DOCSLIB.ORG

The Fales Family

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Fales Family THE FALES FAMILY OF BRISTOL, RHODE ISLAND ANCESTRY OF HALIBURTON FALES OF NEW YORK BY DE COURSEY FALES, A. B.t LL. B. PRIVATELY PRINTED 1919 To My NEPHEW AND GODSON SAMUEL FALES OF THE TENTH GENERA·r10N I LOVINGLY DEDICATE THIS BOOK ACKNOWLEDGMENT I have great pleasure in acknowledging here the able and untiring assistance in my authorship of this book of my friend Doctor Arthur Wentworth Hamilton Eaton, author of many volumes of prose and verse, eminent successor in the field of Nova Scotia history of my distinguished relative Honorable Judge Thomas Chandler Haliburton. DE COURSEY FALES. NEW YORK CITY, SEPTEMBER, 1919. TABLE OF CONTENTS THE FALES FAMILY 9-158 FIRST GENERATION 9 SECOND GENERATION . 23 THIRD GENERATION 31 FOURTH GENERATION 49 FIFTH GENERATION 55 SIXTH GENERATION 81 SEVENTH GENERATION . 123 EIGHTH GENERATION 151 ADDITIONAL NOTES 1 53 THE HALIBURTON FAMILY . 159-217 NOTES ON THE OTIS FAMILY 199 SOME HALIBURTON LETTERS . 205 THE MAYFLOWER ANCESTORS OF HALIBURTON FALES . 219-222 VARIO US ANCESTRIES OF HALIBURTON FALES . 223-247 WILLS AND INVENTORIES . 249-305 INDEX • . 307-332 ILLUSTRATIONS SAMUEL FALES, 1775-1848 . Facing Title Portrait by Gilbert Stuart, Painted in 1806 HOUSE OF NEHEMIAH AND DAVID FALES • . • 48 COLONNADE Row, BosToN . go MRS. SAMUEL FALES, 1773-1839 • 94 Portrait by Alvan Clark STEPHEN SMITH FALES, 1783-1839 • 119 Portrait, Painted in Holland in 1804 Lucy ANN CHARLOTTE AuGus-rA FALES (MRs. ANDREW DUNLAP), 1802-1887 123 Portrait by G. P. A. Healy SAMUEL FALES DUNLAP, 1825-r905 127 Portrait by G. P. A. Healy SAMUEL BRADFORD FALES, 1804-1880 HALmURTON FALES, 1815-1869 . Portrait by G. P. A. Healy HALmuRTON FALES, 2n r51 Portrait by Herman G. Herkomer, Painted in 1910 HALIBURTON FALES, 3D • Portrait by Underwood and Underwood DE COURSEY FALES 158 Portrait by Lydia Field Emmett, Painted in 1919 JUDGE THOMAS CHANDLER HALIBURTON, 1796-1865 r88 THE FALES FAMILY FIRST GENERATION THE New England Fales family is one of the large interesting group of English Puritan families that settled and were long conspicuous in the now ancient town of Dedham, Massachusetts, a town among the rich­ est in historical traditions of all the early settled eastern Massachusetts towns. I }AMES 1 FALES was settled in Dedham at least as --- ........ ~ - .. ·- - -~ early as 1651, for the Selectmen's records of that year give his name as one of the inhabitants to be called to the general Town Meeting. What his native place in England was we do not certainly know, although a state­ ment came many years ago into print that he was di­ rectly from Chester, either from the city or somewhere else in the county, we do not know which. After care­ fully examining Omerod's notable "History of Chester" and other \vorks on the county and the town we are convinced that wherever the chief location of the Fales family in England may have been, it was not the county 10 THE BRISTOL FALES FAMILY of Cheshire, though of course the founder of the Ne,v England family himself may have lived there and from there have come dire~tly to Massachusetts as the state­ ment we have referred to says. In Guppy's " Homes of Family Names", we find the name "Failes" given as more or less common in the county of Norfolk, but in Suckling's " Antiquities of the county of Suffolk", we find a John "Fale" mentioned as Rector of the parish of Flixton in that county in the year 1 5 1 1.* In a list of clergymen ejected from their livings in Suffolk by the " Presbyterian Anabaptist, and other religious sects and parties, " between 1643 and 1646, appears the name of a Rev. J. "Fale" of Fressingfield,t and in a list of names in the parish of Dennington, Suffolk, of men who prom­ ised in 1651 to be loyal to the Commonwealth, is the familiar name "Thomas Fales"·+ . In our search for some traces of the Fales family in Chester, we have examined, for instance, "A List of the Freeholders in Cheshire _in 1578 ", and·" A List of the Wills, Inventories, etc., now preserve~ at the Diocesan Registry, Chester, from the year 1621 to the year 1700, inclusive" (printed for the Record Society for the publi­ cation of original documents relating to Lancashire and Cheshire in 1902), and in these important works we do not find the name Fales once mentioned. A certain member of some branch of the Dedham Fales family, * Suckling's " Antiquities of the County of Suffolk," page 352. t Hollingsworth's "History of Stowmarket," Suffolk, page 17 5. + See the " New Eng1and Historical and Genealogical Register," vol­ ume 44, page 366. FIRST GENERATION 11 not the Bristol branch, once wrote in a private letter : " The family comes from Chester, England, and takes its name from or gives its name to the river Fales, a rivulet about fifteen feet wide. It took me a year to find it." If such a stream as the ''river Fales" exists in Cheshire, it is too insignificant for Omerod, who dis­ cusses the rivers of Cheshire at some length, to mention, and we have found no evidence whatever to make us believe that any Fales family ever existed in the county at all. The origin of the name Fales, as of many other Eng­ lish surnames, is very doubtful. Barber's " British Family Names, their Origin and Meaning", makes it possibly originate, like "Falls" and "Fallows", in the Norman name "Falaise ", which is kindred to the Flem­ ish "Fallais ", "Falise ", or "Falloise "; or else in the Anglo-Saxon "Felce". In Baring-Gould's entertaining "Family Names and their History", we find the conjec­ ture that it is identical with the ancient Norman word "Fail" or "Fayle ", which this author says is the Nor­ man name of our familiar Beech tree. On the 11th of January, 1654-5, a little more than three years from the date of the meeting at which the name of Jam._es..Fale.s was presented as one of the inhab­ itants of Dedham, he, John Houghton, and Jonathan Fair­ banks, Jr., were formally admitted "townsmen", and no doubt, immediately thereafter appended their names to the Covenant of the Town. It has frequently been stated in print that Fales sl_g~~d the Covenant at the 12 THE BRISTOL FALES FAMILY incorporation of the town in 1636, but while the Cove­ nant was drawn up at the time of the incorporation, and signed by all the men who were then candidates for permanent residence in Dedham, it is evident that many of the signatures we find appended to it as it appears in the Dedham Archives were added much later, James Fales's, with John Houghton's and Jonathan Fairbanks's, being appended only when these men were formally ad­ mitted townsmen.* Precisely how soon after his settlement in Dedham, James Fales received his first allotment of land there, we have found no record to show, but it was probably very soon. In any case, on his marriage in 1655 he would have been entitled to a grant, for the first settlers of Dedham agreed, says the historian of the town, "that each married man should have a house lot of twelve acres, part upland and part meadow." At a town meet­ ing held on the 23d of January, 1656, he was given also a share of thirty-eight and a half acres in· the town's com­ mon lands, and on the 10th of March, 1657, he was granted three acres of land more. At the time of his grant of common land, his previous estate was declared to be worth forty-two pounds, sixteen shillings. Where he received his first land and built his earliest house does not seen1 doubtful, his house was built in the * The Covenant of the town was not the Covenant of the church, it was, however, an agreement which men signed at their formal admission to residence, that they would live righteously and in Christian charity with their fellow townsmen. See the printed Dedham records. FIRST GENERATION 13 south-eastern part of Dedham, in what is now known as the Ashcroft section, on the present Cedar Street, and it is likely that it stood on the site of a well remem­ bered Fales house on Cedar Street that was taken down in 1874. As early as 1663, however, Mr. Fales removed to what is now the centre of the town of Wal­ pole, a location from six to eight miles distant, in a south-westerly direction, from the place where he had first lived. The only near neighbors he had in this new home ,vere Thomas Clap, Samuel Parker, and Quinton Stockwell, all like him with families constantly increasing in size. In the Dedham records in 1663, we find the following entry which shows us how and when he received part of his Walpole lands: "Granted unto James Vales a perceil of Lande att ye easte end of ye Lands hee have at att ye Sawe Mille in sattisfaction for his purchis Lande that was due to ye halfe Lott he live uppon, as it shall be layd out by Joshua Fisher and Edwarde Richardes." In a history of. the town of Wal­ pole, recently published, we find mention of the building of a saw-mill in this part of Dedham, and the History then goes on to say: "The first human habitation built by the early settlers in what is now Walpole territory, in all probability was at or near this old mill, followed by that of James Fales, on Spice or Spring Brook, to whom, according to first records, the Indians became a constant menace and source of danger." In 1670, the History further tells us, "our first settler, James Fales", was chosen surveyor of a tract of land in the town called 14 THE BRISTOL FALES FAMILY Woollomonpuck, the records calling him in this relation, "surveyor for ye Familyes att ye Sawe Mille and Wollo- 1nonuppoage."* In 1677, James Fales, senior's, dwelling house was valued at five pounds, James Fales, junior's at two pounds, and their neighbors, Thomas Clap's and Samuel Parker's, each, at two pounds.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society
    I I. L /; I; COLLECTIONS OF THE j^olja Scotia ^isitoncal ^otitiv ''Out of monuments, names, wordes, proverbs, traditions, private records, and evidences, fragments of stories, passages of bookes, and the like, we do save, and recover somewhat from the deluge of time."—Lord Bacon: The Advancement of Learning. "A wise nation preserves its records, gathers up its muniments, decorates the tombs' of its illustrious dead, repairs its great structures, and fosters national pride and love of country, by perpetual re- ferences to the sacrifices and glories of the past."—Joseph Howe. VOLUME XVII. HALIFAX, N. S. Wm. Macnab & Son, 1913. FI034 Cef. 1 'TAe care which a nation devotes to the preservation of the monuments of its past may serve as a true measure of the degree of civilization to which it has attained.'' {Les Archives Principales de Moscou du Ministere des Affairs Etrangeres Moscow, 1898, p. 3.) 'To discover and rescue from the unsparing hand of time the records which yet remain of the earliest history of Canada. To preserve while in our power, such documents as may he found amid the dust of yet unexplored depositories, and which may prove important to general history, and to the particular history of this province.'" — Quebec Literary and Historical Society. NATIONAL MONUMENTS. (By Henry Van Dyke). Count not the cost of honour to the deadl The tribute that a mighty nation pays To those who loved her well in former days Means more than gratitude glory fled for ; For every noble man that she hath bred, Immortalized by art's immortal praise, Lives in the bronze and marble that we raise, To lead our sons as he our fathers led.
    [Show full text]
  • Micmac Migration to Western Newfoundland
    MICMAC MIGRATION TO WESTERN NEWFOUNDLAND DENNIS A. BARTELS Department of Anthropology Sir Wilfred Grenfell College Memorial University of Newfoundland Corner Brook, Newfoundland Canada, and OLAF UWE JANZEN Department of History Sir Wilfred Grenfell College Memorial University of Newfoundland Corner Brook, Newfoundland Canada, ABSTRACT / RESUME The Micmac of Cape Breton are known to have had a long history of seasonal contact with Newfoundland. It is generally accepted that they resided there permanently by the early 19th century. The authors review the available evidence and conclude that the permanent occupation of Newfoundland by the Micmac began in the 1760s. On sait que les Micmac de cap-Breton ont eu une longue histoire du contact saisonnier avec la Terre-Neuve. Il est généralement admis qu'ils y habitèrent en permanence au début du XIXe siècle. Les auteurs examinent l'évidence disponible et concluent que l'occupation permanente de la Terre-Neuve par les Micmac a commencé dans les années 1760. 72 Dennis A. Bartel/Olaf Uwe Janzen INTRODUCTION It is generally conceded that the Micmac of Cape Breton Island were a maritime-adapted people with sufficient seafaring skills to extend their territorial range as far into the Gulf of St. Lawrence as the Magdalen Islands and as far east as St. Pierre and Miquelon.1 By the eighteenth century, the Micmac were able to maintain a persistent presence in southern and southwestern Newfoundland. Some scholars have concluded from this that southwestern Newfoundland could have been a regular part of the territorial range of the Cape Breton Micmac since prehistoric times.2 In the absence of archaeological evidence to support such a conclusion, others, such as Marshall (1988) and Upton (1979:64) are unwilling to concede more than a seasonal exploitation of Newfoundland.
    [Show full text]
  • Cumberland Planters and the Aftermath of the Attack on Fort Cumberland
    Cumberland Planters and the Aftermath of the Attack on Fort Cumberland Ernest A. Clarke Halifax, Nova Scotia "There are many timorous and weak persons among us, who aw'd by fear, are drove to do what they would avoid, if they durst." John Eagleson, Anglican missionary and acting chaplain of Fort Cumberland, describing Cumberland Planters during the rebellion.1 ***** "O most mighty God," prayed the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel missionary at Windsor. "Ruler of Heaven and Earth," prayed the Rev. William Ellis as H.M.S. Vulture sailed out Minas Basin to relieve Fort Cumberland in November 1776. "Re-unite the Divided interests and Distracted minds of our Countrymen. Defend us from Seditious rage at home and from the Designs of all our...enemies, wheresoever they may be!"2 A good many of the distracted wheresoevers were, even as Ellis prayed, surrounding Fort Cumberland where sedition had raged through the Planter community, for the past year and where the fort had been under attack for a month by a band of 180 guerrillas led by the self styled Colonel Jonathan Eddy.3 Inside the fort were about the same number of defenders: a garrison of provincial troops, the Royal Fencible Americans, and two dozen or more 1 Eagleson to John Butler, 27 January 1776, Public Archives of Canada (PAC), MG 11, Vol.95, 112-7. 2 Prayer, Discourses and Sermons of the Rev. William Ellis, Dalhousie University Archives. Ellis also was a chaplain at Fort Edward. 3 The Planter community of Cumberland was an amalgam of halfpay officers, farmers, tradesmen and artisans heavily dependent on the fort for their livlihood.
    [Show full text]
  • Sketch of the Old Parish Burying Ground of Windsor, Nova Scotia
    IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 2.5 1.0 :?•- II '•' m *— 11112 'M 12.0 I.I 1.25 1.4 1.6 •"/l <? /} A %/ Photographic ''y 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 Sciences (716) 873-4503 Corporation CIHM/ICMH CIHM/ICIVIH Microfiche Collection de Series. microfiches. vV Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions Institut canadien de microreproductions historiquas 1980 Technical and Bibliographic Notaa/Notat tachniquas at bibliographiquas Tha Inatltuta has attamptad to obtain tha bast L'Institut a microfilm* la meilieur exemplaire original copy availabia for filming. Faaturaa of this qu'il lui a 6t4 possible de se procurer. Les details copy which may ba bibiiographically uniqua, de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du which may altar any of tha imagas in tha point de vue bibliographiqua, qui peuvent modifier raproduction, or which may significantly changa une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une tha usual mathod of filming, ara chackad balow. modification dans la mithode normale de filmage sont indiquAs ci-dessous. Colourad covars/ Coloured pages/ I I D Couvartura da coulaur Pages de couleur Covars damagad/ I Pages damaged/ I— D Couvartura andommagAa Pages endommag^es Covars restored and/or laminated/ r~~| Pages restored and/orand/oi laminated/ D Couverture restaurAa et/ou pelliculAe Pages restaurAas et/ou peliiculAes Cover title missing/ I Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/foxe( I— D Le titre de couverture manque Pages d4color6es, tacheties ou piqudes Coloured maps/ I Pages detached/ I Cartes giographiques en couleur Pages d6tach6es Coloured inic (i.e. other than blue or black)/ r~p^ Showthrough/ Encre de couleur (i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • To Download the PDF File
    The Dispossession of the Míkmaq Indians from Chignecto to Elsipogtog1: A Case Study Analysis of the Health Determinants of the Physical Environment by Patrick J. Augustine A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Indigenous and Canadian Studies Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2021, Patrick J. Augustine 1 The community uses the Pacifique orthography, while the Francis-Smith system spells it L’sipuktuk (Sable & Francis, 2012). Abstract Traditionally, the Míkmaq enjoyed an interconnected relationship with the land, harvesting what they needed from the earth and the ocean, guided by the concept of Netukulimk, the practice of sustainability. Upon the arrival of European settlers, new trade practices were introduced, and what was once plentiful was quickly depleted. Although the original inhabitants were assured that their lands would be protected by agreements and treaties, these assurances proved to be false, and the traditional relationship with the land was threatened, as the Míkmaq—presaging the fate of most Indigenous Peoples in Canada—were dispossessed of their historical lands and forced to live on reserves; many of them far away from the environments to which they had had biological and spiritual ties. Land is central to our understanding of current Indigenous health issues; centering around how the Míkmaq traditionally employed land and resources, what changes in that relationship were brought about by colonization, and how their removal to reserves influenced their relationship vis-à-vis their environment. In addressing the ways that land policies, post-first contact, were developed and implemented over time, it is possible and necessary to juxtapose that history with the story of the forced mobilization of the Míkmaq and examine the effects that the dispossession of land had upon their livelihood and economic activity.
    [Show full text]
  • This Index to the Collections and Journal of the Royal Nova Scotia
    This index to the Collections and Journal of the Royal Nova Scotia Historical Society was prepared with the assistance and support of the PATHs program of Canada’s National History Society. They generously provided the Royal Nova Scotia Historical Society with two grants which underwrote the preparation of an index that included all of the materials the Royal Nova Scotia Historical Society has published since its inception in 1878. Canada’s National History Society is perhaps best known as the publisher of The Beaver. The entries are in the following format with the template information in normal typeface and the index supplied information in italics. Subject title. By author. In Collections or Journal Vol volume number, pp. pages. Type with/without documentation. Paper presented date. Eras: era1; era2. For this presentation format the citation for each article is repeated after each index point. The index also provided some information on the type of article or document that was published. The categories used are: Analytic study Bibliography Chronological Narrative Descriptive Narrative Document Genealogy Memoirs (1st person voice) Obituary Review The articles were also categorized by the time period of the events that were related. The categories used were: Creation of planet to 1600 AD 1600 - 1758 [Acadian Nova Scotia] 1713 - 1867 [Colonial Nova Scotia] 1867 - 1914 1914 - 1945 1945 - The index also notes if the article is documented or not. Although endnotes or footnotes automatically placed an article in the documented category the absence of them did not necessarily label the article as without documentation. '2ND BATTALION OF H. M. 84TH (ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANTS) REGIMENT OF FOOT, 1775-1783' 'The Fortieth Regiment, raised at Annapolis Royal in 1717; and 5 regiments subsequently raised in NS'.
    [Show full text]
  • British-American Rivalry for the Support of the Indians of Maine and Nova Scotia, 1775-1783
    The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Electronic Theses and Dissertations Fogler Library 1-1973 British-American Rivalry for the Support of the Indians of Maine and Nova Scotia, 1775-1783 Richard I. Hunt Jr. Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd Part of the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation Hunt, Richard I. Jr., "British-American Rivalry for the Support of the Indians of Maine and Nova Scotia, 1775-1783" (1973). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 3278. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd/3278 This Open-Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BRITISH-AMERICAN RIVALRY FOR THE SUPPORT OF THE INDIANS OF MAINE AND NOVA SCOTIA, 1775-1783 By Richard I. Hunt, Jr. An Abstract of the Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (in History). January *1973 During the American Revolution, the Penobscot, Passamaquoddy-Malecite and Micmac Indian tribes were, a potentially powerful force in Maine and Nova Scotia. The white population of the region was small and scattered, and colonial leaders feared that the tribes would repeat their actions of the past wars, during which they had seriously harassed the frontiers. The officials of Nova Scotia and Massachusetts accordingly embarked upon a pro­ gram to win the support of the Indians and to spare colo- I niaL settlements from attack.
    [Show full text]
  • The Miíkmaq, Poor Settlers, and the Nova Scotia Fur Trade, 1783-1853"
    Article "The Miíkmaq, Poor Settlers, and the Nova Scotia Fur Trade, 1783-1853" Julian Gwyn Journal of the Canadian Historical Association / Revue de la Société historique du Canada, vol. 14, n° 1, 2003, p. 65-91. Pour citer cet article, utiliser l'adresse suivante : http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/010320ar Note : les règles d'écriture des références bibliographiques peuvent varier selon les différents domaines du savoir. Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter à l'URI http://www.erudit.org/apropos/utilisation.html Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l'Université de Montréal, l'Université Laval et l'Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. Érudit offre des services d'édition numérique de documents scientifiques depuis 1998. Pour communiquer avec les responsables d'Érudit : [email protected] Document téléchargé le 14 June 2011 09:07 chajournal2003.qxd 2/02/05 14:05 Page 65 The Mi’kmaq, Poor Settlers, and the Nova Scotia Fur Trade, 1783-1853 JULIAN GWYN Introduction his study has two purposes: to identify the part of the fur trade carried on Tto the 1850s within the 21,000 square miles that constitute present-day Nova Scotia and Cape Breton; and to estimate the extent to which the Nova Scotia Mi’kmaq became involved. Evidence gathered here demonstrates that the fur trade in Nova Scotia was much more significant in the first half of the nineteenth century than at any time in the Eighteenth, and that the from the arrival of the loyalist refugees in the 1780s onwards, the Mi’kmaq, formerly the usually suppliers of fur for export, were obliged thereafter to share this market with poor settlers.
    [Show full text]
  • Middle-Class Formation and Gender Construction in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, 1760-1850
    TAKING TEA IN THE PARLOUR: MIDDLE-CLASS FORMATION AND GENDER CONSTRUCTION IN NOVA SCOTIA AND NEW BRUNSWICK, 1760-1850 Ann Judith Poole B. A., Simon Fraser University, I986 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of History 0 Ann Judith Poole 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author APPROVAL Name: Ann Judith Poole Degree: Master of Arts Title of Thesis: Taking Tea in the Parlour: Middle-class Formation and Gender Construction in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, 1760-1850 Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Emily O'Brien Assistant Professor, Department of History Simon Fraser University Dr. Willeen Keough Senior Supervisor Assistant Professor, Department of History Simon Fraser University Dr. Elise Chenier Supervisor Assistant Professor, Department of History Simon Fraser University Dr. Lara Campbell External Examiner Assistant Professor, Department of Women's Studies Simon Fraser University Date Defended: SIMON FRASER UN~VERS~~ibra ry DECLARATION OF PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENCE The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution,
    [Show full text]
  • Female Litigants Before the Civil Courts of Nova Scotia, 1749 1801
    — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — Female Litigants before the Civil Courts of Nova Scotia, 1749–1801 JULIAN GWYN* Women’s experiences in the civil courts of eighteenth-century Nova Scotia suggest that gender was a significant variable in civil litigation in this early period of the province’s history. Women faced great difficulties in the courts, both from their rela- tive poverty and from the fact that the entire legal system was dominated by men. Many of the women, brought into historical light through indebtedness, were widows and by definition poor, a result of the peculiar working of the common law as it related to married women. A study of civil actions involving women, either as plain- tiffs or as defendants, in Nova Scotia during the last half of the eighteenth century provides evidence regarding women’s occupations and their level of literacy, and illustrates the extent to which women were involved in the economy. While women resorted to the courts far less readily than did men, women defended their interests vigorously, despite their social and legal disabilities. Indeed, the courts proved of great importance to some women in certain phases of their lives. L’expérience féminine des tribunaux civils de la Nouvelle-Écosse du XVIIIe siècle porte à croire que le genre était une variable importante des procès civils du début de l’histoire de la province. Les femmes faisaient face à de grandes difficultés dans les tribunaux, tant du fait de leur pauvreté relative que de la domination masculine de l’appareil juridique tout entier. Beaucoup de femmes, placées sous les feux de l’his- toire en raison de leur endettement, étaient des veuves, donc pauvres par définition, un résultat des rouages particuliers du common law en ce qui a trait aux femmes mariées.
    [Show full text]
  • Late Eighteenth-Century Agriculture on the Bay of Fundy Marshlands*
    GRAEME WYNN Late Eighteenth-Century Agriculture on the Bay of Fundy Marshlands* Until the expulsion of the Acadians from Nova Scotia in 1755, the border­ lands of the Bay of Fundy formed the core of settled Acadia. Extensive tidal marshlands in the Annapolis and Minas Basins and Chignecto, on Shepody Bay, and along the Memramcook and Petitcodiac Rivers were the nuclei of Acadian settlement and the focus of Acadian agriculture. From these dyked and reclaimed lands the Acadians produced a large part of their subsistence require­ ments, as well as stock and grain for trade with Louisbourg and New England. At mid-century, fields of wheat, peas, oats, rye, barley, and hay covered perhaps 13,000 to 20,000 acres of marshland; tiny hamlets on the upland fringes of the marshes housed some 10,000 people; and kitchen gardens and orchards sur­ rounded simple wooden houses, barns, and churches.1 Charles Morris, the Surveyor-General of Nova Scotia, who in 1748 visited Beaubassin, at the head of the Bay, provided perhaps the most succinct contemporary account of the distinctive cultural landscapes of these Fundy marshlands in describing: a Number of Villages built on gentle rising Hills interspers'd with Gardens and Woods the Villages divided from each other with long intervalls of marshes and they at great distance bounded by Hills covered with Trees the Natural growth of the Country [.] here may be seen rivers turning and winding among the Marshes then Cloath'd with all the variety of Grain.2 In the wake of the grand dérangement, however, both Acadian marshlands and neighbouring uplands were largely abandoned.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mi'kmaq Nation and the Embodiment of Political Ideologies
    The Mi’kmaq Nation and the Embodiment of Political Ideologies: Ni’kmaq, Protocol and Treaty Negotiations of the Eighteenth Century A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Atlantic Canada Studies at Saint Mary’s University October 2003 Copyright by Rosalie Marie Francis, 2003 Thesis ExamininfeTCommittee: Supervisor: Dr. Harold Mc GbA Supervisor: Dr. John Reid Reader: Dr. William Wicken Reader: Dr. Margaret Harry Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. National Library Bibliotheque nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisisitons et Bibliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 0-612-85663-1 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 0-612-85663-1 The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant a la National Library of Canada to Bibliotheque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, preter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette these sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format electronique. The author retains ownership of theL'auteur conserve la propriete du copyright in this thesis. Neither thedroit d'auteur qui protege cette these. thesis nor substantial extracts from Niit la these ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes reproduced without the author's ou aturement reproduits sans son permission.
    [Show full text]