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Street Art and Urban Fabric in Central Athens, 2000–2012 Panos Leventis*

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Street Art and Urban Fabric in Central Athens, 2000–2012 Panos Leventis* $UFKLWHFWXUDO Leventis, P 2013 Walls of Crisis: Street Art and Urban Fabric in Central +LVWRULHV Athens, 2000–2012. Architectural Histories, 1(1): 19, pp. 1-10, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/ah.ar POSITION PAPER Walls of Crisis: Street Art and Urban Fabric in Central Athens, 2000–2012 Panos Leventis* Introduction with the Olympics in mind, a public company was set up Street art, an offspring of the global metropolis and a with the mandate to upgrade a number of downtown product of its socio-urban fabric, has inevitably grown on, arteries and squares via urban design competitions, reju- and been sustained by, urban architecture. Individual tag- venating the city’s monuments and unifying its archeolog- gers and graffiti crews have proliferated in European cit- ical sites into a five kilometre-long ‘Cultural Promenade’. ies since the 1980s. In the beginning, they mirrored their By 2000, Ermou Street, with its buildings and scattered North American counterparts’ socio-political preoccupa- graffiti works, was already included in the extension plans tions that were a product of deteriorating socio-economic of the ‘Cultural Promenade’, showcasing the possibilities and socio-urban conditions in depressed sectors of metro- that graffiti art held in uniting past architectural legacies politan areas. In the early 1990s, however, with economic with contemporary visual culture. development and the beginnings of urban regeneration Also in 2000, four local graffiti artists were invited by processes came the first large-scale mutation of tagging Athens’ Goethe Institute to transform its atrium walls as into ‘graffiti art’. With larger and more recognizable works, part of its fiftieth anniversary events, signaling the first and visual rather than textual content, by the late 1990s commissioned large-scale graffiti art project in Greece. graffiti was accepted by increasingly broader sections of Soon after, Goethe held a graffiti exhibition on its grounds urban population as ‘street art’. A new form of public art, called ‘Neverending Story’, pairing the work of those same street art could claim a legitimate part in the forming and artists along with international counterparts. The follow- transforming of urban identities in both their visual and ing year, under the auspices of the Municipality of Tav- their spatial iterations. ros, at the southwestern edge of central Athens, and with the support of Goethe and corporate sponsors, the same Twenty-first-century Gothic: Commissioned artists implemented two exterior murals on a pair of low- graffiti art on public architecture in the income housing apartment buildings. Significantly, the Olympic city (2000–2004) public was invited to not only attend a series of parallel In the case of Athens, an ascending scale and scope of events focusing on street culture, but also participate in engagement between commissioned graffiti art and archi- the creation of the street art themselves, on side walls tecture can clearly be traced during the years of economic of the same buildings. Thus, two public institutions — a development leading to the Olympic Games of 2004. In foreign cultural foundation and a state housing agency a one by one-and-a-half kilometre section in the north- — invited graffiti artists to work on complete blank walls west of central Athens as the area of study [fig. 1], initial, of existing buildings, demonstrating the transformative smaller works on disparate parts of the urban landscape impact such initiatives can have in the perception of both give way to compositions on interior and exterior walls intimate and larger interiors, both on individual buildings of institutional and residential buildings, and eventually and on urban landscapes. works appear on complete perimeter walls and envelopes One of the artists in the Goethe and Tavros projects, of industrial and transportation complexes. Vangelis Hoursoglou (a.k.a Woozy), had earlier established In 1998, a few months after the Greek capital won the the group called Carpe Diem, to support graffiti artists bid to host the 2004 Summer Games, the country’s first and to provide them with a legal basis as well as urban international graffiti festival, an initiative of the Hellenic- canvases. Active since 1991 as Greece’s first graffiti crew, American Union, was held northwest of the Acropolis Carpe Diem became a legal association and obtained a and the Ancient Agora. The festival’s art was created on mandate to materialize its objectives in the spring of 2002 side façades and perimeter walls of the neoclassical and (Bailey 2011), just as the Ministry of Culture unveiled the postindustrial buildings along Ermou Street,1 in the east- ‘Cultural Olympiad’, an interdisciplinary preamble to the ern end of the area of study. During the same year, and Olympics. ‘Chromopolis’, a unique project included in the ‘Cultural Olympiad’ that involved ten international and six local artists, catapulted street art into the national mainstream during the summer of 2002.2 Co-ordinated by * Hammons School of Architecture, Drury University, United States Carpe Diem, they traveled to ten cities around the coun- [email protected] try, putting large-scale works onto industrial and public Art. 19, page 2 of 10 Leventis: Walls of Crisis Figure 1: Area of Study. (Northwest Quadrant of Athens Historical Center) buildings. The ministry’s agenda was evidently broader ‘European Days of Cultural Heritage’, under the auspices than aesthetics. Instead, the ethics of finance were taking of the Ministry of Culture and Carpe Diem, the work is a over: The urgency to re-color the grayness and drabness tribute to the olive tree, ‘a symbol of culture, peace and of the country’s industrial past in cities that were to hold sport’, on the perimeter walls of the ELAIS olive oil fac- Olympic or parallel events was undoubtedly linked to the tory on a corner of Peiraios leading to Karaiskaki Stadium, sensitivities of the visitors that were to arrive soon. Les- undergoing refurbishment for the Olympics. This monu- sons learned from the Goethe and Tavros examples were mental creation (4 x 120 m) was filled with classical char- now used at a national scale for economic reasons. acters, mythological references, Byzantine-style figures One of the six local artists involved in ‘Chromopolis’, and carefully executed compositions. The work signaled known as Bizare, was about to complete his studies at a turning point for graffiti culture in Greece. A grand ges- the Athens School of Fine Arts,3 a short distance south ture, aligned with the global movement of street art, it of the Tavros Project, along Peiraios Street. Following his also explicitly presented ‘official’ socio-cultural views to threat to paint the entire school building, Bizare obtained the public. approval to work on one wall and the pillars of a floor as With the success of pre-Olympic large-scale graffiti art his graduation project. The composition, entitled ‘Hell’, projects, now referred to as street art by both the creators was a narrative commentary of Dantesque imagination and the public, the genre began to proliferate on a mul- and proportions that focused on the contemporary Athe- titude of surfaces. Perhaps the most well-known project nian predicament. As a result of this project, Bizare’s of this time is the mural along the southern and western name became known, and he was soon responsible for exterior walls of the ILPAP electric trolley-bus depot, in the the first high-profile and large-scale exterior work in the very heart of the area of study [fig. 2]. Under the auspices city, again on Peiraios Street, further south of the area of of the Ministry of Transportation, the guidance of Carpe study.4 Created in September of 2003 as part of the annual Diem, and the sponsorship of ten public and private agen- Leventis: Walls of Crisis Art. 19, page 3 of 10 Figure 2: Various Artists. “For a Sustainable City” (ILPAP Trolley Depot, detail), 2005. (85 Peiraios Street, Kerameikos) cies, it was created in 2005 to celebrate the annual ‘Car power of architecture to display their noncommissioned Free Day’, part of the initiative ‘For a Sustainable City’ (Bai- work and make their intentions known to the city. ley 2011).5 The mural, with its narratives of trolley depots, Initially, signs of the city’s reversal of fortune after the drivers, urban landscapes, ‘good’ pedestrians, bicycles and Games were few. In the vicinity of the ILPAP depot and buses versus ‘bad’ private automobiles, reiterated to the its didactic mural, along the streets of Psyrri and Gazi in surprised public how (if not why) positive messages can the southern half of the area of study, the period of eco- emerge from graffiti culture and street art. nomic growth prior to 2004 left evident marks. Psyrri, a In the tradition of Gothic sculptural exteriors or Byz- bohemian quarter once populated by night-crawlers and antine mural interiors, these new ‘medieval cathedrals’ riddled with seedy basements, was now a fashionable communicated to the urban masses of Olympic Athens a destination of minimalist taverns and carefully designed variety of sponsored visual narratives that their patrons bars. Gazi, a low-income cluster of humble dwellings sur- wished to relay. While the agenda was certainly not reli- rounding the old Gas Works factory that was transformed gious, the social, political, economic and at times even by the Municipality of Athens into a cultural park called ethical intentions of the commissioned art are more Technopolis, became the city’s design and social
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