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John Howard: a Study in Policy Consistency JOHN HOWARD: A STUDY IN POLICY CONSISTENCY M L (Kim) Murray Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics Discipline of Politics School of Politics and History University of Adelaide August, 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION …………………………………………….. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ………………………………………………iv ABBREVIATIONS …………………………………………….…v ABSTRACT ………………………………………………vi INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………….1 1 EARLY INFLUENCES OF POLITICS AND “HOME”…..………25 2 LEADERSHIP AND THE 1980s .……………………………..67 3 HEADLAND SPEECHES ………………………… …… 110 4 UNIONS AND THE AUSTRALIAN PUBLIC SERVICE …142 5 CULTURAL DIVERSITY ………………………..………..181 6 FAMILIES AND FEMINISTS …………………………………228 7 CONSTRUCTION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY … ……..…… 265 8 CONCLUSION ….……………………………. 302 BIBLIOGRAPHY ....…………………………………………. 310 ii DECLARATION This thesis contains no material that has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text of the thesis. I give consent to this copy of my thesis, when deposited in the University Library, being made available for photocopying and loan, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. I also give permission for the digital version of my thesis to be made available on the web, via the University’s digital research repository, the Library catalogue, the Australasian Digital Theses Program (ADTP) and also through web search engines, unless permission has been granted by the University to restrict access for a period of time. SIGNED _____________________________________ DATE _________________ iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I acknowledge and thank the University of Adelaide, School of Politics, for the facilities and courtesies extended to me, which have enabled me to conduct and complete my research. I am indebted to Professor Carol Johnson for her mentorship during my undergraduate years, and for her intellectual generosity, support and encouragement during her supervision of this thesis. I thank Professor Clem Macintyre, as co-supervisor, for his continual interest in my work, and for his valuable suggestions and discussions. I also thank Associate Professor Felix Patrikeeff for his guidance and support. I appreciated the interviews granted to me by former politicians, especially the Rt Hon Malcolm Fraser, the Hons. John Howard AM, Jim Short, Ian McLachlan AO, Jim Carlton, Tony Messner AO, Dr Baden Teague and the late Don Chipp AO. Dr Gerard Henderson was most helpful in some historical clarification. I owe much to former political staff members who contributed information and verification of events, and I thank particularly Ms Donna Jacobsen, Ms Suzanne Kaspryzk, Ms Betty Ann Daly and Ms Maxine Peters. I thank my family, especially Mabel Reid and Sophie Bruhn, for their unfailing faith and practical support. iv ABBREVIATIONS ABC Australian Broadcasting Corporation ACOSS Australian Council of Social Services ACTU Australian Council of Trade Unions ADF Australian Defence Force AFR Australian Financial Review AFFF Australian Farmers’ Fighting Fund AIRC Australian Industrial Relations Commission ALP Australian Labor Party ANZAC Australia and New Zealand Army Corps APS Australian Public Service ATSIC Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission ATC Australian Teaching Council AWA Australian Workplace Agreement AWNL Australian Women’s National League COAG Council of Australian Governments CFA Consumers’ Federation of Australia CPA Communist Party of Australia CPD Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates CPU Cabinet Policy Unit DPM&C Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet ECCV Ethnic Communities’ Council of Victoria FTB Family Tax Benefit GST Goods and Services Tax HREOC Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission MUA Maritime Union of Australia MPI Matter of Public Importance NAC National Aboriginal Conference NATSEM National Centre for Social and Economic Modelling NFTPA National Forum for Teacher Professional Associations NFF National Farmers’ Federation NPP National Priorities Project OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development QWN Question Without Notice QON Question On Notice PMO Prime Minister’s Office RCNA Royal College of Nursing Australia SES Senior Executive Service SBS Special Broadcasting Service SMH Sydney Morning Herald WEL Women’s Electoral Lobby v ABSTRACT This thesis argues that the key policies of John Howard were consistent throughout his political career, from his entry into the Australian parliament in 1974 until Prime Minister in 2007 when he lost government and his seat of Bennelong. Studies of parliamentary debates, public speeches and policy documents reveal Howard’s reluctance to shift from policy positions that reflect his core philosophical and political convictions. They also show determination, self-belief and unremitting political ambition, despite significant obstacles. Many of Howard’s ideas are traced to the early influences of family, school, church, and the post-war, politically- conservative era of his youth, led by Liberal Prime Minister, Robert Menzies. Howard later used the narrative of his personal beliefs and value systems as factors that shaped his policy agenda, while drawing on his own background and experiences to indicate his understanding of what was important to “ordinary” Australians. Consequently, he was consistently a social conservative who supported traditional families, a British head of State, the ANZAC legacy as defining the moment of Australia’s nationhood and its national characteristics, a small-business/ entrepreneurial spirit, pride in colonial achievement and historical culture linked to Europe, with a Judeo-Christian base. He argued for border sovereignty, resisted the concept of multiculturalism, extracted acceptance of “Australian values” from new citizens, and rejected treaties, separatism, or a formal apology to Australia’s Indigenous people. His family’s small business background, attitude of self-reliance, and wariness of unions and public servants, pre-disposed his acceptance of the 1980s “New Right” or neo-liberal formulations of smaller government, deregulated markets and financial systems, competition, user-pays, targeted welfare based on mutual obligation, privatisation, broad-based taxation, and workplace reform that curtailed vi union power. Within this context, and aligned to personal predilections, he used neo- liberal critiques of so-called “élites” and “special interests” to appeal to “mainstream” Australia. Howard was prepared for strategic reasons to deviate, postpone or retreat on some issues, but was intransigent on core principles. He claimed most people knew the values he stood for, and that policy consistency was an element in his political success. However, when consistency became intellectual rigidity, it was his political downfall. vii INTRODUCTION “The fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing”.1 Isaiah Berlin. “Ours has been a government of consistency and commitment through times of public support and also times of public reservation and public criticism”.2 Howard, 2003. 1 From Greek poet Archilochus; essay by Isaiah Berlin, The Hedgehog and the Fox, Simon & Schuster, New York, 1953, p22 2 John Howard, Address to Victorian State Council of Liberal Party, Melbourne, 29 March, 2003. 1 This thesis argues that John Howard was remarkably consistent in most of his policies throughout his long political career with the Liberal Party of Australia. While some academics and political writers have noted this aspect of his political progression, there has not been before an historical and systematic study to show the existence of his overall policy consistency as Member for Bennelong, Minister of the Crown, Deputy Leader, Opposition Leader, and Prime Minister from 1996 until he lost his seat, and government, in 2007. This work will also show that many of Howard’s ideas can be located to the influences and experiences of his childhood and youth. Most people bring to adult life those experiences, but few become national leaders, and therefore the ideas he drew from traditional family life, suburban Sydney, church, and conservative leadership under Liberal Prime Minister, Robert Menzies, shaped his political policies. When in 1988 Howard said one was “always a captive of one’s own personal experiences”, he acknowledged the impact of past influences.3 Later in 2007 he declared the impossibility of charting the “future of this country unless we have a true understanding of where we have come from”, and frequently referred to the values of his parents as drivers of his political narratives.4 Howard was born in 1939 on the eve of the Second World War, into a family familiar with the 1914-1918 Great War and the subsequent 1930s Depression. His family lived through the sombre Labor government years of John Curtin and Ben Chifley and then what Howard called the “golden era” of post-war prosperity under Menzies’ leadership.5 It was also a time of the fading British Empire, the Cold War and massive, 3 Howard, Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates, House of Representatives (CPD, Representatives), 3 June, 1988, p.3276. 4 Howard, Community Morning Tea, City of Gosnells, 20 February, 2007. 5 Howard considered Australia in this era “had a sense of family, social stability and optimism … reasonable levels of economic growth, virtually no unemployment …” Quoted by Gerard Henderson, A Howard Government? Inside the Coalition,
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