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Frantz Fanon and the Persistence of Humanism

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Frantz Fanon and the Persistence of Humanism THAT THE TOOL NEVER POSSESS THE MAN1 Taking Fanon’s Humanism Seriously Humanism For a long time humanism2 was a broad movement in thought and action in which key radical thinkers explicitly located their work. In 1844 Marx wrote that “Communism ....is humanism.” (1983:149) and in 1945 Sartre gave his famous lecture “Existentialism is a humanism.” (1987) Humanism still appealed to Biko in the early 1970’s but for the contemporary reader humanism is generally seen as, at best, a naive anachronism, and, at worst, dangerously repressive. Iris Murdoch’s Existentialists and Mystics3 is a typical example of the former view. In the 546 pages that make up this collection of her essays her only comment on humanism is that it is one of the “flimsier creeds” which is “ unrealistic”, “over optimistic”, and a “purveyor of certain falsehoods.” (1997:337) Heidegger’s 1947 Letter on Humanism, written against Sartre’s Existentialism is a Humanism, slowly developed into an influential critique of humanism but it is probably fair to say that it is since Michel Foucault heralded the possibility of the death of Man in 19664 that post-structuralist and postmodern thinkers have increasingly tended to present humanism as a key pillar of the repressive ideological structure of modernity and colonialism. Humanism (despite a spirited defence by Edward Said from Orientalism onwards) has become a deeply unfashionable idea in the academy5. So its not surprising that almost all commentators sympathetic to Fanon - with notable (and non-postmodernist) exceptions like the existentialist Lewis Gordon (1995), the Jungian Michael Adams (1996), the Marxist Kenan Malik (1997), and that most democratic of dialecticians Ato Sekyi Otu (1996) - have simply ignored the explicitly humanist nature of Fanon’s thought as if it were an embarrassing anachronism. In this regard it is interesting to note that in David Macey’s recent 600 page study of Fanon, humanism is, typically, not even indexed6. The majority of those theorists who do acknowledge Fanon’s humanism quickly dismiss it as an embarrassing and unfortunate vestige of an anachronistic ideology. 1 “I, the man of color, want only this: That the tool never possess the man.” (Fanon 1967:231) 2 I have decided not to begin by attempting a clear and precise definition of humanism in general because they are so many, often contradictory humanisms. Readers can refer to Kate Soper’s Humanism and Anti-humanism for a very useful overview of the complexities and trajectories of both the movements identified in her title. I will define the stream of humanism in which I will argue Fanon’s thought is best located later on in this paper. 3 I have used this book as an example because the previous thrust of humanist thought – from Sartre to the thinkers of the New Left, Marcuse, Fromm, Freire, Fanon etc. - was explicitly existentialist. 4 Although the first English translation was only in 1971. The actual quote is: If those arrangements were to disappear as they appeared, if some event of which we can at the moment do no more than sense the possibility - without knowing either what its form will be or what it promises - were to cause them to crumble, as the ground of classical thought did, at the end of the eighteenth century, then one can certainly wager that man would be erased, like a face drawn in sand at the edge of the sea. (1973:387) 5 Although the EZLN, via Marcos’s explicitly humanist writings (‘For humanity and against neo- liberalism!’), made it a material force in Chiappas in 1994 and since the Battle of Seattle in November 1999 it has become, for the first time since the decolonisation struggles, a significant and broad material force. A material force that has forced the IMF, World Bank and WTO to replace their velvet ropes with razor wire, cowed the big pharmaceutical companies and pushed Blair in to a corner. 6 However, while Macey ignores Fanon’s humanism in this Fanon biography he takes Foucault’s anti- humanism very seriously in his Foucault biography. 1 Reasons to take Fanon’s humanism seriously Nonetheless, there are at least three reasons why we should move against dominant academic currents and take Fanon’s humanism seriously when we engage with his thought. The first is the simple point that Fanon took his humanism very seriously and that a sincere engagement with his work must, in the interests of intellectual responsibility, do the same. Fanon declares his humanism Fanon tells his readers, on the first page of his first book, Black Skin White Masks, that he writes “for a new humanism” (1967:7). He ends his last book, The Wretched of the Earth, written after exposure to the full barbarism of French colonialism and the FLN’s violent resistance with these famous words: “For Europe, for ourselves and for humanity, comrades, we must turn over a new leaf, we must work out new concepts, and try to set afoot a new man.” (1976: 255) His commitment to humanism is explicit, constant and resolute. It seems inevitable that, when writing or speaking about Fanon’s humanism, one will be told that Fanon’s claim to humanism can’t be accepted because he endorsed violence. There is a significant degree to which the reduction of Fanon to an ‘apostle of violence’7 on the basis of a few pages written in support of armed resistance to the extraordinarily violent French suppression of the Algerian independence movements is motivated by a racist double standard. After all there is no scandal about the fact that most of the (white) political philosophers in the Western canon endorsed the use of violence in certain circumstances; Sartre’s support for the Resistance always counts in his favour etc, etc. It seems that many people are still not ready for a black man who doesn’t carry his gun for the US military. Actually reading Fanon shows that he was appalled by violence. The sceptical have Simone de Beauvoir’s autobiography to make it clear that the author of On Violence was always “horrified by it.” (1983:609)8 However it may be worth pointing out that, as Sekyi-Otu notes, Fanon’s comments on violence are routinely misinterpreted as “a doctrinal prescription” when they are better understood as a “dramatic dialectical narrative” (1996:4); i.e. Fanon is giving an account of what happens in certain situations and not an account of what he desires to happen. It is also worth pointing to Lewis Gordon’s (1995: 80-83) insightful argument that Fanon’s comments on violence should be read through the prism of dramatic tragedy. This is not to make the claim that Fanon does not endorse violence – he clearly does. But that endorsement is given within the context of an ethical position that requires the person who has decided to resist armed domination by force to recognise the full humanity of the enemy before acting. Even here, where people are perhaps most 7 Said calls it a “caricatural reduction more suited to the Cold War than to what Fanon actually says and to how he says it.” (1999:209) 8 We have no similar evidence that, for example, John Locke was similarly appalled at the violence that sustained the slave trade that generated his the prosperity but Locke is not routinely placed on trial. He doesn’t need witnesses. 2 tempted to collapse into bad faith – killing people is not easy, objectification is very attractive in this context - Fanon insists on the utmost ethical responsibility. If we must recognise the full humanity of the enemy before attacking and possibly killing him then our violence is hardly likely to become gratuitous and we are only likely to carry it out when to fail to do would result in more inhumanity. I can’t address in any depth the claim by the new right - Paul Johnson (1988 & 1992), Anthony Daniels (2001) etc. - that Fanon’s work is responsible for terrorism in post-colonial Algeria and elsewhere except to say that, as with the ANC, there was a struggle within a struggle and attacks on the bodies and ideas of FLN progressives by right wing nationalists began before independence was won, threatened Fanon and cost of the lives of some of his closest comrades, including Abane Ramdane.9 For some it is specifically Fanon’s sentence that claims that violence can liberate the oppressed and the oppressor from self and other objectification that is objectionable. Sekyi-Otu and Gordon’s observations apply to this claim but there is also an enormous amount of evidence from accounts of the lived experience of oppression to indicate that Fanon (and, indeed respectable white Hegel - from whom Fanon derives this argument) is quite right.10 A humanism made to the measure of the world The second reason for taking Fanon’s humanism seriously is that he, and other anti- colonial thinkers like Aimé Césaire, Jean-Paul Sartre, Albert Memmi and Steve Biko were fully aware that humanism had been used as a legitimating ideology for racism and colonialism. However, unlike most postmodernists and postcolonialists11, they 9 It is a somewhat desperate irony that the poet, Kéita Fodéba, who Fanon quotes at length in the chapter On National Culture in The Wretched of the Earth, was killed by the same Sékou Touré cited at the beginning of that chapter when Touré was tyrannical Leader of Guinea and engaged in a “manic hunt for conspirators.” (Sekyi-Otu 1996:41) It is difficult to imagine that Fanon would not have run the risk of a similar fate in Algeria after the 1988 clampdown that left 500 dead.
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