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Defying Marginality from the Third Space: a Case Study of Salvadorans in Los Angeles, California

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Defying Marginality from the Third Space: a Case Study of Salvadorans in Los Angeles, California Defying marginality from the Third Space: A case study of Salvadorans in Los Angeles, California Lynn Kovitch International Migration and Ethnic Relations Bachelor Thesis 15 credits Spring 2018: IM245L Supervisor: Anne Sofie Roald Word count: 10428 Lynn Kovitch 19970610-4628 Abstract This study focuses on the Salvadoran diaspora, by implementing the concepts of marginality, collective action and the Third Space together with hybridity theory. Characteristics of marginality faced by the diaspora and methods used to defy them are explored, through a qualitative analysis of previously published research. The results of this study are that members of the diaspora have challenged their position of marginality, and that the methods of defiance studied are two types of collective action. I argue that is it hybridity which opens a Third Space for defiance to existing power-structures by conjuring new negotiations against marginality. Keywords: Marginality, Diaspora, The Third Space, Collective Action, Salvadorans 2 Lynn Kovitch 19970610-4628 Table of Contents Abstract 2 Table of Contents 3 List of Abbreviations 4 1.0 Introduction 5 2.0 Aim and Research Questions 6 2.1 IMER Relevancy 6 3.0 Background 6 3. 1 Defining Diaspora 8 3.2 Los Angeles, California 8 4.0 Method 9 4.1 Sources and reliability 10 4.2 Material and reasoning 11 5.0 Theoretical Framework 11 5.1 Previous Research 12 5.2 Theory Implemented 14 5.3 Concept of Marginality 14 5.4 Concept of Collective Action 15 5.5 Hybridity Theory 15 5.6 Third Space Concept 17 6.0 Analysis 18 6.1 Spatial Marginality 18 6.2 Legal Marginality 21 7.0 The Third Space 24 7.1 Defying Spatial Marginalization: 25 7.2 Defying Legal Marginalization Through Collective Action 26 8.0 Discussion 30 8.1 Conclusion 33 8.2 Future Research 34 Bibliography 35 3 Lynn Kovitch 19970610-4628 List of Abbreviations and Terminology TPS Temporary Protected Status DACA Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals USCIS United States Citizenship and Immigration Services INS Immigration and National Security ICE Immigration and Customs Enforcement L.A. Los Angeles N.Y.C. New York City D.C. area- Washington, District of Columbia greater metropolitan area UN United Nations MS-13 Mara Salvatrucha 13 Gang USD United States Dollar CISPES Committee in Solidarity with the People in El Salvador SCITCA Southern California Interfaith Task Force for Central Americans SALEF Salvadoran American Leadership for Education Fund ASOSAL Association of Salvadorans of Los Angeles HTA’s Home Town Associations COMUNIDADES Communities United for Direct Aid to El Salvador Latinx – gender neutral alternative to “Latina/o” to include non-binary, genderqueer or gender- nonconforming individuals Hispanic - term used in U.S. Census data, and on questionnaires about ethnicity. Hispanics are considered ‘white’ in race in the U.S. and ‘non-white’ Hispanic is a term that includes those who are ethnically Hispanic/ Latinx but do not identify as white 4 Lynn Kovitch 19970610-4628 1.0 Introduction In the U.S. the majority of Central Americans are Salvadoran (Zong, Batalova, 2015). In L.A. they are the second largest group after Mexicans, the size and influence of the Salvadoran diaspora makes them an interesting subject for research. Salvadorans have received increased U.S. news and media coverage in recent years, mainly following the loss of protective status and President Trump’s mention of the MS-13 gang at the State of the Union address (Wick, 2018; Sviatschi, 2018). The recent eradication of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) and debate over other deportation protections reignited my interest in the people covered by these programs (USCIS, 2018). The uncertainty of the current Presidential administration and escalation of fear tactics against immigrants in 2017 has spread to streets in the form of protest and onto front page news coverage (Wick, 2018). This intolerance for the immigrants from above has been met with grassroots protest and solidarity from below (Gonzales, 2018; Chappel, 2018). It was this moment of political turmoil in which this study began, I wanted to understand the terms and structures used to marginalize immigrants in urban spaces, and what methods of resistance are implemented by these groups and their allies. The topic of hybridity in diasporic studies has sparked my interest since much diasporic research points to transnationalism and dual identities (Ang, 2003). I instead explore how members of a diaspora are inherently affected by their migrant experience, as well as, particularly for Salvadorans the global city and other cultures with which they coexist. The very act of migration, and incorporation into the plethora of cultures which make up the U.S. puts culture into flux as one negotiates their surroundings. Rather than seeking a transnational explanation, I ask how hybridity is represented and the Third Space enacted through defying marginality. First, I will provide a more in depth background of the Salvadoran diaspora. Then, I will explain how I have built this case with documents, research, and statistics published about the diaspora 5 Lynn Kovitch 19970610-4628 to later explore characteristics of their marginality. After the analysis I offer my conclusion and possible methods of expanding upon this study in the future. 2.0 Aim and Research Questions The aim of this study is to analyze the Los Angeles Salvadoran diaspora, in terms of marginality from the perspective of the Third Space. By analyzing research and data about the Salvadoran diaspora, I aim to explore whether they are marginalized and if so, in what ways. Then, what strategies and methods they have implemented to defy this marginalization. In what ways is the Salvadoran diaspora marginalized? In what ways does the diaspora defy marginality from the perspective of the Third space? 2.1 IMER Relevancy This topic is IMER relevant because diasporic research is centered around ethnic groups and their relations. By focusing on an immigrant group and the practices which constitute a new space between that of the dominant and a minority culture, this study falls within the field of ethnic relations. As Salvadorans are an ethnic minority in the U.S. made up of international migrants, the topic encompasses both fields. 3.0 Background Today, El Salvador is often called the “most violent country not at war” and a 2015 study found it has the highest murder rate in the world, at 103 murders per 100,000 people (Crisis Group, 2017). Hundreds of thousands of migrants have fled from El Salvador since the Salvadoran Civil Car, including a significant number of unaccompanied minors. The majority of unaccompanied minors claim gang recruitment and threats as reasons for emigrating (Sviatschi, 2018; Crisis Group, 2017). El Salvador has the highest homicide rate in Latin America and the “Mano Dura” (Iron Fist) policies enforced by police and military have resulted in human rights abuses (Crisis Group, 2017). 6 Lynn Kovitch 19970610-4628 The Salvadoran Civil War lasting from 1979-1992, backed by the U.S. military caused thousands to flee for the U.S. (Crisis Group, 2017). Though many applied for asylum they were generally denied all claims and benefits of public assistance (Chinchilla, Hamilton, 1999). This resulted in some Salvadorans obtaining temporary status under protection programs, and work visas if eligible. For many others it meant remaining undocumented (Chinchilla, Hamilton, 1999; MPI, 2014). In 2018 it was announced by the Trump administration that TPS would be revoked in September 2019 for multiple recipient groups (USCIS, 2018). For Salvadorans, TPS was originally enacted in 1990 for those already residing in the U.S. as protection from deportation when the civil war was nearing an end, but conditions have not been safe or stable enough to return since (Gammage, 2007). The program continued with renewal every 18 months, and in 2001 was reinstated after two natural disasters devastated El Salvador. The TPS program has continued on the grounds that there was, “substantial, but temporary, disruption of living conditions” that kept people from safe return (Menjivar, 2017; USCIS, 2001). Salvadorans are currently the largest group of TPS recipients, with over 200,000 recipients who have nearly 190,000 children with U.S. citizenship (Menjivar, 2017; Warren, Kerwin, 2017). The TPS program, with high qualification barriers, application fees and short-term renewal periods, has offered safety but in no way a path to permanence (Batalova, Zong 2015). After twenty-eight years of temporary protective measures, Salvadorans are set to be deported next year (Warren, Kerwin, 2017). Today, the diaspora largely consists of undocumented immigrants or temporary status recipients under programs such as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) or TPS (Batalova, Zong 2015). Nationally, TPS recipients account for 16% of the diaspora, and only 32% of the diaspora hold citizenship (Batalova, Hallock, Zong, 2018). Salvadorans have one of the lowest naturalization rates among immigrant groups in the country (MPI, 2014). The uncertainty of statistics regarding the undocumented population supports the notion that precarious status is widespread among Salvadorans in the U.S. (Batalova, Hallock, Zong, 2018). 7 Lynn Kovitch 19970610-4628 3. 1 Defining Diaspora A diaspora transcends national borders by crossing and re-crossing them. It renders the border imagined as opposed to real, porous as opposed to secure and celebrates emancipation from the nation-state and national identity (Ang, 2003). Though the diaspora can be conceptualized, just as borders or the nation-state, as an imagined phenomenon, the loss of territory and the identity forged by symbols informs the diaspora to be a kind of collective consciousness (Ang, 2003). This may be seen as exclusionary, as it holds insider/outsider notions. It cannot be ignored that the very identity of a diaspora, and the claims to what constitute belonging are also what exclude non-members from it (Ang, 2003).
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