sign in sign up
<<
Home , Croatian Americans, Oysters (short story), Slavs

January 2013 Research Report #119 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico

Introduction ways, commitment to Catholicism small in number, Croatians have had As part of a larger project that and the culture of revelry. considerable influence in the south- examines demographic and com- eastern United States, particularly These eight groups emerged as in the economic life of southern munity-level changes in the Gulf of significant through the existing 1 . Commonly known as Mexico region , we reviewed racial literature that details their unique and ethnicity literature for eight key having transformed and substantial- influences in building the culture, ly grown the oyster industry, Croa- groups with significant influence economic stability and political in part, or all, of the region. The tians also have a complex history climate in the region, as well as and culture that has been examined Gulf of MexicoCroatians region is incredibly their ties to the oil and gas industry diverse, with more than 13.5 million extensively by scholars in a variety operating in the Gulf of Mexico. of fields2. residents who trace their origins to For each group, we have focused our scores of places in , , review on common elements such and America (see Table 1). as the culture, history, immigra- tion, ties to the oil and gas industry Of these various groups, we have 1 For the purposes of this project, the Gulf of Mexico region focused our reviews on eight specific and the economic standing of each refers to the states of , , Louisiana, racial, ethnic and ancestry groups: group. In addition to these com- and . These states were chosen because they have par- mon elements, we examined other ishes/counties within the jurisdiction of the Bureau of Ocean African , , Creoles, and Energy Management and they border the Gulf of Mexico. Croatians, Latinos, Native Ameri- prominent themes that emerged 2 cans, Vietnamese and Other Asians for particular groups. For instance, Although many scholars have examined the experiences of early Croatian immigrants, less has been written about (not Vietnamese). Although some the effects of Hurricane Katrina on the Vietnamese fishermen living in the more recent experiences of Croatian-Americans living of these groups may be small in in the region. This study is meant to summarize the existing number, their effects on the region southern Louisiana was widely dis- literature and give readers a better understanding of the his- torical roots that Croatians have in the southeastern United have been substantial (see Table 2). cussed by scholars and thus became a prominent discussion in our review States. With the gap in the existing literature, it should be For instance, although only about understood that Croatians living in the Gulf of Mexico region 7.8 percent of the residents in the of the literature on Vietnamese liv- are dynamic and have made many lifestyle changes in the ing in the region. past 50 years, especially after Hurricane Katrina devastated region identify as Cajun/French, this much of their livelihood. group has had significant effects on Below you will find the fifth in a shaping the cultural and economic series of reviews. This review dis- climate of the region through the cusses the experiences of Croatians tradition of Mardi Gras, ethnic food in the region. although relatively

Table 1. Diversity in the Gulf of Mexico Region Table 2. Groups of Interest in the Gulf of Mexico Region Percentage Percentage Racial/Ancestry Group of Total Number Ancestry Category of Total Number Population Population African American 19.14% 2,568,703 British 15.36% 2,147,789 Cajun 7.81% 1,092,377 French 7.81% 1,092,377 Croatian 0.05% 6,422 8.71% 1,218,236 Latino 29.72% 3,988,491 Middle Eastern 0.49% 68,544 Native American 0.64% 85,455 Northern/Eastern European 5.24% 733,424 Other Asian 2.95% 396,007 Southern European 3.09% 432,724 Vietnamese 1.15% 154,669 Subsaharan African/West Indian 1.22% 170,670 White 63.72% 8,912,239 Total Population: 13,985,914 Data from ACS 5-Year Estimates and 2010 Decennial Census. Numbers do not add Data from ACS 5-Year Estimates. to 100 percent because individuals can indicate more than one race, ethnicity or ancestry group. “Other Asian” refers to Asian groups other than Vietnamese.

1 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians Introduction & Terminology the Croatians living in the Gulf of large number of people. The earli- Mexico region, the term Dalmatian est mass migration began in 1715 For our purposes, the term Croa- often has been used, since many of as some 1,200 Croatian and Slove- tian refers to any immigrants who the early Croatian settlers in New nian Protestants arrived in self-identify as Croatian that are Orleans were from the Dalmatian seeking freedom of worship (Prpic from a variety of nations (Prpic coast (Vujnovich 1974). Thus, the 1971). This mass migration has no 1971, Kraljuc 1978). Many scholars people once known as Slavonians credible documentation, however, al- consider Croatians to be a “race;” or now are commonly though it is widely discussed among but Croatians themselves rarely use known as Croatians (Ware 1996). In American writers. this term and more often refer to contrast, Dalmatian is used to refer themselves as a people, a national- to a specific group of Croatians from Despite the presence of Croatians ity or a nation. often they the region of . For the throughout the United States, their refer to themselves as an ethnic purposes of this paper, the terms presence in Louisiana remains par- group (Prpic 1971). In addition to Yugoslavian, Slavonian and Croa- ticularly notable due to their long the various countries of origin and tian are used interchangeably. history in the region and consider- the reference to the group as both a able influence on the and race and an ethnicity, there also has Origins, History and Migration culture of south Louisiana (see been a variety of terms that refer Legend places the earliest Croa- map). With Louisiana becoming to the group that we now know as tian immigrants in the United an official U.S. territory in 1803, Croatians. States during the 1500s. This story contact with Europe increased, and boats began arriving more frequent- During their early in originated because there were sev- ly from , , - the 19th century, this group often eral Dalmatian ships that sailed and to the port in referred to themselves as “Slavo- toward America and never returned. (Lovrich 1967). The nian.” This was a purposeful label Some believe the ships sank off the first South to come to Louisi- meant to encompass all South coast of , leaving ana were Dalmatian sailors primar- Slavs (Lovrich 1967, Vujnovich those on board to intermingle with ily from Dubrovnik. Dubrovnik was 1974). At the time, the idea of a the Native Americans residing in a maritime republic that depended unified was developing, the region (Prpic 1971). The only on the sea and maritime trade for so Croatian seemed too narrow a evidence to support this legend, economic stability, resulting in the term and Austrian was abhorrent, however, is a tree discovered in 1590 development of a large and effective leaving Slav as the preferable term with the word “Croatoan” carved maritime industry and workforce. (Prpic 1971). Onian was added to it into it, eerily similar to “Croata” During the 1820s and 1830s, how- and meant to encompass all South (Prpic 1971). Despite this specula- ever, with an oppressive Austrian Slavs. In general, Slavs are broken tion, the legend has been largely government, many of the sailors into three groups: the eastern Slavs refuted and is no longer accepted as saw the maritime trade and their (, and Bjelo- credible among scholars. travel to ports such as New Orleans russians), the western Slavs (, The earliest documentation of as a means to move on and start a and ) and the south- Croatian immigration to the United better life in America (Vujnovich ern Slavs (, , States is found in the early 18th cen- 1974). New Orleans was particularly and ) (Vujnovich 1974). tury records of Dubrovnik, a city on appealing to Croatian immigrants The southern Slavs are those we’ve the coast of present day in for its mild climate and flourishing come to know as “Croatians” in the region of Dalmatia, suggesting work on the ships coming in and out America. As a result of this early the Dalmatians were the first Croa- of the port (Prpic 1971, Vujnov- terminology, many Croatians still tians to arrive in the United States ich 1974). Many of the new trade refer to themselves as Slavonian (Prpic 1971, Shapiro 1989). Al- ships coming into New Orleans were even though there is neither a geo- though Croatians eventually settled manned by Dalmatian seamen, and graphical entity nor nationality that across much of the United States, by 1820, when ships would dock in corresponds to the term (Lovrich common early destinations included the New Orleans port, it was not 1967). Similarly, many early schol- Cuba, San Domingo, Philadelphia, uncommon for the maritime workers ars writing about Croatians referred and (Roucek to fail to return to their ships – de- to the group as Yugoslavians since 1935, Prpic 1971). These instances ciding instead to settle permanently in 1918 Yugoslavia became an of- of the earliest documented immigra- in New Orleans (Kane 1944, Lovrich ficial country, uniting Serbs, Croats tion from Dubrovnik typically were 1967, Prpic 1971). and Slovenes (Vujnovich 1974). individuals or families rather than a When referring more specifically to

2 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians Croatians in the Gulf of Mexico Region:2010 Louisiana Mississippi Alabama

!( !( Florida !( !( !( !(!(!(!(!(!( !(!( !( !( !( !(!(!( !(!( !(!( !(!( !( !(!( !( !( Texas !( !(!(!(

!( Legend Census Tracts Either 100+ or 1%+ Croatian !( ²

10 Census Designated Places in Each State with Highest % Croatian !( !( Interstate Highways !( Lakes

Data from 2010 ACS 5-year estimates)

Early Croatian settlers typi- With time, Dalmatians started passed, more than 8,000 people left cally resided in boarding houses, finding their way down the Mis- Austria-Hungary to avoid military and since many of them had been sissippi River into the deep Delta service (Prpic 1971). In fleeing eco- sailors, they found work on ships country (Lovrich 1967). Around nomic strain and military service, along the New Orleans waterfront 1830, they began exploring the these immigrants were willing to (Lovrich 1967, Vujnovich 1974). area south of New Orleans in what take work wherever they could Most commonly, they were single is now Plaquemines Parish. It was find it, and, as a result, the apex of men who sent for their wives here that they realized the Loui- Croatian immigration to the United after several years of working and siana coast was ripe with oysters States occurred between 1900 and saving money. The boarding houses and used their fishing skills from 1914 (Roucek 1935, Prpic 1971, were known as drustvas and were ei- home to transform the local oyster Shapiro 1989). These immigrants ther cooperative or had a house boss industry (Lovrich 1967). Today, settled across the United States who paid for the cooking and clean- the oyster industry is a more than anywhere they could find work. ing and managed the household. As $1 million business in Plaquemines Between 1891 and 1900, every sixth the Yugoslavs became more estab- Parish and has transformed the lo- immigrant who came to America lished in New Orleans, the practice cal economy (see section on occupa- was from Austria-Hungary. Of of residing in drustvas declined, tions, Lovrich 1967). those, more than 10 percent were but they were undoubtedly an Croatian (Prpic 1971). From 1900 to important social institution for the In contrast to the Dalmatian sail- 1912, more than 166,579 people left earliest Croatian settlers in the re- ors and fishermen settling in Loui- Croatia for America, with 1905-1907 gion (Lovrich 1967, Vujnovic 1974). siana, the turn of the 20th century being the years of highest immi- Saloons also were important social brought a period of increased Croa- gration rates (Prpic 1971). These institutions since they helped early tian immigration among numbers are conservative, however, immigrants meet basic needs such who were fleeing their homeland in because they only account for the as purchasing boat tickets, sending response to a decline in available number of passports issued, and a money home and meeting fellow im- farmland and the persistent dete- majority of Croatian immigrants migrants. It was not uncommon for rioration of economic conditions traveled without a passport. weddings to be held at the saloons there (Prpic 1971, Kraljic 1978). In (Lovrich 1967). Even into the late addition to difficult economic times Most of the inland Croatian im- 20th century, the saloon was promi- , this also was around the migrants arriving in the early 20th nent among Louisiana Yugoslavs as time Austria-Hungary introduced century and settling across the a place for drinking, socializing and a law that required military service United States were male peasants gambling (Lovrich 1967). of all male citizens. When the law who came from villages known for

3 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians farming and had little education American life in Louisiana, although Croatian immigration to the United (Prpic 1971, Kraljic 1978). More Hurricane Katrina pushed some of States. Economic hardship at home than 60 percent of the early Croa- the Croatians living in these areas to was the primary factor driving tian immigrants were farm workers, move once again (Riden 2003). emigration, but limited access to and more than a third were illiterate land ownership, a declining fish (Kraljic 1978). Similarly, most of In total, more than 30,000 Croa- population in the Adriatic Sea, over- the men were under the age of 40 tians immigrated to America in population, and oppressive taxes (Prpic 1971). It was not until 1904 1914, just before broke also contributed to the decisions that women began to appear in Cro- out. As a result of the red scare in of many Croatians to leave their atian settlements because the men America during 1919 and the early (Lovrich 1967, Vujnovich who had immigrated saved enough 1920s, however, many Croatians 1974, Kraljic 1978, Riden 2003). money to send home for their wives were viewed with suspicion, and Many of the early immigrants had or a bride (Prpic 1971). Most of immigration into America among ready access to the sea, a boat and the immigrants arrived in America Croatians essentially halted (Prpic knowledge of other Croatians liv- with less than $30 and had to work 1971). Fewer than 600 Croatians, ing in the United States that could for a number of years before send- Slovenians and Dalmatians came to aid in the transition. For many of ing home for their families (Kraljic America during the war, while al- the post-WWII Yugoslavian im- 1978). New Orleans was a center most 19,000 Yugoslavians returned migrants who acted as seamen in of this spike in Croatian immigra- home during the same period (Prpic the war, they refused to return to a tion during the early 20th century, 1971). Today, America is home to devastated Yugoslavia after the war with more than 2,756 Yugoslavs more than a fifth of the world’s pop- and made their way to Louisiana, entering Louisiana from 1899 to ulation of Croatians, and research where they had friends or knew of 1910 (Lovrich 1967). Because of indicates that more than 10 percent Yugoslavian populations already this surge of immigration in the of these immigrants are solely from residing in the state (Lovrich 1967). New Orleans area, those who could the islands of the Dalmatian Archi- With economic gain the primary not readily find work moved to the pelago (Kammer 1945, Prpic 1971, goal of immigration, the pull fac- surrounding fishing communities of Eterovich n.d.). Similarly, the Gulf tors specific to Louisiana were the Olga, , Buras, Ostrica and of Mexico region maintains a small, promise of decent wages, opportuni- Venice (Lovrich 1967; Ware 1996). but noticeable, number of Croatians ties in the maritime industry and Also around this time, many Croa- who have influenced the culture and the potential for business ownership tians moved along the bayous near economy since their arrival in the (Vujnovich 1974). their oyster beds in Bayou Cook and region (see Figure 1). Immigration also had significant Bayou LaChute. This area contin- There were simultaneous pull- ues to serve as a center of Croatian political, social and economic effects and-push factors that motivated on the countries immigrants were leaving. For instance, in Austria- Hungary, agricultural workers became scarce, since many of the Croatians in the United States: 1980-2010 immigrants to the broader United 0.25 States during the time of peak im- (544.27) migration from 1900 to 1914 were

0.2 peasant farmers. This drove up

n wages for the workers who remained (Kraljic 1978). Similarly, as immi- 0.15 (252.97) (374.24) grants returned home, the value of Populatio (417.13)

of land increased, since land ownership 0.1 was regarded as essential. Because most Croatian immigrants living

Percentage in the United States sent much of 0.05 their wages home, the peasant class remaining in Croatia also became 0 more economically stable. It has 1980 1990 2000 2010 been estimated that between 1905 Year and 1910, more than $270 million Figure 1. Data from American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates. Percentage of total population presented as data label. was sent to Austria-Hungary from

4 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians immigrants living and working in certain amount of capital. For those came to America based on records the United States (Kraljic 1978). who arrived in the United States from the country of origin. For in- Bear in mind that this figure only during the time of highest Croatian stance, it is estimated that between accounts for money sent through immigration (1900-1914), 20-40 1880 and 1890, almost 14,000 people public banks, so it is likely a gross percent eventually returned home left Dalmatia for America (Prpic underestimation (Kraljic 1978). Of (Kraljic 1978). Their average stay in 1971). These early numbers are course, these effects vary by region. the United States was five years. problematic, however, because they In contrast to the broader effects of rely only on the official records of immigration on Austria-Hungary’s Although much of this repatria- immigrants who obtained a pass- economy, most of the men living in tion was anticipated, the majority port or registered with their home Dalmatia had little choice but to of it was driven by policy changes country – a relatively small per- emigrate since conditions remained in the countries of origin that were centage of total immigrants (Prpic bleak at home. meant to manage the economic, 1971). Certainly, the various terms social and political effects of mass meant to refer to Croatians, such as There also were social effects from out-migration (Kraljic 1978). One Slavonian, Yugoslav and Dalmatian, the mass Croatian immigration. example of such policy changes is also complicated the existing mea- Since many of the early immigrants evident in Austria-Hungary. Un- surement issues. were men, there became an influx of til 1883, Austria-Hungary did not women and living in coastal actively regulate emigration, and Other scholars rely on public Croatia. Similarly, the Croatian early policies meant to do so were records such as death certificates, military suffered due to this exodus relatively ineffective (Kraljic 1978). and baptisms to predict of young men (Kraljic 1978). De- In 1902, however, the government the time and rate at which Croatians spite the effects on their homelands, began more closely regulating im- were arriving in the United States many of the Croatian immigrants migration by limiting the ability of (Kammer 1945, Eterovich n.d.). eventually returned home after a citizens to obtain passports (Kraljic For example, the first baptisms of brief stay in the United States. For 1978). Policies such as this not only Croatians in the Delta were done on those living in south Louisiana, limited out-migration but encour- Dec. 4, 1864 on Louise Buras and however, even if they returned aged some immigrants to return Josephine Zibilich at Our Lady of home, it was not uncommon to later home to their families. Hood Harbor in Buras, La. Zibilich send a son to also become an oyster is an apparent Slavonian name and farmer in the Gulf of Mexico re- Measurement Issues a name that still appears in Buras gion. As a result, some families have Accurately measuring the number today, meaning that Croatians likely been working in the oyster industry of Croatian immigrants has been were residing in this area prior to in south Louisiana for as many as challenging for several reasons. The 1864 (Prpic 1971). four generations. primary issue is that the U.S. census historically either did not recognize In more recent times, changes to Repatriation Croatians as a distinct group or the census have resulted in difficulty Although thousands of Croatians often misclassified them as another accurately measuring Croatians in have come to the United States racial or (Roucek 1935, the United States. Prior to 1990, through the years, and more than Prpic 1971, Kraljic 1978). Misclas- respondents self-identified their 50 percent of them have decided to sification was common because racial or ethnic origins by picking remain here permanently, more than Croatians often self-identified by from a list or writing in an unlisted a third of those who came repatri- their region of origin rather than race/ethnicity. Croatian was con- ated or voluntarily returned to their the country (Roucek 1935). For sidered a distinct group if respon- country of origin (Kraljic 1978). instance, many of the Dalmatians dents chose “other” and wrote in Since many of these immigrants living in Louisiana were counted as “Croatian.” In 1990, however, an came to the United States because Russian or Italian (Ware). In 1908, open-ended ancestry question was of political, economic and social the census began considering nation- added to the entire census form, and stressors at home, many of them ality and from that time to 1930, Croatian was listed as an example planned to migrate temporarily un- during the peak of Croatian immi- of a potential ancestry group. As til their home countries were more gration, more than 775,877 Croa- a result of Croatian being listed as stable (Kraljic 1978). Others saw tians came to America. Of those, an example in 1990, there was a immigration as a means to improve 434,942 remained here beyond 1930 surge of people reporting Croatian their economic standing and return (Roucek 1935). Prior to this, we can ancestry that year. When the 2000 home once they had acquired a only estimate how many Croatians census was constructed, Croatian

5 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians Croatians in Gulf of Mexico Region Culture Like many Slavs, the Croatians by State: 2010 have a love for their homeland that is reflected in an old Croatian say- 18 0.08% ing: “Moja kuc´ica, moja slobodica,” 16 which roughly translates to “My 14

s home is my castle.” (Lovrich 1967) 12 An estimated half of all Croatians 10 no longer live in their homeland, so 8 negotiating their heritage and the Thousand new residence is a central theme for 6 many of these immigrants (Winland 0.06% 0.01% 4 2002). 2 0.04% 0.03% 0 In the Louisiana setting, the Mississippi AlabamaLouisiana TexasFlorida early Dalmatian settlers resisted the tide of complete “Americaniza- Figure 3. Data from U.S. Decennial Census and American Community Survey 5-year estimates. tion” or assimilation, maintaining The total number of Croatians is presented in parentheses by the thousands. their ethnic identity and to a very large degree their old ways of life (Lovrich 1967). As second, third and Croatian Population of the United States now fourth generations have been and Gulf of Mexico Region: 1980-2010 born and raised in south Louisiana, assimilation has increased, and to- 0.35 day some Croatian descendants are 1980 indistinguishable from the broader 0.3 population. Because of the respect 1990

n for homeland, however, early immi- 0.25 2000 grants brought many traditions and 2010 customs with them in the forms of 0.2 Populatio food, drink, religion, gardening and of the establishment of Croatian com- 0.15 munities and traditional families (Prpic 1971). Some of these customs 0.1

Percentage still can be found in the Croatian communities in the Gulf of Mexico 0.05 region, although often in an altered form. 0 Mississippi AlabamaLouisiana TexasFlorida United States Fraternal Organizations Figure 2. Data from U.S. Decennial Census and American Community Survey 5-year estimates. Despite the strong French heritage in south Louisiana, early Croatian immigrants largely resisted was no longer listed as an example, transferred to the American Com- assimilation through participation and that resulted in a steep decline munity Survey and removed from in fraternal organizations (Kammer in the Croatian population when the Decennial Census, further add- 1945, Eterovich n.d.). This commit- the report came out (U.S. Census ing to the difficulty of accurately ment to each other is expressed in Bureau, Population Division). For tracking the Croatian population a common Croatian saying: “Svaka example, in 1990, 5,081 individuals across time. These methodological ptica svome jatu leti” or “birds of in Louisiana reported being of Croa- problems are evident when consider- a feather flock together” (Vujnov- tian descent. Remarkably, however, ing the presence of Croatians in the ich 1974). Not long after settling this number dove drastically to only Gulf of Mexico region, and in the in Louisiana, the Yugoslavs began 1,691 Louisiana Croatians in 2000 nation, from 1980 on (see Figure 2 forming fraternal unions and societ- – a drop of about 33 percent. In and Figure 3). ies that were meant as a source of 2010, measurement of ancestry was entertainment, to promote cultural

6 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians heritage and to aid those of Yugo- movements here and abroad. The and typically is played informally slavian descent in need. Louisiana Citizens for a Free Croatia by self-taught musicians at special was a relief group that aided war- events (Ware 1996). One prominent example of such torn Croatia through a number of an organization is the United States fundraising projects, although it has Language Slavonian Benevolent Association since transformed in both name and Language is an important means of New Orleans (formed in April purpose (Ware 1996). Similarly, the of maintaining ties to homeland. 1874), the second oldest Yugosla- Mir Group, no longer in existence, Several American-born Croatians vian Benevolent Association in once aimed to provide information speak Croatian fluently, and most the United States (Vujnovic 1974). from Medjugorjie, Bosnia- Her- speak at least a few words (Prpic A small group of Croatian men zegovina, through a bimonthly 1971). Early immigrants learned started this organization when they magazine that featured inspirational English based on the need to do so. called a meeting to discuss form- articles (Ware 1996). Those employed along the Mississip- ing a group of mutual assistance pi River learned enough to maintain (Vujnovic 1974). Within a matter of Religion employment, but the isolated oys- days, more Croatians joined and by Most of the Croatian immigrants termen had little need to learn the mid-May there were 54 members. maintain their Roman or Greek English language and thus learned Only men and their male descen- Catholicism upon settling in the very few words (Vujnovic 1974). dants can become members, and United States (Roucek 1935, Vuj- new members must have the rec- novic 1974). For Croatians residing Today, the degree to which Croa- ommendation of two members in in southern Louisiana, Catholicism tians speak their native language good standing (Vujnovic 1974). The is a central part of their lives, with can be thought of as a continuum current mission of the United States christenings and first communions with Croatian on one end, English Slavonian Benevolent Association being some of the largest celebra- on the other end and an Americo- of New Orleans is “to help its less tions (Ware 1996). In their home- Croaticized diction in the middle. fortunate members, to support the land, each village has a patron This Americo-Croaticized diction widows and orphans of deceased saint such as St. John, St. Kuzma, uses English words with Croatian brothers and to pay the doctor and St. Damien, St. Anthony and St. endings that have been adapted hospital bills of sick members” Joseph. On each saint’s day, a feast from the original Croatian. An (Lovrich 1967, Prpic 1971). Despite and mass celebrate the patron saint. example of this is the word “grand- being primarily a benevolent as- Upon immigration, these celebra- janin” (Croatian for citizen), which sociation, the Slavonian Benevolent tions have diminished and are less in Americo-Croatized diction Association of New Orleans also formal that in the homeland (Ware becomes “sitizen” (Prpric 1971). was a prominent social organization 1996). Today, families are more Croatian is still commonly spo- that helped the immigrants not to likely to gather and have a special ken at social gatherings or in the feel isolated (Vujnovic 1974). Other meal than to host a daylong celebra- homes of older Croatians residing examples of such organizations tion. Since Louisiana’s Croatian in Louisiana (Ware 1996). Similarly, are the Yugoslav-American Club population is relatively small and in homes where both parents are of NOLA (founded in the 1940s), broadly dispersed, Croatians have Yugoslav-born, it is not uncommon which caters to younger Yugoslavs never established their own parish or for Croatian to be the only language and their non-Yugoslavian spouses, church, but instead serve in existing spoken at home (Vujnovic 1974). The Croatian Fraternal Union, and parishes (Vujnovic 1974). The post-1950 immigrants are bet- the Croatian Catholic Union of the ter equipped for lingual adjustment, United States. Music since many of them are educated Music also is a common means and likely took English classes in Today, there are more than 4,500 of maintaining the Croatian ethnic their country of origin, but several Yugoslavian fraternal organizations identity and was once most evident know at least a few words of Croa- that frequently influence not only during holidays when Croatians tian and many continue to speak it the lives of Croatian immigrants but played the gusle, a long single- fluently (Vujnovic 1974). also historically have influenced the stringed instrument, although this conditions in Yugoslavia (Roucek Education is no longer common practice (Prpic 1935). For instance, a few of the 1971). The folk songs played usually Although few of the early Croa- benevolent organizations in south remembered the homeland and fam- tian immigrants had extensive Louisiana were aimed specifically at ily left behind. In south Louisiana, formal education, they quickly spreading and supporting political traditional music is less prevalent realized the challenges that resulted

7 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians from this and made educating their Festivals tered throughout the community children a priority (Vujnovic 1974). In south Louisiana, the Croatian and also are represented in a variety Most Croats are willing to go to culture becomes particularly evident of occupations such as ownership great lengths to ensure their chil- at local festivals such as the Orange of restaurants, oyster growing and dren receive a decent education, and Festival, the Cut-Off Oyster Festival other pursuits related to the sea, as a result of this dedication, many and St. Anthony’s Day Celebration which rank high in the types of second- and third-generation Yugo- (Ware 1996). These celebrations, occupations held by the Yugoslavs. slavs have done exceedingly well in although not exclusively Croatian, There also are members in profes- professional fields (Vujnovic 1974). typically feature oysters, dancing, sional groups, represented chiefly music and singing. by second- and third-generation Food Ways Yugoslavs (Lovrich 1967). Dalma- Food is another way Croatians Despite a strong sense of tradition tian businessmen also are engaged in maintain and celebrate their ethnic and commitment to homeland, most a number of different occupations in heritage. Common foods include second- and third-generation Croa- New Orleans and the area south of pork, lamb, olive oil and onions tians are almost indistinguishable the city. These include hotel owners, (Prpic 1971). Even during economic from other Americans. Many Croa- storekeepers, loan and real estate hardships, many Croatians in south tians have even changed their names operators, druggists, truckers and Louisiana have an abundance of to be more “American” (Prpic 1971). tugboat operators (Lovrich 1967). food (Ware 1996). Some of the most Although many immigrants have Many Croatian immigrants also commonly known foods are Dalma- maintained strong ties to homeland significantly contributed to Ameri- tian cookies known as krustula or a through cultural traditions, as sec- can progress through scientific, lemon bread known as kolach (Ware ond and third generations are born educational and literary contribu- 1996). Figs and wine also are impor- and raised in the United States, it is tions (Roucek 1935). Despite this tant features of the Croatian food likely this commitment to the cul- occupational diversity, there is one ways (Ware 1996). ture of home will decline, if not dis- industry that remains dominant appear altogether. This being said, among Croatians in the region: oys- Art many American-born Croatians visit ter harvesting. In Croatia, almost all women are their homeland and are rediscover- taught to do needlework by female ing their Croatian roots. The Dalmatians began settling relatives or in school. Knitting, cro- in Louisiana in the 1820s and chet and embroidery are common Occupations quickly discovered that the region skills among Croatian women, and Arguably, there are four character- around the Mississippi Delta was this tradition has carried on to the istics of Croatian immigrants that well adapted for the cultivation of younger generations living in south made their transition to American oysters, so they began the develop- Louisiana, although it is diminish- life relatively smooth: they needed ment of the oyster industry and the ing with each generation (Ware to earn a living, their strong consti- construction of many Gulf fisheries 1996). tution, a driving will to work and (Lovrich 1968, Prpic 1971). Louisi- an ability to adapt (Vujnovic 1974). ana’s coastal waters are perfect for Gardening Early immigrants in the early 19th oyster cultivation because the fresh Keeping gardens was a common century had no trouble finding water of the Mississippi, Atchafa- practice in the homeland that was work, and by the 1850s, many of laya, Sabine and Pearl rivers mixes initially transported to the United them operated successful businesses with the salt water of the Gulf to States among early Croatian im- in New Orleans (Vujnovic 1974). create the proper salinity for oysters migrants. In Louisiana, it was once For much of history, Yugoslavs and (Vujnovich 1974). Initially, the early common for Croatian families to Dalmatians have been regarded as settlers found oysters growing wild grow cabbage, greens, tomatoes, let- excellent mariners, sailors and ship- along the shore and realized that tuce and fruit trees. Younger Croa- builders. Thus, the earliest immi- nobody in the region had attempted tian American women don’t readily grants to the United States followed to actively cultivate them. think of gardening as a Croatian these customs and often worked in Luke Jurisich, a Dalmatian, is tradition, but the contents of the industries related to the sea (Lovrich credited with being the first to gardens are similar to those in Dal- 1968). actively cultivate oysters (Lovrich matia and seeds often are transport- 1968, Prpic 1971, Riden 2003). He ed from the homeland (Ware 1996). The Yugoslavs who settled in New Orleans are no longer concentrated began in Bayou Cook during the in definite areas but now are scat- Civil War and ushered in what today

8 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians is a multimillion dollar industry tians continue to become oystermen crowding and malnutrition. A lugger that has resulted in prosperity for (Ware 1996). Today, more than 80 is then used to go out to sea and fish thousands of Dalmatians living percent of the Plaquemines Parish “seed” oysters from the Louisiana in the Delta. Success in the oyster Croatians are involved in the oyster coastal region. These seed oysters industry resulted in many Croa- industry (Lovrich 1967). This also are dredged up mechanically and tians expanding their businesses to has created a number of jobs for within two to three days are taken include oyster houses, marine stores other Croatians in the region, since back to the bedding grounds to be and the acquisition of fleets of rarely does a harvester work alone deposited. The seed oysters then oyster luggers as well as canneries. but rather he typically hires other reproduce, and the young “spat” Expansion was not limited to the Croatians to help (Kammer 1945, (offspring) must attach to a hard, oyster industry, and many Croatians Eterovich n.d.). clean surface – hopefully the empty opened restaurants and grocery shells that the harvester deposited stores as a result of the economic Oyster harvesting is both time earlier in the process. For almost gains in the oyster industry (Lovrich consuming and difficult manual two years the oysters remain in 1968). labor. Frank Lovrich outlined this the bedding grounds to fatten up complex process in his article, (McGuire 2006). Once the oysters Oysters “Work Among the Yugoslavs on have grown, the crop is gathered, Prior to Jurisich’s cultivation of the Mississippi Delta” (1968). The and small oysters are re-bedded to oysters, oyster harvesting had been first obstacle is finding suitable land continue growing. By the mid-20th a tumultuous process of collecting that is semihard, not shifting and century, anywhere from 70 percent oysters from a natural reef until with a bottom of moderate depth to 90 percent of the oysters coming its stock was depleted. It was the where the water changes regularly from Louisiana were farmed this Dalmatian immigrants who experi- with the tide. The oyster bed must way (Keithly et al. 1992). mented with relocating young oys- also be free of pollution and main- ters, constructing artificial reefs and tain an abundant food supply for According to Lovrich, the oysters tending oysters year-round (Kane the oysters. In 1908, the process of harvested by Dalmatian fishermen 1944; Vujnovich 1974). This experi- searching for land was formalized fall into three classifications: steam mentation was lucrative and pro- when the state began leasing water canned, raw shop and counter stock duced high quality oysters. Early bottoms for the purpose of oyster (1968). The steam canned oysters cultivation was very primitive since cultivation (Padgett 1960). Early are dredged from the natural reefs the Yugoslavs removed oysters with oyster holdings leased from the par- of Louisiana, transported to can- their bare hands. Similarly, planted ish averaged approximately 49 acres neries and opened under steam oysters were done one at a time by in size (Lovrich 1968). pressure (Lovrich 1968). Raw shop hand to ensure each had enough oysters require greater cultivation. Today, these leases often are much Shop oysters usually are taken from room to grow and to protect them larger. Louisiana grants 15-year from predators (Vujnovich 1974). natural reefs, cleaned, separated and leases of up to 1,000 acres for $2 per placed on bedding grounds leased As business grew and the demand acre annually (Keithly et al. 1992; from the state to fatten up. They are for oysters rose, the Croatians de- Melancon 1991, McGuire 2006). then transported to packing houses, veloped more sophisticated methods These leases are renewable, heritable opened, packed and shipped across of planting, harvesting and clean- and transferable. At the end of the the United States (Lovrich 1968). ing oysters that involved modern 20th century, more than 400,000 Finally, the counter stock oysters tools and luggers (Vujnovich 1974). acres of productive bottomland had are of the highest quality and are Commercial fishing is now the been leased out (Louisiana DWLF the most carefully cultivated. These most common occupation among 1999). Since the 1990s, however, are the oysters served on the half Croatian men in south Louisiana, there has been a moratorium on shell in bars and restaurants. These particularly oyster fishing (Ware new leases as the result of a lawsuit oysters also bring the highest prices 1996). Approximately 35 percent of against the state. to the sellers (Lovrich 1968). the oyster harvesters in Louisiana Once the location is decided upon self-identify as Croatian/Yugosla- In addition to being incredibly and the necessary lease secured, the time consuming and painstak- vian and are mostly concentrated bottom must be dredged, and old in Plaquemines Parish (Deseran ing work, oyster harvesting is also shells must be cleared away. Empty precarious work, because the oyster and Riden 2000). This tradition oyster shells are then transported to has been passed down, and now has many enemies both natural and the breeding ground and scattered human-made (Lovrich 1968). The third- or fourth-generation Croa- discriminately to prevent over-

9 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians greatest natural hazard to oysters challenges facing oyster harvesters way during a hurricane, oysters is Dermocystidium marinum, a wa- today but also their commitment to must endure the storm where they terborne parasite that attacks the the industry (2003). Because oyster are attached. oyster in the summer and destroys harvesting is more like farming than entire oyster beds. Predators such as fishing, it is particularly difficult After Hurricane Andrew in 1992, the black drumfish also are prob- to adapt to new challenges quickly Louisiana invested a significant lematic for harvesters in the region (Riden 2003). Despite these barri- amount of time, energy and re- (Ware). Other hazards result from ers, many harvesters have expressed sources into ensuring the revitaliza- changes in the water due to pollu- their commitment to the industry, tion of the oyster industry (McGuire tion or industrial waste (Lovrich and Louisiana has become one of 2006). At the time, Louisiana’s fish- 1968). the nation’s leading producers of ing industry was highly visible and oysters (Deseran and Riden 2000, vital to the tourist industry. Because Although the oyster industry Keithly and Roberts 1988; Keithly, of this, the fishing industry wielded began as a small pursuit, it rapidly Roberts, and Brannan 1992). a significant amount of political expanded, and Croatian immigrants power and was able to pressure leg- became known for their fleets of These challenges are compounded islators to seek federal relief and to oyster luggers, fishing boats and by the decline in oyster production get the state to match those funds canneries. This success allowed the in recent years. During the previous (McGuire 2006). Croatians to branch out into other decades, there has been an increase businesses such as oyster houses, in leases and the amount of land After hurricanes Rita and Ka- marine stores, grocery stores and leased while oyster production in trina, hundreds of square miles restaurants (Lovrich 1968). The Louisiana has remained relatively of private leases and public seed 1980s were the height of the com- stable (Keithly 1991; Keithly and reefs in the Louisiana coastal mercial fishing industry in Louisi- Roberts 1993; Van Sicle 1976). In wetlands were damaged. Much of ana, as the oil bust was happening other words, the per-acre oyster the infrastructure for harvesting, and fishing industries increased production is decreasing while har- processing and marketing oysters (McGuire 2006). Oyster harvesting vesting efforts are increasing. Most was destroyed and the workforce appears to have peaked in 1985, likely, this decline in production is was displaced (McGuire 2006). But with many problems looming in the due to the natural and human-made the state has done little to secure future. For instance, in 1991, the problems that oyster harvesters are federal aid or provide state finan- FDA instituted regulations that facing today (Riden 2003). Faced cial aid to the fishing industry after required oyster sellers to issue a with increasingly stringent regula- those storms. Hurricane Katrina warning about the risks of eating tions, environmental degradation, pushed directly through Louisiana’s raw oysters, which deterred some labor shortages, decline or stagna- oyster industry – across Grand consumers (McGuire 2006). Similar- tion in prices, negative media cover- Isle and Barataria Bay; over the ly, a drought occurred from 1985 to age and an influx of harvesters from Plaquemines Parish fishing town of 1991 that brought the salt content surrounding states, the Croatian Empire on the bank of the Missis- in the wetlands too high for oyster community in Plaquemines Par- sippi River; then through the upper reproduction. This resulted in a 66 ish, so long held together by shared reaches of Breton Sound and its percent decrease in production dur- interest in oyster harvesting and working waterfront; the oyster, crab ing these years (McGuire 2006). associated businesses, is at a turning and shrimp villages of Hopedale, point (Riden 2003, McGuire 2006). Delacroix and Ysclosky; and Shell More recently, like many in the Beach in St. Bernard Parish, the fishing industry, Louisiana’s oys- Hurricanes and the Oysters parish that abuts New Orleans’s ter harvesters have faced growing Hurricanes also pose a threat now-infamous Lower Ninth Ward problems, such as increased regula- to the oyster industry in south (McGuire 2006). tion, increased operating costs, loss Louisiana. According to the Mayan Based on the impact of Hurricane of wetlands, industrial pollution records, the first Gulf hurricane Andrew, the Louisiana Department and declining water quality (Riden happened in 1462, and since then, of Wildlife and Fisheries predicted 2003, McGuire 2006). In her disser- every so often, oystermen have to Katrina would result in more than tation, “Staying In or Getting Out: cope with the effects of the destruc- $340 million dollars in losses for Social Capital and Occupational tive winds and waves that come the oyster industry between retail Decision-Making Among Louisi- with each storm (Vujnovich 1974). and dockside expenses. This figure ana’s Croatian Oyster Harvesters,” Although shrimp and finfish have only included the six parishes most Carl Riden outlines not only the some ability to swim out of harm’s directly affected by Katrina that

10 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians housed 426 wholesale and retail industry already was reeling. Public n.d.). Since that time, a number of seafood dealers, 4,767 commercial concern existed over the risks of rigs have been built both on and off fishermen, 4,935 commercial fishing consuming raw shellfish, pollution shore. vessels and 325 recreational charter had jeopardized production and boats (McGuire 2006). In addition labor was becoming hard to attract Historically, the oil industry has to direct damage from the storm, and hard to retain in a backbreaking had an effect on oyster harvest- wetlands also were polluted by industry (McGuire 2006). Worse yet, ing since its equipment cuts access sewer treatment plants, oil facili- hurricane destruction further added canals through the marsh, pulls seis- ties and industrial chemical spills to the challenges oyster harvesters mic equipment and drilling barges (McGuire 2006). already were facing. Historically, the across the waterscape, dredges Louisiana oyster industry has been navigation channels to expedite the Just after Katrina, the Louisiana resilient. Hurricanes are a relatively collection of crude oil from tank Department of Wildlife and Fish- regular occurrence that kill oysters, batteries and, with time, builds a eries halted harvesting on private destroy boats and affect infrastruc- vast web of pipelines through the leases. For the most part, harvest- ture. In the past, these events have marsh from thousands of produc- ers consented to this temporary been overcome – damaged reefs have tion platforms to inland refineries stop because they had lost essen- been repaired and re-seeded, and (McGuire 2006). Perhaps the most tial equipment in the storm and equipment has been restored (Mc- aggravating hazards of the nearby feared the FDA would shut down Guire 2006). This time, however, the oil industry are the periodic seismic production indefinitely should any effects of Katrina likely will take operations carried on by the oil contaminated oysters make it to years to resolve economically, physi- companies in the area. In testing for market (McGuire 2006). Eventu- cally and socially. oil, seismic teams explode dynamite ally, Louisiana freed up Hurricane charges and then chart the waves to Ivan restoration funds to investigate Deepwater Horizon Spill and Oysters determine whether or not an oil pool and begin cleaning up the oyster Few scholars have written about is nearby, disturbing oyster beds in reefs. Despite this effort, once state the specific effects of the 2010 Brit- the process (Lovrich 1968). wildlife and fisheries officials opened ish Petroleum Deepwater Horizon the seed grounds, there were only As the oil industry moved off- Spill on Croatian oystermen. The shore in the 1950s, the bigger rigs enough seed oysters for a 12-day mouth of the Mississippi River pro- harvest rather than the September and platforms required deeper and vides 25-30 percent of the seafood wider channels from supply centers to April harvest fishermen rely on in the United States, and many of (McGuire 2006). that were on land. The widening of the oystermen in this region esti- channels resulted in increased salt Private organizations such as the mate that more than 70 percent of content and wave action that de- Oyster Task Force also contributed the oysters were killed not by the creased oyster production (McGuire to the revitalization of the oyster spill but by the diversion of fresh 2006). In the time of accidents industry in Louisiana after Rita water from the Mississippi River and disasters, these risks increase and Katrina. The Oyster Task Force meant to push crude oil away from exponentially. For instance, during launched a five-year recovery plan the marshes (Fertel 2011, Horst Hurricane Katrina, in addition to and an aggressive marketing cam- and Horst 2011). In other words, typical storm damage, many of the paign that proclaimed “Louisiana while the spill itself may have done wetlands were wrecked by oil releas- Oysters Are Back and Hotter Than minimal damage to the reefs, the es such as the one at Murphy Oil in Ever” (McGuire 2006). With this cleanup and recovery efforts have all St. Bernard Parish (McGuire 2006). plan, the Oyster Task Force called but destroyed them. Oil spills are dangerous because they for the repair of 2,000 grounded Ties to Oil and Gas Industry often leave the oyster inedible, if oyster-harvesting boats, the restora- not dead. tion of dry-dock facilities and the The oil industry is of particular cleaning of clogged access canals concern to oyster harvesters because Ties to the Land and locks (McGuire 2006). They of the pollution and seismic opera- Historically, many of the Croa- also addressed the labor shortage tions that are the results of deep- tians living in the Delta depended by creating a program to attract water drilling. Oil has been discov- on the land and the sea for their temporary workers. ered throughout south Louisiana, livelihood. From the sea, they culti- and the first well was drilled in 1938 vated and harvested the oyster, and Before the storms of 2005 struck in Golden Meadow in Lafourche from the land, the Louisiana orange the Louisiana coast, the oyster Parish (Kammer 1945, Eterovich (Lovrich 1968). Fewer Yugoslavs

11 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians who came to the United States scallions, cauliflower, kale, eggplant, Conclusion selected land-based agriculture as radishes, beans, pumpkins, squash With a long history in the United an occupation when compared to and watermelons for home con- States and with more than 50 oyster harvesting. Yet, several early sumption also were common among percent of all Croatian immigrants Dalmatians established themselves Croatians living in the Delta. Most settling here permanently, Croa- as apple, apricot, pear and grape early immigrant families also had an tians have undoubtedly affected farmers in California. orchard near the house with apple, the economy, politics, culture and peach, pear, plum, fig and pecan social life of the communities in In Louisiana, the orange became trees (Lovrich 1968). Few Croatians which they reside. These effects are a source of income for many early continue to garden due to lack of most evident in the south Louisiana Dalmatian immigrants (Vujnovich space and time. Because of their communities that are home to a 1974). The soil that is brought down economic reliance on the oyster, number of Croatian fishermen and and deposited along the Mississippi however, many Croatians craft their their families. Those fishermen have River over time aided in producing lives around the changing sea- revolutionized the oyster industry, more than three crops a year – mak- sons and the land and the harvest which has allowed them the eco- ing orange harvesting particularly (Lovrich 1968). lucrative here (Lovrich 1968). For nomic stability to remain relatively many years, some 300 Dalmatians Politics isolated. This isolation has resulted in a strong Croatian identity and a successfully and profitably grew Croatians historically have be- sense of tradition that is evident in more than 5,000 acres of citrus come a strong political force in the family life, commitment to home- along the Mississippi River (Lovrich United States. Some scholars sug- land, religion, celebration, language 1968). This abundance in citrus gest that Woodrow Wilson’s small and reliance on the land. led many of the early Dalmatian margin over Hughes in California in settlers to establish family wineries the 1916 presidential election was Although few of the Croatian that specialized in orange wine and determined by the Croatian vote. immigrants work directly in the oil brandy (Lovrich 1968, Ware 1996). If this is true, the Croatian vote industry, many of them are affected The citrus industry declined in the would have been the deciding vote by the activities and decisions of oil 1960s, however, as repeated freezes in the 1916 presidential election companies in the region. Not only and hurricanes destroyed many of (Prpic 1971). During WWI, many are oil spills a threat to the oyster the citrus groves, and few are still in Croatians were still Austrian citizens industry, but the everyday activi- operation today (Ware 1996). and worried they would be regarded ties of finding and drilling for oil are In addition to their reliance on as enemy aliens should the United threats to the oyster beds that so oysters and citrus, many early States go to war. Wilson promised many Croatians rely on. Certainly, Dalmatian settlers maintained to keep the United States out of the because of these and other threats livestock such as swine, sheep, war, which prompted many Croa- and their commitment to education goats and poultry that were used tians to vote for him (Prpic 1971). for the third- and fourth-generation primarily for home consumption as Of course, on Dec. 7, 1917, America Croatians, the future of the Croa- well as periodic community events, declared war on Austria-Hungary tian commitment to oyster harvest- although this is a rare practice anyway. It should be noted, how- ing and the strong sense of identity today (Lovrich 1968). Vegetable ever, that not all Croatians share that historically has been common gardens where they grew peppers, political, social or cultural outlooks in Croatian communities will be garlic, onion, cabbage, snap beans, (Roucek 1935). called into question, and it is likely tomatoes, carrots, cucumbers, peas, that with time, both will decline.

12 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians Appendix

Overview of Croatians in the Gulf of Mexico Region Section Broad Conclusions Origins and History Croatians are from a number of nations and represent many nationalities, although traditionally they are primarily south- ern Slavs. There have been many terms used to describe the group such as Slavonian, Yugoslavian and Croatian along with various understandings of what these terms refer to (race/ ethnicity/people group). Migration With many push-and-pull factors for immigration, primarily economic decline at home, Croatians began arriving in the United States looking for economic growth and stability. Leg- end places the earliest Croatians in the United States during the 1500s with peak immigration occurring from 1900-1914. Since that time, Croatians have only trickled into the United States, and most of those are joining family already living here. Culture Early Croatian immigrants had a strong sense of identity and commitment to home that was reflected in their language, music, food, religion and family life. This traditional culture is fading, however, as new generations assimilate into American life. Occupations Croatians work in a variety of fields ranging from restaurant workers to business owners to scholars. The primary occupa- tion among Louisiana Croatians is oyster harvesting. Oil and Gas Industries Although few Croatians work directly for the oil and gas com- panies that are in the Gulf Coast Region, those working in the oyster industry often are affected by the daily decisions of oil companies as well as the accidents that happen in the Gulf. Ecology Many of the Croatians rely on the land for not only their income as oyster harvesters but also for their livelihood. Many have or once had family gardens, livestock and orchards that provide food and additional income for the family. Politics Historically, Croatians have been a strong political force in the nation. Many believe Croatians were the deciding vote in the 1916 presidential election. Much of their political force is now exhibited through their fraternal organizations. Oysters Croatians living in the Gulf of Mexico Region are most noted for revolutionizing the oyster industry by actively cultivating oysters. This has become a multimillion dollar industry that contributes to the regional economy and the tourist industry in the region.

13 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians Works Cited

Eterovich, Adam S. n.d. “Croatian Oyster Fishermen in Louisiana.” http://www. croatians.com/FISH-Croatian%20Oystermen.htm Accessed July 10, 2012.

Fertel, Randy. 2011. “The BP Oil Spill and the Bounty of Plaquemines Parish.” Gastronomica. 11(1). http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/21591308

Horst, Jerald and Glenda Horst. 2011. The Louisiana Seafood Bible: Oysters. Pelican Publishing Company.

Kammer, Edward J.1945. “Slavonian Oyster Fishermen in Southeastern Louisi- ana.” Bulletin of the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences in America, Apr.-July, 440-447. http://www.croatians.com/croatia_and_croatians.htm Kraljic, Frances. 1978. Croatian Migration to and from the United States, 1900- 1914. Palo Alto, CA: Ragusan Press.

Lovrich, Frank M. 1967. “The Dalmatian Yugoslavs in Louisiana.” Louisiana His- tory: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association. 8(2):149-164.

Lovrich, Frank M. 1968. “Work Among the Yugoslavs on the Mississippi Delta.” American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 27(2): 133-146.

McGuire, Tom. 2006. “Louisiana’s Oysters, America’s Wetlands, and the Storms of 2005.” American Anthropologist. 108(4): 692-705.

Prpic, George J. 1971. The Croatian Immigrants in America. New York: Philo- sophical Library.

Riden, Carl Marie. 2003. “Staying In or Getting Out: Social Capital and Oc- cupational Decision-Making Among Louisiana’s Croatian Oyster Harvesters.” Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Sociology, Louisiana State University. Retrieved from Louisiana State University’s Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Database. http://etd.lsu.edu/docs/available/etd-0128103-151631/ Accessed May 15,2012.

Roucek, Joseph S. 1935. “The Yugoslav Immigrants in America.” American Journal of Sociology. 40(5): 602-611.

Shapiro, Ellen. 1989.Croatian Americans. Edgemont, PA: Chelsea House.

Vujnovich, Milos M. 1974. Yugoslavs in Louisiana. Pelican Publishing Com- pany. Ware, Carolyn. 1996. “Croatians in Southeastern Louisiana.” Louisiana Folklore Miscellany. 11:67-86. http://www.louisianafolklife.org/LT/Articles_Essays/ main_misc_croatians_s_la.html

Ware, Carolyn. 2006. “Croatians, Louisiana” pp. 243- 246 in Encyclopedia of American Folklife. Edited by Simon J. Bronner. ME Sharpe Inc.

Winland, Daphne. 2002. “The Politics of Desire and Disdain: Croatian Identity between ‘Home’ and ‘Homeland.’” American Ethnologist. 29(2):693-718.

14 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians Authors

Amanda D. Cowley, Louisiana State University

Mark J. Schafer, LSU AgCenter http://www.lsuagcenter.com/en/communications/authors/MSchafer.htm

Troy Blanchard, Louisiana State University

Acknowledgements This research was funded in part by the Bu- reau of Ocean Energy Management as part of a larger project studying ethnic groups and enclaves in the Gulf of Mexico region. We would like to acknowledge Harry Luton from the Bureau of Ocean Energy Manage- ment for his feedback and encouragement throughout this project. We also would like to thank Diane Austin, Thomas McGuire, Britny Delp, Margaret Edgar, Lindsey Feldman, Brian Marks, Lauren Penney, Kelly McLain, Justina Whalen, Devon Robbie, Monica Voge, Doug Welch and Victoria Phaneuf from the Univer- sity of for providing a database of lit- erature and support. Similarly, we would like to acknowledge Helen Regis, Carolyn Ware, Bethany Rogers and Annemarie Galeucia of Louisiana State University for their comments and feedback. Finally, we would like to thank Huizhen Niu, Louisiana State University, for her assistance with GIS mapping.

15 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians www.LSUAgCenter.com

Louisiana State University Agricultural Center William B. Richardson, Chancellor Louisiana Agricultural Experiment Station John S. Russin, Vice Chancellor and Director Louisiana Cooperative Extension Service Paul D. Coreil, Vice Chancellor and Director

Research Report #119 (275) 1/13

The LSU AgCenter is a statewide campus of the LSU System and provides equal opportunities in programs and employment.

16 LSU AgCenter Research Report #116 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Croatians