Annex a Format of the Membership Report 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 14
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1 Populism in Election Times: a Comparative Analysis Of
POPULISM IN ELECTION TIMES: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF ELEVEN COUNTRIES IN WESTERN EUROPE Laurent Bernharda and Hanspeter Kriesib,c aSwiss Centre of Expertise in the Social Sciences (FORS), University of Lausanne, Lausanne, Switzerland; bDepartment of Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute, San Domenico di Fiesole (Florence), Italy; cLaboratory for Comparative Social Research, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russian Federation CONTACT: Laurent Bernhard [email protected] ABSTRACT: The article comparatively examines the levels of populism exhibited by parties in Western Europe. It relies on a quantitative content analysis of press releases collected in the context of eleven national elections between 2012 to 2015. In line with the first hypothesis, the results show that parties from both the radical right and the radical left make use of populist appeals more frequently than mainstream parties. With regard to populism on cultural issues, the article establishes that the radical right outclasses the remaining parties, thereby supporting the second hypothesis. On economic issues, both types of radical parties are shown to be particularly populist. This pattern counters the third hypothesis, which suggests that economic populism is most prevalent among the radical left. Finally, there is no evidence for the fourth hypothesis, given that parties from the South do not resort to more populism on economic issues than those from the North. KEYWORDS: Introduction In the first decades immediately following World War II, populism was a rather marginal phenomenon in Western Europe (Gellner and Ionescu 1969). In contrast to many other regions, conventional wisdom had long maintained that populism would have a hard time establishing itself in this part of the world (Priester 2012: 11). -
Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament. -
Green Parties in National Governments: from Protest to Acquiescence?
Green Parties in National Governments: From Protest to Acquiescence? Thomas Poguntke Keele European Parties Research Unit (KEPRU) Working Paper 9 © Thomas Poguntke, 2001 ISSN 1475-1569 ISBN 1-899488-34-0 KEPRU Working Papers are published by: School of Politics, International Relations and the Environment (SPIRE) Keele University Staffs ST5 5BG, UK tel +44 (0)1782 58 4177/3088/3452 fax +44 (0)1782 58 3592 www.keele.ac.uk/depts/spire/ Editor: Professor Thomas Poguntke ([email protected]) KEPRU Working Papers are available via SPIRE’s website. Launched in September 2000, the Keele European Parties Research Unit (KEPRU) was the first research grouping of its kind in the UK. It brings together the hitherto largely independent work of Keele researchers focusing on European political parties, and aims: • to facilitate its members' engagement in high-quality academic research, individually, collectively in the Unit and in collaboration with cognate research groups and individuals in the UK and abroad; • to hold regular conferences, workshops, seminars and guest lectures on topics related to European political parties; • to publish a series of parties-related research papers by scholars from Keele and elsewhere; • to expand postgraduate training in the study of political parties, principally through Keele's MA in Parties and Elections and the multinational PhD summer school, with which its members are closely involved; • to constitute a source of expertise on European parties and party politics for media and other interests. The Unit shares the broader aims of the Keele European Research Centre, of which it is a part. KERC comprises staff and postgraduates at Keele who are actively conducting research into the politics of remaking and integrating Europe. -
Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses
Working Paper Series in European Studies Volume 1, Number 3 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses DR. SIMON HIX DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE United Kingdom ([email protected]) EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE: GILLES BOUSQUET KEITH COHEN COLLEEN DUNLAVY ANDREAS KAZAMIAS LEON LINDBERG ELAINE MARKS ANNE MINER ROBERT OSTERGREN MARK POLLACK GREGORY SHAFFER MARC SILBERMAN JONATHAN ZEITLIN Copyright © 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. European Studies Program, International Institute, University of Wisconsin--Madison Madison, Wisconsin http://polyglot.lss.wisc.edu/eur/ 1 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses Simon Hix Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, United Kingdom Abstract As the European Union (EU) has evolved, the study agenda has shifted from ‘European integration’ to ‘EU politics’. Missing from this new agenda, however, is an understanding of the ‘cognitive constraints’ on actors, and how actors respond: i.e. the shape of the EU ‘political space’ and the location of social groups and competition between actors within this space. The article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the shape of the EU political space (the interaction between an Integration-Independence and a Left-Right dimension and the location of class and sectoral groups within this map), and tests this framework on the policy positions of the Socialist, Christian Democrat and Liberal party leaders between 1976 and 1994 (using the techniques of the ECPR Party Manifestos Group Project). -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Alexander Langer: 20 Years Later a Visionary Witness of Our Time
Alexander Langer: 20 years later A visionary witness of our time Alexander Langer was born in Sterzing/Vipiteno in South Tyrol on 22 February 1946. A journalist, translator, teacher, from a young age he became involved with journals, associations and citizen activism. From 1978 on he was elected to the Provincial Council of Bolzano for three legislatures. In the 1980s, he was among the proponents of the Green political movement in Italy and Europe, which he saw as an innovative and cross-cutting movement among the traditional parties. Elected to the European Parliament in 1989, he became president of the newly formed Green Group. He was especially committed to a peace-based foreign policy, for fairer North-South and East-West relations, for an ecological transformation of society, economy and lifestyles. He participated in official trips and missions to Israel, Brazil, Russia, Argentina, Albania, Egypt, Romania and Bulgaria. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, he became increasingly committed to countering the growing danger of nationalisms. He supported reconciliation efforts in the territories of the former Yugoslavia. With the "Verona Forum", he offered a space for dialogue to hundreds of peace activists in Verona, Strasbourg, Vienna, Brussels, Paris, Tuzla, Skopje and Zagreb. On 26 June 1995, he was in Cannes with other Members of the European Parliament to deliver a dramatic appeal to the heads of State and Government: "Europe will either die or be reborn in Sarajevo". In 1981 and 1991, Alexander Langer refused to participate in the nominational census which reinforced the policy of ethnic division in his region. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
The Green Party of Germany: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen [PDF]
THE GREEN PARTY OF GERMANY BÜNDNIS 90 / DIE GRÜNEN 1. Historical Context and democratic structure of Germany The political structures that existed before a united German state emerged were dominated by relatively small political entities, which enjoyed varying degrees of political autonomy. The Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Federal Republic of Germany) is formally only 70 years old. Unsurprisingly, this history of federalism is represented in the Bundesrepublik as well. Today we have 16 federal states. This decentralization is one of the most important parts of our democracy. Berlin, as the capital, was and is the best symbol of Germany’s colourful past. West Berlin’s location deep within the territory of Eastern Germany made it an island of the Bundesrepublik (Western Germany). West Berlin has had a very special phase after WWII that was deeply intertwined with the Cold War. With the end of the Cold War, the two German states the German Democratic Republic or GDR (East Germany) and Bundesrepublik finally became a united state again. Today, Berlin with its 3.6 million inhabitants, is Germany’s biggest city, its capital and the place to be for culture, arts, lifestyle, politics and science. Germany’s democratic system is a federal parliamentary republic with two chambers: the Bundestag (Germany’s parliament) and the Bundesrat (the representative body of the federal states). Germany’s political system is essentially a multi-party system, which includes a 5% threshold (parties representing recognised national minorities, for example Danes, Frisians, Sorbs and Romani people are exempt from the 5% threshold, but normally only run in state elections). -
BIEN - Basic Income Earth Network NEWSFLASH 55 January 2009
BIEN - Basic Income Earth Network NEWSFLASH 55 January 2009 www.basicincome.org The Basic Income Earth Network was founded in 1986 as the Basic Income European Network. It expanded its scope from Europe to the Earth in 2004. It serves as a link between individuals and groups committed to or interested in basic income, and fosters informed discussion on this topic throughout the world. The present NewsFlash has been prepared with the help of Paul Nollen, Reimund Acker, Simon Birnbaum, David Casassas, Julieta Elgarte, Xavi Fontcuberta, Axel Gosseries, Elisa Grazzi, Louise Haagh, Dirk Jacobi, Ulrich Leicht, Ralf Leonhard, Eri Noguchi, Philippe Van Parijs, Karl Widerquist, and Thérèse Davio. This NewsFlash can be downloaded as a PDF document on our website www.basicincome.org CONTENTS 1. Events 2. New issue of Basic Income Studies 3. Glimpses of National Debates 4. Publications 5. New Links 6. About BIEN _____ BIEN NEWSFLASH 55 – January 2009 1 1. EVENTS PAST EVENTS * MADRID (ES), 11 November 2008: ‘The Right to Work and Basic Income’ An official presentation of the book by José Luis Rey Pérez entitled The Right to Work and Basic Income took place on November 11th, 2009 in the Julian Besteiro School in Madrid. The author responded to the question ‘How it is possible to guarantee the Right to Work?’ (Dykinson, Madrid, 2007). The book was introduced by José Manzanares, Director of ISCOD and by José Miguel Sebastian, member of ATTAC-Madrid. The author José Luis Rey Pérez presented the main thesis defended in the book and there was an interesting debate about the role of labour in the economic crisis and the role the trade unions might play in the defense of basic income. -
Application of VERDI-GRÜNE-VËRC for EGP Membership State of Play for Information - EGP Committee Report and Preliminary Conclusion 1
Application of VERDI-GRÜNE-VËRC for EGP membership State of play for information - EGP Committee report and preliminary conclusion 1. General introduction 2. South Tyrol 3. Background information on the Party 4. Meetings with Verdi-Grüne-Vërc 5. Meeting with Federazione dei Verdi 6. List of other meetings 7. Conclusions and recommendations 1. General introduction The EGP arranged a fact-finding mission to South Tyrol (Italy) on 20 and 21 September 2016 as part of the application process of the South Tyrolean Greens (Verdi-Grüne-Vërc, from now on “VGV”). VGV, who had been a part of the Italian Greens till 2013, but decided in that year to pull out of the Federazione dei Verdi, approached the EGP for the first time on 14 July 2015 in order to ask to become a member of the EGP. Since then, they sent to our Council in Lyon in November 2015 a delegation which included the Co-spokesperson of the South Tyrolean Young Greens, Valentino Liberto and Office Assistant, Anna Hupel. They also participated in the Utrecht Council in May 2016, sending Party Co- spokesperson, Brigitte Foppa and Office Assistant, Anna Hupel. In January 2016 a meeting between representatives of the Italian greens and STG took place in Bologna but no settlement was found. The EGP delegation to Bolzano was made up of: Reinhard Bütikofer (Co-Chair), Monica Frassoni (Co- Chair), Mar Garcia (Secretary General), Gwendoline Delbos-Corfield (Member of the Committee responsible for Italy) and Benedetta De Marte (staff). 2. South Tyrol South Tyrol, also known by its alternative Italian name of Alto Adige, is an autonomous province in northern Italy. -
Class Cleavage Roots and Left Electoral Mobilization in Western Europe ONLINE APPENDIX
Lost in translation? Class cleavage roots and left electoral mobilization in Western Europe ONLINE APPENDIX Parties in the Class bloc For the classification of political parties in the class bloc, we have included “those parties which are the historical product of the structuring of the working-class movement” (Bartolini and Mair 1990 [2007], 46). Moreover, as the class cleavage is not only a historical product but a dynamic concept, we have also carefully assessed the potential inclusion of all those parties that are: 1) direct successors of traditional working-class parties or 2) new parties emphasizing traditional left issues. As regards direct successors of traditional working-class parties, issues related to party continuity and change across time arise. Class bloc parties changing name or symbol, merging or forming joint lists with other class bloc parties are obviously included in the Class Bloc. Conversely, in the case of splits or in the case of mergers between a class bloc party and a non-class bloc party, choices become less straightforward. Generally speaking, we looked at the splinter party and included it in the Class bloc whenever it still maintained a clear communist, socialist, or social democratic programmatic profile (e.g., the case of Communist Refoundation Party in Italy in 1992). Conversely, “right-wing” splits from Social democratic parties (e.g., the Centre Democrats from the Social Democratic Party in Denmark in 1973) that have explicitly abandoned their former ideological references to social democracy, shifting their programmatic focus away from economic left issues and embracing liberal, radical, green, or “new politics” ideological profiles, have been generally excluded from the Class Bloc. -
Associazione Itanes
Associazione Itanes Italian National Election Studies Itanes 2013 Italian National Election Survey 2013 CAPI Post-Electoral Survey QUESTIONNAIRE Translation: 07/08/2014 Original questionnaire: ITA2013_Questionario(CAPI)_Italiano.pdf Table of Contents Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 2 Section 1: Economy ............................................................................................................................. 2 Section 2: Most Important Problems ................................................................................................... 4 Section 3: Trust .................................................................................................................................... 4 Section 5: Opinions on Democracy and Parties ................................................................................... 6 Section 6: Europe ................................................................................................................................. 7 Section 7: Interest in Politics ............................................................................................................... 7 Section 8: Issues ................................................................................................................................... 8 Section 9: Religion ..............................................................................................................................