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Myanmar and the Responsibility to Protect Myanmar and the Responsibility to Protect MYANMAR AND THE RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT MYANMAR AND THE RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT PHOTO COVER PAGE: Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar walk to Balukhali refugee camp, Bangladesh, October 2, 2017. Credit: Suvra Kanti Das COMMUNICATIONS: Dr Noel Morada ,Regional Director APR2P Asia Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect School of Political Science and International Studies The University of Queensland St Lucia Brisbane QLD 4072 Australia Email: [email protected] http://www.r2pasiapacific.org/index.html EXECUTIVE SUMMARY More than two months after the 1 February coup, a choice between the junta’s SAC and the Nation- the situation in Myanmar remains volatile and vio- al Unity Government as the legitimate authority lence could escalate further as the Tatmadaw defies in Myanmar that must be recognised. This issue international calls for restoration of the democrat- has serious implications for the wellbeing of Myan- MYANMARically elected civilian government and intensifies mar’s people. its crackdown using lethal weapons against civil- ians participating in civil disobedience activities. Amidst the continuing violence in Myanmar, all The widespread support for anti-coup protests in governments should: the country, as demonstrated by continuing civil disobedience movement and daily rallies in major 1. Exert pressure on the junta to stop its heavy urban centres, indicate that the Tatmadaw’s heavy crackdown on civilians supporting the anti-coup crackdown has not been effective in intimidating protests by: the public into submission. In fact, the junta and its security forces are now increasingly seen as a ter- a. Reminding the Tatmadaw regime of Myan- rorist regime by the population in general and can- mar’s obligations under international humani- not be trusted. Instead, the ousted civilian govern- tarian and human rights law; ment represented by the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) is considered as the le- b. Voicing criticism and concern in the United gitimate government by civilians protesting against Nations General Assembly and Human Rights the coup that must be restored. Violence against Council; unarmed protestors may already constitute crimes against humanity. c. Demanding that the UN Security Council adopt measures to fulfil its responsibility to protect including: Notwithstanding the 5-point consensus during the i. Condemning the junta’s violence ASEAN leaders’ meeting held in Jakarta on 24 April, and demanding its immediate ces- which among others, called on the Tatmadaw chief sation; to stop the violence, the risk of further atrocity crimes remains very high. In fact, a couple of days ii. Imposing targeted sanctions; after the ASEAN meeting, four more people were reportedly killed in Myanmar by security forces, iii. Referring the situation in Myan- bringing the total to 753 deaths since the coup on 1 mar to the ICC February. Also, the number of people arrested has reached 4,484 with over 3,400 still detained. At this d. Imposing targeted sanctions on high-level point, it is not clear what ASEAN is willing and able members of the military regime; to do if the junta fails to comply with the 5-point agreement. On 27 April, the State Administrative e. Imposing an arms embargo; Council (SAC) chief announced that the junta will give careful consideration of the 5-point consensus f. Suspending international financial assistance agreement once political stability in Myanmar has and aid to government and government-related been restored. projects. Meanwhile, ASEAN and the rest of the internation- g. Demanding that Myanmar grant unfettered al community sooner than later will have to make humanitarian access to affected areas 1 2. Support calls by the International Independent Mechanisms on Myanmar to gather evidence of human rights violations and atrocity crimes being committed by the Tatmadaw security and police forces against civilians and pursue accountability for these crimes; 3. Demand that ASEAN suspend Myanmar’s mem- bership for failure to comply with the 5-point con- sensus reached during the ASEAN leaders summit until and unless the Tatmadaw halts its use of lethal weapons against unarmed civilian protesters, re- lease all detainees including leaders of the ousted NLD government, restore the parliamentary gov- ernment elected in November 2020, allow access to humanitarian assistance to all affected commu- nities, and allow an international and independent panel to investigate atrocities committed by the Tatmadaw and police forces as part of accountabil- ity measures mentioned above; 4. Seriously consider providing moral and material support and assistance to the National Unity Gov- ernment (NUG) recently created by the CRPH with other ethnic minority groups under an interim fed- eral democracy charter, with a view towards ulti- mately recognising it as the legitimate government in Myanmar that should occupy the country’s seat in the United Nations; and 5. Support local and international efforts by civil society groups in calling for an end to violence and use of lethal weapons against civilians, restoration of democratically elected civilian government, use of arms embargoes and sanctions against the junta, stop in trade and investments ties with businesses linked to the Tatmadaw, including oil and gas ex- plorations, and pursue accountability for human rights violations and atrocity crimes committed by the Tatmadaw. 2 Overview Atrocity Crimes On 1 February, the Myanmar military led by Army More than a month since the coup, the junta’s Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing staged an atrocity crimes against civilians and other vulner- unconstitutional power grab against the civilian able populations in Myanmar increased significant- government and declared a one-year state of emer- ly as the police and military forces cracked down gency. It set up the State Administrative Council heavily on unarmed peaceful protesters in major (SAC) and detained top NLD leaders including State cities in the country. As of 27 April, over 753 peo- Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. The army chief, who ple have been killed by Tatmadaw troops and the was scheduled to retire middle of the year, justi- police using military-grade weapons and snipers, fied his putsch by claiming ‘widespread election as well as seriously injuring others through the use fraud’ in the November 2020 elections, which was of rubber bullets, stun grenades, and batons. The overwhelmingly won by the NLD. Criminal charges deadliest day happened on 27 March during the were filed against Suu Kyi for allegedly smuggling Tatmadaw’s celebration of Armed Forces Day when communications equipment following a military over 160 civilians were killed across the country. In raid in her house and the NLD headquarters in Yan- Mandalay, security forces from the 33rd Light Infan- gon.1 More trumped-up corruption charges were try Division who were linked to the killing in 2017 subsequently filed against her by the junta, which of 10 Rohingya men and boys in Inn Dinh in Rakhine could keep her in jail for several years if convicted, state were deployed in the crackdown against strik- thereby denying her the right to run for political of- ing shipyard workers that resulted in two civilians fice. killed and a number seriously injured. Some 20 trucks full of military troops arrived in Yadanarbon Access to mobile and internet services throughout shipyard to stamp out protesters using catapults, Myanmar have been intermittently cut even in an water cannons, rubber bullets, and live rounds. effort to deny the international community live The security forces reportedly fired on unarmed ci- news feeds of what have been going in the coun- vilians without warning and arrested a number of try. Longer internet and mobile service disruptions protesters.4 were reported after martial law was declared by the junta in a number of townships in Yangon fol- Increasingly, security and police forces have resort- lowing the burning of Chinese-owned factories on ed to tactics that not only violate human rights but 13 March. Military commanders were empowered may also be considered as crimes against humanity. by the SAC with administrative, judicial, and mili- The Myanmar-based Assistance Association for Po- tary powers in Yangon against those who commit litical Prisoners (AAPP) documented the following any of the 23 offenses and face penalties including crimes commited by Tatmadaw and police forces death and indefinite jail terms.2 since the coup, which were also reported in the media and by civil society groups:5 As nation-wide protests against the coup grew, the Tatmadaw resorted to night-time warrantless • refusal to give access to medical treatment arrests of suspected activists and protesters, forc- and meet with relatives to those who ing civilians to organise neighbourhood watch to were injured, arrested, and detained; prevent security forces from undertaking arbitrary • use of torture and other inhumane acts arrests. Following the junta’s decision to release against those arrested and detained, lead- some 23,000 persons in jail, unconfirmed reports ing to death or serious injuries;6 claim that some of the released prisoners were un- • looting and destroying public and private dertaking mob attacks against protesters by setting properties on a daily basis;7 houses on fire even as it is alleged that they were • intimidating, verbally abusing, and treat- being used by the military to infiltrate protesters to ing unarmed civilians as criminals8 or instigate violence.3 combatants9; • destruction
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