kolis as connected with Ekvira is that the actual sacrifice never takes place in front of the devi,whether it be at Karle or in their village. The beheading of the animal is done anywhere else except in the shrine and the head is then sacrificed to thhom outside the temple. In the Koliwadas the sacrifice is done on the streets or in the courtyard and in the villages along the coast one is not supposed

to enter the house without having a bath if he or she has eaten any sort of meat. The two things permissible are eggs and fish.

And contradictory to this is the brutal way in which the animal is sacrificed. He is not beheaded in one stroke but slowly. And the sacrifice is carried out by a Musalmaan Mulla. Kosambi says that it could be a case of Brahmanisazion. "In a village there are obligatory blood sacrific , unless the cult has been brahmanised by identification with some Puranic goddess, in which case the sacrificial animal may be shown to the goddess, but has to be cut up at some distance. Rarely a bloodless offering may be substituted" (Kosambi, 1962:91).

It could also be in deference to the presence of the Chaitya

•2.35' and vehement protests by the Buddhist devotees. Some scholars also speak in defence of blood sacrifice. "A ritual sacrifice is never meant against a violent act against a particular animal.

The ceremonies that surround the event are intended instead to establish a symbolic relationship between man and god. The animal's life is offered to the deity as an act of thanks-giving.

It would be a mistake to equate everyday slaughter for food with this higher dimension of ritual sacrifice. It is neither

"primitive" nor "barbaric" but rather an expression of special significance for devotees who strive to establish a sense of harmony with the cosmic order" (Preston, 1980:69).

Buffalo sacrifice are not that common on the west coast as in the east. But is seems that there was a village near Malawli

(the railway station closest to Karle) called Tejigaon which is now deserted. Here buffalo sacrifice used to be offered to the qramdevi.

The two main pilgrimages are during chaitra (chait as the

Kolis refer to it) and ashwin. During chait, the Kolis and the other devotees carry their palkis (palanquins) with the silver plaques of the devi to Karle. Amongst the Koliis this is taken once in two years or once in five years. The Kolis first take

the palki to maher ghar (mother's house) or the temple of Kal

Bhairav who is another of Ekvira's brothers. On the eighth day, the palki starts from maher ghar, and goes up straight to Karle.

They are not supposed to stop on the way. And the palki is not taken to the temple but to the chaitva hall, and then to the main shrine. Garlands, flowers, incense, coconuts are offered to the goddess. One of the devotees had a garland of coconuts resembling a garland of skulls.Thus an attampt is made to appease the goddess with symbolic offerings.

Coconut not only symbolises the human skull (outer shell representing bone, inner qlri the flesh and water, blood) but is one of the most sacred things for the Kolis when lost in the sea, it is the floating cocoanut which provides them with food and water.

In the Koliwadas,a symbolic representation is made with a coconut being placed over a pot. The coconut has eyes and mouth painted on it.(Fig.8.3). This is draped with a sari, and flowers.

There are others who have huge images of the devi in their house.

On the eighth day, on the day of the sacrifice, they lay the head of the sacrificial animal in front of the devi.

Gulal is sprinkled over the animal and blessings and forgiveness are asked from the devi before she departs (these coconut representations are immersed into the sea). A few rushes of dried rice husk and some grains of rice are put in the mouth of the beast. The reasons for this told to me by the elders is that one should always give something to a dying beast. The beast is taken out in the courtyard,where water is sprinkled on its head and is beheaded. This head, along with some blood is collected in a vessel and placed in front of the goddess as naived(offering).

The prasad which is then distributed is referred to as sutti

Pitte and with five gharyas (small thick chappaties made of 2.37 wheat and fried in oil) liver and flesh of the sacrificed animal which also is fried in sweet oil without salt,is given around.

The rest of the meat is later cooked and eaten for lunch after the immersion of the goddess.

Chaitra festival is also celebrated an end to Renuca's period of mourning as she gets back her husband and is once again a married woman. Thus the trip from Kal Bhairav to the actual shrine could signify the leaving of the mother's house to meet her

consort. Not only was Jamadagni restored back to Renuca but Sati

too had promised to meet Siva at Karle as Ekvira.

It is a day when the number of animals sacrificed run into

thousands. After the 'hom' and sacrifice there is feasting and a

lot of drinking of liquor. With the temperatures rising to 40 C,

hot winds blowing, and a scarcity of water, Renuca as the bride,

symbolizes the coming of spring. The stark, barren, brownness of

the is filled with gay colour, and music, as iatras

take place not only at Karle but at Nasik, Tuljapur and all the

other devi temples; not only at the big shrines but in almost

every village there is a gaiety. Secondly this feast also

subtitutes the normal meagre diet of a starved land. It recalls

the kill sites found at Mexico (Wheat, 1967:44-52).

Thirdly, it could signify a kind of appeal to the devi

for a good monsoon. Good rains is a boon to the agriculturist.

For the fishermen it signifies preparation for the next season and

a kind of thanks-giving for their yearly catch.

The gat stapana during aswin corresponds to the navratri 238 festival. It is the fight of the good over evil, of Durga over

Mahisasura, of Rama over , of the mother earth over the

torrential rains, of the Kolis *hori'(boat) over the stormy seas.

It is also the fertility festival of the mother goddess wherein

the qhata or the earthen pot that is placed in front of the

goddess for nine days.It is equated to the uterus {Kathasarita-

sagara, 70-112). The jar is set in some earth in which seed

grains are carefully planted to encourage to grow.(Kosambi, 1962 :

73) .

THE DEVOTEES; 90% of those who come for the devi's festival

are the Son Kolis and most of them are from Bombay and Thana.

Some of them come just for a day, do darshan (take blessings and

then depart. These are mostly non-Kolis. The Son Kolis come in

bus-loads with all provisions, groceries, buckets, clothes,

transistors, etc. and stay in Karle itself (in the caves) for the

whole of nine days. Some come just for the last two days. But by astami evening (eight evening) we find the grounds of Karle

resembling that of a carnival with Hindi film music blarring from

loud speakers, stalls lining the steps selling artificial,cheap

jewellery, clothes, toys, eatables and the goods required for

worship (hom pudi). Cold drinks, sugarcane and tea stalls are

most popular.

One finds people young and old, squatting at every available space. Even the viharas take a new look; what with clothes

hanging to dry from the ceiling and people staking claims on space for the next two or three days. A public bath is provided by a

23^ miniature waterfall near the main chaitya hall. In general, everyone is quite gay. One can see unique amalgamation of

innocent gaiety, worship and devoutness.

Peeping into the belongings of one of the Son Koli family

from Versova ( his name was Keshav), it was very interesting

to discover foreign bags, carried by a hand wearing an imported

watch, a leather coat with artificial fur lining, a

National Panasonic two-in-one, through which the cricket

commentary of India versus Pakistan was flowing out, stove,

kerosene, groceries, bucket, clothes and not to forget four

cartons of Jonny Walker whiskey.

In such gatherings it is difficult to make out who is an

Agri, or Bhandari, or Prabhu, , Sonar, Koli, C.K.P. as the

general mode of dress for men is shirt or T-shirt and pants or

jeans. But a Koli male can easily be spotted in their 'roomaal'.

as is a Kolin very distinct in her 'phadki'. Along with the crowd

were the swaking roosters, some with their feet tied with a rope

and flung over a shoulder vainly flapping their wings; while

others slung over a bicycle handle bar and still others shut in

baskets. Reluctant bleating rams were being pulled around by

short ropes tied around their necks.

There is nothing like the dedication of an animal when young

as in the case of the Ainu (Watanabe, 1964). The devotees just

purchase the sacrificial animal from the numerous vendors who sit outside the gates of Karle caves. An old man , from the village

below,was grazing a number of goats amongst the caves. He told me 2.1+0 that during these festivals,a number of people have made it their livelihood to raise rams and then sell them to those who wanted to sacrifice them. A pair of roosters can cost as much Rs.80.00 and a ram could fetch Rs.95.00 for the vendor. The Musalmaan Mulla who performs the sacrifice charges Rs.5.50 to Rs. 101.25 for a ram. Even the roosters and goats that are let loose are caught by the nimble hands of young urchins who resell them to others.

On the day of the 'horn' (navmi - nineth day) alcohol flows free. In fact on the eighth day itself one notices that drinking begins. Both men and women, imbibe quite freely and without limits and once drunk the dancing begins.

In the various Koliwadas, the ^hom' is performed on the eighth day itself (ashtami) so that those desiring to attend the main hom' at Karle could do so the next day. Here meat and alcohol is not only consumed but also shared with guests.

At Karle, a group of Son Kolis had come from Belapur (New

Bombay). They arrived singing and dancing with two men carrying a gaily painted wooden boat ( a miniature about 4.5. feet in lenght). On the prow of this boat was written * Ekvira Prasann'

(Fig.8), in the centre of the boat was a structure resembling a house-boat wherein was placed a tiny embossed miniature of Ekvira

in silver. Behind the statuette was a huge bunch of peacock feathers, and in the front, incense were lit.

When questioned they informed that the statuette had to be blessed by Ekvira before being installed in the devqhar of a Kolin

(who was also there in the procession). They proceeded inside the shrine for her blessings, came out,lit camphor pellets on the steps and went to the area of their camp. On getting the blessings of the devi a procession always proceeds dancing, singing, shouting slogans in the praise of the goddess and throwing qulal (vermillion powder).

Amongst these Belapur people were three sisters ,

Meena and Manju. These teenagers did not know much about the customs and traditions but came mainly due to the instigation of the elders and to have a nice time.Meena was going to get her hair shaved and offer to Ekvira. Their mother had taken a vow (navas) that if she had children she would have all her children give their hair to the goddess. So, in fulfilment of the vow Chandra's hair was shaved a couple of years earlier. Now it was Meena's turn and after a couple of more years it will be Manju's. Chandra was very emphatic that if one does not fulfil their vow they would anger their devi and ill would befall them.

Shaving of the head for the first time of the child is normally done in the temple of a devi and -the Kolis come to Karle or go to Tuljapur or any other temples of Bhavani or Bhagvati. In

Malaya the hair is offered and the words said on behalf of the child whose is cut is "o, spirit, take this hair and do not take his life". This is described as a Hindu ritual. In such a case, it has been explained that 'the hair is an offering of a vital power as a substitute for the whole'(Firth, 1966:160).

Not only people from Maharashtra but others too have started coming for the worship of Ekvira. Climbing along with me were a

2.1V.2. woman with her daughter and grandson who spoke faultless marathi.

They had settled in Lonavala for the last thirty-five years and without fail would come for devi’s darshan every year. Another devotee was a graduate and employed in a hospital. She says she gets 'the call' and she gets possessed by Ekvira who compels her to keep fasts and come often to Karle. Another technician with the Philips Company too shares her belief. According to him if one asked anyone who is 'possessed' one is assured of a boon.

To get possessed or 'vara vene' is very common. I witnessed two females who got the vat ci. The first was a young woman who started trembling as soon as she got to the outer sanctum of the temple. The intensity of the tremors that racked her body were so great that the green bangles on her clasped hands in front of her jingled loudly. Her face was set and expressionless and her eyelids fluttered rapidly. Soon the other people gave way while others made to touch her feet (she becomes sacred). An older lady caught hold of her head firmly and said forcefully "shant ho"

(calm down). Slowly the tremors lessened and the woman was normal.

The other lady who got possessed was middle aged. She just stood and swayed in circular motion. Her eyes stared fixedly at the idol and seemed a bit wild. There are still others who get possessed and start walking around the room in a drunken fashion.

There is a tortured expression on their face and the muscle cords of their neck stand out (Fig.8.8). They can even get violent and beat themselves or even others. They answer when asked for boons. 2-U-3 could get possessed by any of the gods or goddesses associated with Ekvira, viz. Laksmi, Tulja Bhavani, Adi , Amba,

Khandoba, Kal Bhairav etc.

This state of possession of the humans by supernatural being is a common phenomena in many societies all over the world.

Possession here becomes 'one form of communication between the human and the supernatural power where the latter communicates through the human medium (Rao, 1956:1). Thus the supernatural deity mounts the head of the individual and becomes the rider while the individual is the vehicle. The possessed person thus assumes the personality and behaviour of the possessor and remains so till calmed. He is for that short time deified and regarded by all as sacred. The audience put their problems in front of him to be answered and revere him and touch his feet.

KARLE CAVES: Along the hillock at the same level as the main temple of Ekvira, the rocky surface is all hacked up and covered with powder and Vermillion. It has no form. It is said to be the embodiment of Shitladevi, the goddess of diseases. She is another prominent goddess of the Son Kolis. She is described as the sister of Ekvira along with Mumbadevi, Jari Mari,

Santoshimata, Saushyadevi, . These could be grouped together and referred to as the seven sisters.

Near this is a small cave which is visited by a number of devotees. There are a lot of faded weather-beaten sculptures in the background and a very prominent Sivaling on the floor. The

Gurav Deshmuk told me that importance should be given only to the

XVU- linga. The sculpture is regarded as something the ancient people did. In fact, the main distorted faceless image resembled that of

Lord Buddha in the Pharma Chakra Mudra. Later I was informed by reliable source that the linga was a later addition.A linga in a buddhist cave definitely is an indication of re-affirmation of the Hindu (Saivite) order.

There are a number of supersititions associated with Ekvira and her abode. In one of the viharas if a person stretches his palm in a corner in a particular position and makes a wish, it will come true if a drop of water falls in his palm. And if it falls elsewhere if means the devi is not pleased with him.

Twenty years ago, recalls one Agri informant, that at Karle

there was a tiny spring where the water was very cold and yellow

in colour. The reason for the colour is given thus: Once a maiden covered with termeric paste (just before marriage the custom of application of haldi or turmeric) committed suicide in

that pond. Ever since the water is said to have turned yellow and

is a curse for any newly-wed woman who looks into it during her

first year of marrige.

Another superstition is connected with the beehives in the

caves. The devotees of Ekvira, especially the Son Kolis, go

beneath it with out-stretched palm and say 'ai madyast (Mother

give me in the middle). If a drop of honey falls in the palm,

good fortune awaits that person. This practice is prevalent only during the chaitra festival.

TULJAPUR BHAVANI: She is none other than Ekvira. Here the

2.Lv_'5‘ festival during aswin is even more elaborate. Son Kolis flock here in equal numbers as at Karle. According to them (Kolis), a different vahana is ridden by the devi on all the nine days of navratra. On thenaumi a huge 'horn' takes place and only a ram is given in sacrifice. Here the head of the sacrificial animal is struck by one blow of the ceremonial sword and then the sword, dripping with blood is passed around the crowd who apply a tilak

(mark on the forehead) of that blood.

The story of the origin of the Tuljapur Bhavani throws light on various aspects of how different religions try and accommodate the other. The story is taken from : When was kidnapped by Ravana, Rama went beserk trying to find her. Parvati viewing all this turned to Siva and said "so, this is the man whom you so much admire and you say that he is all-knowing. Look at him now. How can he not know where his wife is?" Siva just smiled and this infuriated Parvati more and she was determined to test Rama.

She took the form of Sita and confronted Ram.Rama just bowed his head out of reverence and said 'Tu j_a ^ (go away mother)

And Parvati was convinced of Siva's faith in Rama. Thus Ua - ja-

- ai. got later corrupted to Talja - aai. Hence the name.

Thus a local mothergoddess deity got incorporated as one of the Sakti forms. Sakti cult was later associated with Saivism. i And here we have Vaisnavism too angling in.Thus it becomes an amalgamation of the faiths.

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f\0.8.S Ma'n^vungV, . I'^'&s') of Hinduism' which far from disappearing is giving rise to a number of new deities. One of them is Santoshi Mata, a friendly goddess who bestows favours in return of easy fasts. She is called the daughter of Ganesa and is very popular with the Son

Kolis.

EKVIRA AND BUDDHISM: All along the trade routes from the

Konkan coast inland are scattered a number of caves which have a dualistic religious significance.(fig.8.5) Fernandez (1925:107) enumerates them thus:

(1) Those where the deity belongs to a simple and more philosophical form of Hinduism which have retained even today some of its originality, e.g. Kanheri, Kodite, Mahad etc.

(2) Here the variety and modification of objects worshipped have reference to the more complicated and extended Brahmanical pantheon, the Shakta form of Hinduism, the worship of Siva in conjugation with his consort Parvati, e.g. Elephanta, Jogeshvary

(Jogeshvarie).

It was a direct from of retaliation by the Hindus not only to rival the works of their predecessors, i.e. Buddhism (which till the beginning of the Christian Era had monopoly over religion, trade and empire,) but also to get back firm footings to delineate and affix the stamp of Hinduism.

A new element and twist also was introduced. The natives were made to believe very firmly,as with the Son Kolis that these caves were executed by the Pandavas in their wanderings during

exile. They were Virs, talented and sons of the gods. Thus the equation of Pandavas being the brother of Ekvira.

It could also be that it was an ancient existing cult that was deliberately invoked by the Buddhist to suit their own ends, i.e. trade and coming in terms with the locals. This could be one reason that when the worship of this goddess was revived, blood sacrifice was done away with. This could also throw an angle to the vegetarianism of the Kolis. It could be that only with the decline of Buddhism that the aspect of blood sacrifice was reintroduced by the folk element. But reintroduction could not be that forceful as the sacrifice is carried out away from the main shrine whether it be at home or in the shrine.

These cult spots are visited by a number of people from all over and Kosambi (1957 : 94) calls them prehistoric. He associates them with prehistoric trade route which continued from prehistoric to ancient times which were obliterated due to good production. It was along the trade routes that colonisation occurred, and the cult goddesses were very near to such places.

And the evidence which Kosambi points out for the antiquity of these cult spots and trade routes are the presence of a considerable number of microliths. These microlithic people were pre-agricultural and thus always on the move. Thus the cult spots have been established where their regular paths crossed, places where they met for their pre-barter exchange with the ceremonial and communal ritual and always accompanied it, or where several a-t-^ups celebrated their periodic '"^rtility cults in common (Kosambi, 1962:95). Thus Karle, Bhaja and Bedsa are some of the major Buddhist caves which are situated at a crucial junction, i.e. just before the great crossing of the Sahyadri while going to the coast. And it could be, as said earlier, that it was these cult centre that were later exploited by Buddhists for their own end. Another such example is at Junnar. Thus the cult of Ekvira is a vibrant force in the lives of the Son Kolis. Even today temples of Visnu and

Rama are of less importance as cotnpared to that of Ekvira, may she be represented as the gramdevi or the kuldevi.

She is the mother (^) as well as there seem to be no husband. Thus one can say 'in the most abstract sense, is both married and not married'. Here Babb (1970:137-48) elaborates the concept that just like all gods are one, so also are all goddesses are one. And as Ekvira represents a form of Parvati "who is

Siva's wife, and who, in turn, is all the goddesses, whether explicitly married or not". On the other hand, 'the blood thirsty goddesses never appear in matrimonial context. These are compared to the local goddesses of Chattisgarh (Madhya Pradesh) who are never taken as married but considered more of "unmarried manifest­ ations" who require blood sacrifice for propitiation. Red flowers are usually offered to Durga symbolizing blood.

The fact that Ekvira does not have a consort proves her antiquity. She is a goddess regarded as mother but unmarried. The worship of Ekvira and other goddesses during ashwin and chaitra are performed and meant for mainly for women (through now they may be doing it through male priests). Z50 Even though sacrificing of buffalo (Mahisasura) is diminishing, it has been replaced by coconut that is smashed at the foot of the goddless so that the water (of the cocoanut which represents the life giving blood) falls on her. And even this coconut is first sprinkled with red water which later mixes with cocoanut water (Billiappa, 1980).

And if we were to take Ekvira as Renuca then the two festivals of chaitra and ashwin take on another aspect. It was during marqashirsha purnima that Renuca was widowed when

Jamadagni, her husband, was slain by King Kartevirya. It was then that Parsurama swore to wipe out the entire Kstriya clan from the face of the earth. And it was during chaitra pornima that

Renuca was again united with her husband who was brought back to life. So it was a kind of celebration and this could be one of the reasons for the palki to start from maherghar (mother's house) to her own abode where Ekvira as Sati had promised to meet Siva as

Ekvira (Ekvira Mahatmya). Another reason ascribed for 'husband' by Kosambi as a transition from the mother right to a patriarchal dominance. This allowed original cults to continue at a subordinate minor level. Thus even the marriage of Siva and

Parvati seem to ba a later addition. If one were to analyse traditional myths,none of the children of either Parvati or Siva seem to be of the other, e.g. Ganesh was the creation of Parvati only and not a result of the union between Siva and Parvati.

Another fact pointed out to us is that the cult spots of these mother goddesses are never in the village. They are normally a few kilometres away from settlements. Even Ekvira's

251 temple is away from the nearest village, i.e. Vihirgaon. And if we associate Ekvira as a cross road cult,then this could throw some light on the celebration of the chaitra festival a month before the end of the monsoon. The final pre-monsoon bartering of goods along with the prayers had to be concluded as it would have taken the pre-agriculturists, i.e. nomads at least a month to proceed with their herd and settle down in a shelter from the rains.

SAUNSHADEVI;"Beliefs and rites are by no means always evoked by concern for a particular social pattern, but may be stimulated by other conditions of the human environment through the values and hazards attached to material resources and techniques, the incidence of disease and other risks to health and life ..." (Forde, 1946:7-8).

This aspect can be very well illustrated by taking further instances from the life style of the Kolis. Rituals of all kinds are employed to try and convince the people of success and avoid disasters. In the absence of modern technology amongst such society it is the psychology of ritualization that gives man hope and courage to approach a situation.

The example can be elaborated in trying to understand the worship of Saunsha devi. All along the coast in Raigarh district between Murud and Alibag she is the deity who literally rules the lives of the fishermen. She is the goddess of the sea and her shrine is normally situated at or near the jetty. The Nakwas and

Dolkars, whenever they go out fishing, call out to her to stand 252. Ffg . 8 . G . d e o \ alongside with them and to keep them safe at sea, protect them and bring them home without disaster. So unknown is she that even the

Son Kolis of Bombay don’t know much about her.

There has been no mention of her in any of t.he works regading the Kolis and thus all information gathered has been through participation, observation and through informants.

Through we cannot say much about her we could derive her name from

Sausha meaning dout. So it could be elaborated and inter-preted as a deity who always keeps you in doubt because thenakwa or the

dolkar can never say whether they will come back safe from her bosom. So one should keep her in good humour so that she will take care of the fishermen and their boats.

Her shrine resembles a small semi-circlar construction wherein the offerings are placed. (Fig.8.6) She has no form nor feature.She is as formless as the sea-elusive and unconstructive. So no one has tried to give her any shape.Her main seat of worship is supposed to be a very small temple at Ceul and the Ceulkars(the

Son Kolis of Ceul) and their immediate family members are her most ardent worshippers.

She is also described as the sister of Ekvira. Hence the assumption that the above two, along with five others (Jari Mari,

Santoshi Mata, Sitaladevi, Mumbadevi, Lakshmi) go on to constitute the seven sisters or the seven spirits or Sati Asara.

Monday is dedicated to her and most of her devotees keep a fast on this day. Many of her followers also get possessed on

25U, this day and answer your queries, especially those regarding fishing, whether the fisherman would get a good catch of fish or not, or how many udan (an udan means the time period which yields a good catch of fish. An udan could last from one to two weeks depending upon the yield of fish) are yet to come.

The flower associated with her is the 'inogra' (Jasminum multiflonim Andr.) and her devotees are not supposed to wear it except on Mondays. This could suggest a sort of totem worship.

Totemism is 'a class of material objects which a savage regards with superstitious respect, believing that there exists between him and every member of the class an intimate and altogether special relation.' A tale connected with this flower is very pop­ ular in Borlai Mandla (Murud tl.) Here is the belief that if one wore a moqra in her hair on any other day except on Monday,and passed anywhere near her temple then one was plagued by the sound of a snake mewing and not hissing. At times one even came across a live cobra. This sound continued day and night till the offender offered prayers and admitted that it was wrong of her to have worn the flower. Only then, if the devi was satisfied, would the sound stop. Even today this belief is very strong amongst the

Ceulkars.

Another vegetable that is not consumed by the Ceulkar who are followers of Saushyabai is Padval(Trichosanthes anqwna Linn).

At times when the boat capsizes and thedolkar or the nakwa does not return, then one of the older female members of the family goes to pray to Saushya devi for his safe return. In their Z 5 5 plea they describe the sea as the lap of the goddess. And if he does come back safely, then the woman who has offered prayers donates her own green bangles,(sign of being married) ,to the dolkar's wife, and sometimes also offers a ram or rooster to the goddess as a symbol of thanks.

Another belief about the goddess is that if you are a devout follower of the devi then if the nakhwa accidently falls asleep on the boat which starts to drift astray, it is this Saushadevi who comes in his dream to warn him of his danger.

Her utsav (festival) falls in the month of May or vaishak.

It is on the first Monday after chaitra pornima. These days palki starts from Ceul and goes to Therwanda. At other places it is mainly the performance of pooja or offerings. The day of the

utsav is a day for fasting. Normally her devotees are not allowed

to eat padval. But during the entire week (from the Monday of the

utsav to the next Monday) they have to cook this vegetable, eat it

and even offer it to the devi. They also have to wear mogra in

their hair and also offer it to Saushadevi.

As the utsav falls just before the monsoon,the person

possessed normally tells you how long the last udan would last

before the fishing season ends, and whether it is worth while

going for fishing or not. In earlier days (till about

twenty-five years ago) men who used to be possessed by her during the utsav could attain great feats. With a thick rope tied at his

waist he used to swim out into the deep sea and come up with a big fish. This used to be distributed to every-one present as prasad. This phenomenon used to take place at Therwanda,

The offerings during this time are all placed on a long banana leaf. They include seven types of available flowers, one of which has to be a mogra; seven types of available fruits; seven types of pachkanda or savouries like chiwda, bhoorungli or puffed rice. Here too padval is a must. Added to these are coconut, banana, qulal, singdoor, abir (black sindoor), pinjar (back organge sindoor), dhoop and incense. Poola is performed of this offering and finally the sacrifice is given. Giving a sacrifice means rubbing the nose of the animal to the temple and then taking it to the jetty or to their house where the actual butchery takes place. The blood of the sacrificed animal too is added to the banana leaf which is then taken to the sea for *visarjan' or

immersion as an offering to the sea. After this the fast is

broken and there is drinking, feasting and merry-making. Everyone

has to take non-vegetarian, i.e. a piece of the sacrificed animal

as prasad without excuse.

The palki that goes from Ceul to Therwanda is built in the

shape of a qalbat a large fishing boat of the Kolis). This is

divided into three parts. In one part seven types of grain are

filled. In the next roosters and in the third coconuts. These

are mainly contributed by people who have kept navas. This palki

has wheels and is pulled by the rams that are going to be

sacrificed on reaching Therwanda. At Therwanda a huge feast is

organised for the people attending the palki and this feast is

prepared out of the things which were in the palki.

2 . 5 7 The dolkars of Revdanda have a special offering to make to their goddess. This is the day that they fulfil all vows made during the entire year and thank her for keeping them safe at sea.

A mud bank is made on the shore and a bamboo basket is placed in its centre. This is decorated with bamboo flags. Then a^Ll the offerings are placed in the basket.(Fig.8.7). They are:

Cooked rice on banana leaf; Vegetable made of padval; Chappatis made of wheat; Beetle leaf; Flowers; Beetlenut/Channa, Banana leaf to shelter the basket from the sea; Candles, Incense, One coconut, Three colours (black, white and red) A lamp of coconut filled with coconut oil and A wick made of thread.

All the people assembled who are mostly males, take blessing at this function. They offer flowers, garlands, break coconut, burn incense and apply kumkum of all three powders.

Then all of them assemble in two rows and in the centre two of the elders run from one end to another eleven times breaking coconut and offering flowers at each end. They ran first to the north and then to the south.

Shouting 'Hax Har Mahadeo', they all once more gather around the offerings in the basket. All the rams that are to be 2 .5 8 sacrificed are dragged to the basket where their nose is rubbed.

Then one of them is dragged by one of the nakwa (whose offering it is) who holds the ram by its forelegs five times around the basket. Then comes the beheading which in this case is done by the Kolis themselves.

After all the rams and roosters are beheaded, the heads are placed with other offerings and then taken and carried into the sea. The rest of the meat is cooked and consumed. It is a must for each and everyone to eat this prasad. Along with this liquor too flows.

Liquor forms an essential part of the worship amongst the

Son Kolis as with other Konkan communities. The befuddled mind has deeper faith in the supernatural beings and does not question their presence. It (worship) is also a kind of celebration. And this particular festival or utsav is to celebrate the end of the fishing season.

Thus the worship of Saushayadevi signifies the drawiing of yet another local goddess into the lives of the Son Kolis.

Calling her the sister of Ekvira indicates that it could be a case of assimilation and acculturation of a new belief system of another co-existing group.

KHANDOBA: The third step in the religion of the Son Kolis is the veneration of the god Khandoba who is said to be the incarnation of Lord Siva. He is also identified with

(Sonthiemer, 1987). He is the guardian deity of the Deccan and is worshipped in the form of a linga at Jejuri in , Maharashtra. Jejuri is about 50 km south of Pune. This temple is situated on a hillock which is described as 'shaped like a linga' and the 'second Kailash' in the Khanddoba aarti. It is at a height of 80 m. Half way up to the temple are the remains of the old fort. This was build by Sardar Malharao . There is a date 1307. Thus the temple must have been even older or it could have been a deliberate establishment to co-relate with the groups like and Mahadev Kolis who were the principal inhabitants and also the primary worshipper of this deity. There are also copper plate grants and lithic records which could date the inscription of Khandoba to the nineth and tenth century of Saka era (Khare, 1958) .

There are normally no idols of Khandoba in the devghars of the Son Kolis. This deity is portrayed on silver or metal plaques as a horseman with a sword in his right hand, his wife Malsabai sitting along with him. At times a dog is also shown.

Here again we have the example of a folk cult being absorbed within the hinder tradition. By 'folk god' Sontheimer (1987:19) enumerates a god, who is directly accessable to his followers and exists on the earth 'here and now'. He has been further described as "the god is an avtar of Siva. He has settled on the hill fort

(Jejuri). One (Khanderaya) is seated on a blue horse. The other

(Siva) is on a white bull. One (Siva) has white ash as his ornament. The other (Khanderaya) has turmeric powder (Bhandar).

For Ramadas they have become one. He does not distinguish the two" (Sontheimer, 1987:19).

XGO The legend associating the folk deity is described thus:

Some brahmins living near Jejuri were attacked and troubled by two

demons Manimal Mall and Mallasur. These brahmins prayed to Siva

for protection who took the form of the warrior God Khandoba and

destroyed the two demons. Before his death Malla was converted to

Shaivism and became one with Khandoba. Because of this a large

stone image of Malla which stands in the courtyard of the temple of Jejuri is also worshipped.

Another lore of how Khandoba came to be the kuldev of the

Son Kolis was narrated by the Bhagat of Versoli (Alibag Taluka).

He is the counterpart of the Sar Patil (the political head) in the

religious sphere, i.e. the head of all the Bhagats of the Son

Kolis. It seems that a couple of centuries ago, during the times

of the , one of the Son Kolis itself (who had been given up

for lost), by the name of Kalu Bhagat, (Enthoven, 1922:250)

returned to Tadali which is about 1.5 km away from Versoli.

Punekar (1959 : 169) referes to this promoter of Khandoba cult as

Kanha Bhagat. In his period of absence he had been introduced to

the Khandoba faith and became an ardent devotee of his (in the

words of the narrator: become one with Khandoba). He returned

with a member ofmurlis and went to the bandar (jetty) where they

proceeded to tell the other Son Kolis about Khandoba by performing

Ghondhal. They also started calling the Son Kolis unenlightened.

This irritated the fishermen who were being distracted from their

work of repairing their nets and boats, and they started throwing

fishes at these murli. When this did not dissuade the devotees of Khandoba, they started pelting the murlis with jaal a type of

2 -G l of Khandoba, they started pelting the murlis with 1aal a type of fish which is not eaten but causes a terrible itch if touched.

Kalu Bhagat was very angry with this and he took out bhandar

(turmeric powder) from his jhola (bag) and blew it towards the sea. All at once the stakes and nets in the sea disappeared.

The astonished fishermen went out far and wide into the sea but could not locate any of their stakes or nets. Worried, they returned and pleaded with Kalu Bhagat to give them back their nets, Kalu Bhagat extracted a promise from the fishermen that they would accept Khandoba as their kuldevata. They were given bhandar which they blew towards the sea and their stakes and nets reappeared.

Thus even today Versoli is one of the biggest centres for

the Son Kolis and Jejuri the main shrine for worship. Descendants of Kalu Bhagat are still the high priests of Versoli. Before this

the Kolis believe that they were in a state of adnyan (Enthoven,

1922:250).

Two of the main festivals where there is large attendance of the Son Kolis at Jejuri are the marriage of Khandoba in maqh

pornima (January/February) and somvati . The plaques of

Khandoba are placed in a palki i.e. mainly of the temple and of

the Patils, and they take this palki every three years to Jejuri.

It is the palki of Versoli that goes first and then the others follow. If for any reason the palki from Versoli cannot go, no

otherpalki can go to Jejuri. On maqh pornima, each group of Koli

brings along a gay red or red and yellow banner on a tall staff. 2-62 banners are carried in procession upto the temple. There with the banners they stand on the large tortoise which is huge, 6 , 2 m, in diameter, plated with bronze, and point the banners towards the shikhara (pinnacle) of the temple. This tortoise was plated some

100 years ago by some Konkan fishermen (Gaz.Bom.Pres,

XVIII.i:134). After doing darsan (worship) and taking their plaque the next day to the temple,they leave for their homes.

At Jejuri they (the Son Kolis) normally stay around the

Holkar reservoir near the temple. There is also a huge fair and market organised along with bullock cart racing. The other main communities that come here are the Mahadev Kolis, Dhangaris,

Ramoshis, Marathas, C.K.P.'s, Prabhus. etc. A number of stalls are set up along the village paths which sell mainly goods associated with worship, food, replicas of Khandoba plaques, cloth and artificial jewellery, toy shops etc. - 'Booths line up streets - Basically by and Musalmans from Supa and Poona.

Articles chiefly sold are red and yellow powder, coconut kernels,

\ and split and parched pulses, vegetables, fruits, sweetmeats, copper and brass vessels, images of gods, bangles and caps and coats for childen'(Gaz.Bom.Pres.XVIII.i:136).

Khandoba is also described as the leader of brigands and thieves and also a warrior. As a warrior he is»a horseman Malhari and as a plant he is the turmeric powder under the name Bhandar and as an animal he is a dog that runs alongside his horse. Thus maybe when during the rule, when there were a lot of strife the Son Kolis too when forming a regiment under Sivaji or the

2 € 3 8.8

Pig .S.S Angres or even the British were introduced to two important deities who were warriors in their own right. And we have the kuldevatas Khandoba and Ekvira who are then further joined as brother and sister. The banners too could be the insignia of a regiment which is shown to the deity for insp: 'lion and respect.

The importance of these deities in the political evolution of Son

Kolis will be discussed in the next chapter. Heesterman (1962:15) writes "It may be that they claimed presents and hospitable accommodation under the threat of violence, either real or magical".

Now it is not possible for all Son Kolis to have individual palkis.(Fig.8.9) Thus five or six villages group together take out a palki which takes a round of all the villages and aarti is perf­ ormed at the threshold of the major families. Here the feet of all the palki bearers and the people along with it are washed with water from brass vessels and also touched. There are pallbearers and chattra(umbrella) carriers.These pall and chattras are intricately embroidered and gem studded and have some anti­ quity. This palki after taking the rounds of the villages is taken to the main temple of the village where the metal plaques are almost smothered by various types of flowers i.e. asters, aboli, rajniqandha,shoe flower, coconut karnels, incense, bhandar and kumkum.On the day of the marriage is the 'ud' or the main celebration. With the ringing of the temple bells and the banjo music in the background we have the people of the village flocking around the palki and showering bhandar. The whole place is a haze, with a cloud of bhandar almost causing a mist where all are covered with it from head to toe.

Bhandar or turmeric powder is described as the very substance of Mailara or Khandoba (Sonthiemer, 1981:15) and possesses the cooling and healing properties. Thus Khandoba, along with being the guardian is also the healer of wounds of battle. And breaking the fetters or chains which symbolises the fulfilment of a navas or vow also could be the embodiment of the freedom which the folk communities seek from the numerous invaders all along the coast and the Deccan.

There are two main features which are considered important and which form a link between the Son Kolis and Khandoba. As

Khandoba is the kuldev no marriages can be arranged nor even engagement take place before that of Khandoba. It is only during the latter half of February and March that a feverish rush for looking around for a match for their son/daughter begins, and marriages are mainly held during the months of April and May.

Most of these are plural marriages with two or more couple getting married in one mandapa. If it is an odd number of couples then the marriage of a banyan or mango tree which symbolises the devak (Enthoven, 1924) takes place to even the number. Marriages between first cousins are permitted where the girl has to be married to her maternal uncle or the son of the maternal uncle.

If only they say 'no' can the girl's parents look for another match. Till quite recently, Hf the girl refused to get married to her first cousin and ran away with another, it was considered a crime and the girl's parents had to pay a nominal amount as compensation. The second point of focus that is brought to light by the

festival of maqh pornima is the tracing of the pattern of migration. It is a custom amongst the ^on Kolis that least one

person of the family has to go to his family house on this day

(Khandoba’s wedding). When the settlers came to the coast, they

established a devghar. So in spite of leaving your original home

you go back there on this day. For example, let us take the

family of Versolkar who are settled today at Revdanda. They are

originally from Versoli {another indicator of their early

settlement is their surnames,v.i.z. Thankar from Thana, Dandekar

from Danda, Ceulkar from Ceul and Thalkar from Thai and Versolkar

from Versoli) and the second generation is in Revdanda and the

third generation has moved on to Bombay. Thus one can trace the

origin of the Son Kolis first place of settlement by asking him as

to the situation of his devghar.

Thus, here we find another attempt of brahmanising a local

deity. 'The cloak of brahmanic orthodoxy was thrown over the

local deities and ceremonial and social divisions adopted the

brahmanic organisation: but beyond the introduction of a certain

contingent of as teachers and advisers, no blood

was infused into the population' (Baines, 1912:4-5).

Just as Siva has his bhutas, Khandoba has his own army of

spirits. One of the prominent ones is Vetal who has a great significance for the Son Kolis of Alibag taluka. He is regarded

as the god of the sea and has his seat on the island of Khanderi, off Thai. He is said to be the leader of the spirits and the king of ghosts and demons. At Khanderi, Vetal lives in an uncut stone about 0.90 to 1 .2 0 m. high, surrounded at a distance of a few yards by a circle of smaller stones who are the attendants of Vetal.

Vetal's name is said to have come from his sign, a cane which is normally referred to as vet or bet. He is a patron of wrestlers.

The main festival of Vetal is on mahashivratri. On this day a

jatrais taken out and there is a lot of drinking of liquor. The celebrations is accompanied by ram and rooster sacrifices.

Normally women and children do not participate.

There are also a number of other spirits who are

alternatingly revered and feared by the Son Kolis, and being

basically animist they live in a world peopled by spirits, be they

good or bad. There are associated with earth, water, air, fire,

trees, stones, mountains and even in plant life. The sole outlook

of the Son Kolis is to keep these spirits happy. This is done

through individual or communal sacrifices as appeasement to the

wandering soul. Some of these spirits in the course of evolution

assumed a benevolent stand and became guardians and protectors.

Vetal too was given the role of protector at sea, where as Bapdeo

arose as the boundary guardian.

In fact the 'spirits of the Konkan are very fierce' so says

a very famous proverb. Bapdeo's fall in the category of benevolent

spirits. He has been defined as a protective deity of the non-

sanstritic level (Babb, 1970:146). His abode is normally at the border of the villages on the marshy lands as at Revdanda and

Versoli. At Revdanda the structure devoted to Bapdeo lies outside the outer walls south of the fort at Revdanda which faces the creek. It is a small structure constructed in the marshes with four sticks supporting a thatched roof. He protects the boundary of the village and is offered a coconut at every purnima (full moon) and amavasya (new moon). Occasionally on fulfilment of a navas a ram is also sacrified to him. Similar boundary guardian spirits are described by Babb. He gives us the example of

Thakurdev in a village in M.P. where he is represented by a pile of stones lying directly in front of the door leading into the shrine of the village goddess (Babb : 145). So also the Bapdev stands as a bodyguard. It could also be that Kal Bhairav whose temple is at the foot of the steps leading to the cave at Karle, could be, apart from the relationship of brother, be standing bodyguard to her sacred abode. There are also qramdevis or village deities who still retain their role as a local goddess needing occasional blood sacrifices.

Thus we have a female and a male identity who are related to one another through kinship bonds and are revered as the kuldevatas. Their insignia are the cowrie necklace and the silver chain which according to some devotees signify the snake around

Siva's neck.

They both are interrelated and take part in each other’s festivals. In fact in either Khandoba or Ekvira's festival the use of the necklace of cowrie (the symbol of Ekvira) and the silver serpant like necklace (that of Khandoba) and also the divti

(the female lamp) and the diva (the male counterpart of the lamp) is made for worship.

2 6 9 F\g.8.l0.hiar\i Thus we have a great manipulation of the Son Kolis through the establishment of religions and pilgrimage centres. Here we have two local village cults eventually was absorbed in the more universal of the Hindu tradition. It was at these cult centres where the distinction of castes. So very predominant and well defined vis-a-vis other castes, melts away (Bharadwaj, 1973:151).

It is these temples or even the small shrine's which were maneuvered to be major centres for percolation of political power to the masses. Khandoba and Ekvira, two embodiements of warlike deities i.e. Siva and Shakti, were incorporated in the lives of the Son Kolis who were about to set on a campaign of warfare (as shall be seen in Chap.IX). They became the kuldevatas, demanded blood sacrifice and full patronization. They became the symbol of

the state,they both became state god and goddess.

The various donations denoted power and status and also emphasised the point that the gods and goddesses were no longer philosophical abstractions but were being 'used' by man as instruments for tangible purposes (Bharadwaj, 1973:174). It became centres for economic, political and social intregue.

Kinship patterns were ascribed, viz. brother sister relationship between Khandoba and Ekvira; sister sister relationship between

Ekvira and Saushayadevi and thus acculturation through

incorporation was brought about.