Carn 150 Summer 2011
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Statement of Parties and Individual Candidates Nominated
European Parliamentary Election for the South West Region - 4th June 2009 STATEMENT OF PARTIES AND INDIVIDUAL CANDIDATES NOMINATED 1. The following parties and individual candidates have been and stand nominated: British National Jeremy Edward Barry John Sinclair Adrian Llewellyn Romilly Sean Derrick Twitchin Lawrence Reginald West Peryn Walter Parsons Wotherspoon Bennett 66 College Avenue, 15 Autumn Road, Poole, 27 Lutyens Drive, 12 Simons Close, Worle, Party British National 15 Tremlett Grove, 64 Castlemain Avenue, Mutley, Plymouth Dorset BH11 8TF Paignton, Devon Weston super Mare, Party - Protecting Ipplepen, Newton Abbot, Southbourne, Bournemouth , PL4 7AP TQ3 3LA North Somerset British Jobs Devon TQ12 5BZ Dorset BH6 5EN BS22 6DJ Christian Party William Patrick Capstick Katherine Susan Mills Diana Ama Ofori Larna Jane Martin Peter Vickers Adenike Williams 38 Winton Avenue, 7 Wellington Road, 32 New Plaistow Road, 27 Clonmore Street, 96 Blaker Court, 5 Hensley Point, "Proclaiming London Wanstead, London Stratford, London Southfield, London Fairlawn, London Bradstock Road, Christ's Lordship" N11 2AT E11 2AN E15 3JB SW18 5EU SE7 7ET London E9 5BE The Christian Party - CPA Conservative Giles Bryan Chichester Julie McCulloch Girling Ashley Peter Fox Michael John Edward Donald John Collier Syeda Zehra Zaidi Longridge, West Hill, The Knapp, Dovers Hill, 77 Park Grove, Henleaze, Dolley 22 Douglas Road, Poole, Nupend Lodge, Nupend Party Ottery St Mary, Devon Chipping Campden, Bristol BS9 4NY Leeside, West Street, Dorset BH12 2AX Lane, Longhope, -
Written Submission from Peter Murrell, Chief Executive, Scottish National Party, Dated 9 December, Following the Evidence Session on 8 December 2020
Written submission from Peter Murrell, Chief Executive, Scottish National Party, dated 9 December, following the evidence session on 8 December 2020 I undertook yesterday to forward Committee members the text of the email sent by Nicola Sturgeon on 27 August 2018. The email was sent to all members of the Scottish National Party, and the text is appended herewith. In addition, I've noticed some commentary this morning about what I said yesterday in response to questions about WhatsApp groups. I do not use WhatsApp. There are several messaging apps on my phone that I don’t use. This includes profiles on Facebook Messenger, LinkedIn, Instagram, Slack, Skype, and WhatsApp, none of which I use. I use my phone to make calls and to send emails and texts. Twitter is the only social media platform I’m active on. I trust the appended text and the above clarification is helpful to members. Best Peter PETER MURRELL Chief Executive Scottish National Party A statement from Nicola Sturgeon In recent days, calls have been made for the SNP to suspend Alex Salmond’s membership of the Party. As SNP leader, it is important that I set out the reasons for the Party’s current position as clearly as I can. The SNP, like all organisations, must act in accordance with due process. In this case, unlike in some previous cases, the investigation into complaints about Alex Salmond has not been conducted by the SNP and no complaints have been received by the Party. Also, for legal reasons, the limited information I have about the Scottish Government investigation cannot at this stage be shared with the Party. -
Britishness, What It Is and What It Could Be, Is
COUNTY, NATION, ETHNIC GROUP? THE SHAPING OF THE CORNISH IDENTITY Bernard Deacon If English regionalism is the dog that never barked then English regional history has in recent years been barely able to raise much more than a whimper.1 Regional history in Britain enjoyed its heyday between the late 1970s and late1990s but now looks increasingly threadbare when contrasted with the work of regional geographers. Like geographers, in earlier times regional historians busied themselves with two activities. First, they set out to describe social processes and structures at a regional level. The region, it was claimed, was the most convenient container for studying ‘patterns of historical development across large tracts of the English countryside’ and understanding the interconnections between social, economic, political, demographic and administrative history, enabling the researcher to transcend both the hyper-specialization of ‘national’ historical studies and the parochial and inward-looking gaze of English local history.2 Second, and occurring in parallel, was a search for the best boundaries within which to pursue this multi-disciplinary quest. Although he explicitly rejected the concept of region on the grounds that it was impossible comprehensively to define the term, in many ways the work of Charles Phythian-Adams was the culmination of this process of categorization. Phythian-Adams proposed a series of cultural provinces, supra-county entities based on watersheds and river basins, as broad containers for human activity in the early modern period. Within these, ‘local societies’ linked together communities or localities via networks of kinship and lineage. 3 But regions are not just convenient containers for academic analysis. -
The Brookings Institution
1 SCOTLAND-2013/04/09 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION SCOTLAND AS A GOOD GLOBAL CITIZEN: A DISCUSSION WITH FIRST MINISTER ALEX SALMOND Washington, D.C. Tuesday, April 9, 2013 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction: MARTIN INDYK Vice President and Director Foreign Policy The Brookings Institution Moderator: FIONA HILL Senior Fellow and Director Center on the United States and Europe The Brookings Institution Featured Speaker: ALEX SALMOND First Minister of Scotland * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 2 SCOTLAND-2013/04/09 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. INDYK: Good morning, ladies and gentlemen. Welcome to Brookings. I'm Martin Indyk, the Director of the Foreign Policy Program at Brookings, and we're delighted to have you here for a special event hosted by Center on the U.S. and Europe at Brookings. In an historic referendum set for autumn of next year, the people of Scotland will vote to determine if Scotland should become an independent country. And that decision will carry with it potentially far-reaching economic, legal, political, and security consequences for the United Kingdom. Needless to say, the debate about Scottish independence will be watched closely in Washington as well. And so we are delighted to have the opportunity to host the Right Honorable Alex Salmond, the first Minister of Scotland, to speak about the Scottish independence. He has been First Minister since 2007. Before that, he has had a distinguished parliamentary career. He was elected member of the UK parliament in 1987, served there until 2010. -
A Poetics of Uncertainty: a Chorographic Survey of the Life of John Trevisa and the Site of Glasney College, Cornwall, Mediated Through Locative Arts Practice
VAL DIGGLE: A POETICS OF UNCERTAINTY A poetics of uncertainty: a chorographic survey of the life of John Trevisa and the site of Glasney College, Cornwall, mediated through locative arts practice By Valerie Ann Diggle Page 1 VAL DIGGLE: A POETICS OF UNCERTAINTY VAL DIGGLE: A POETICS OF UNCERTAINTY A poetics of uncertainty: a chorographic survey of the life of John Trevisa and the site of Glasney College, Cornwall, mediated through locative arts practice By Valerie Ann Diggle Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) University of the Arts London Falmouth University October 2017 Page 2 Page 3 VAL DIGGLE: A POETICS OF UNCERTAINTY VAL DIGGLE: A POETICS OF UNCERTAINTY A poetics of uncertainty: a chorographic survey of the life of John Trevisa and the site of Glasney College, Penryn, Cornwall, mediated through locative arts practice Connections between the medieval Cornishman and translator John Trevisa (1342-1402) and Glasney College in Cornwall are explored in this thesis to create a deep map about the figure and the site, articulated in a series of micro-narratives or anecdotae. The research combines book-based strategies and performative encounters with people and places, to build a rich, chorographic survey described in images, sound files, objects and texts. A key research problem – how to express the forensic fingerprint of that which is invisible in the historic record – is described as a poetics of uncertainty, a speculative response to information that teeters on the brink of what can be reliably known. This poetics combines multi-modal writing to communicate events in the life of the research, auto-ethnographically, from the point of view of an artist working in the academy. -
Plaid Cymru and the SNP in Government
What does it mean to be ‘normal’? Plaid Cymru and the SNP in Government Craig McAngus School of Government and Public Policy University of Strathclyde McCance Building 16 Richmond Street Glasgow G1 1QX [email protected] Paper prepared for the Annual Conference of the Political Studies Association, Cardiff, 25 th -27 th March 2013 Abstract Autonomist parties have been described as having shifted from ‘niche to normal’. Governmental participation has further compounded this process and led to these parties facing the same ‘hard choices’ as other parties in government. However, the assumption that autonomist parties can now be described as ‘normal’ fails to address the residual ‘niche’ characteristics which will have an effect on the party’s governmental participation due to the existence of important ‘primary goals’. Taking a qualitative, comparative case study approach using semi-structured interview and documentary data, this paper will examine Plaid Cymru and the SNP in government. This paper argues that, although both parties can indeed be described as ‘normal’, the degree to which their ‘niche’ characteristics affect the interaction between policy, office and vote-seeking behaviour varies. Indeed, while the SNP were able to somewhat ‘detach’ their ‘primary goals’ from their government profile, Plaid Cymru’s ability to formulate an effective vote-seeking strategy was severely hampered by policy-seeking considerations. The paper concludes by suggesting that the ‘niche to normal’ framework requires two additional qualifications. Firstly, the idea that autonomist parties shift from ‘niche’ to ‘normal’ is too simplistic and that it is more helpful to examine how ‘niche’ characteristics interact with and affect ‘normal’ party status. -
15 May 2018 Nicola Sturgeon MSP First Minister of Scotland Leader of the Scottish National Party Dear First Minister, RE
62 Britton Street London, EC1M 5UY United Kingdom T +44 (0)203 422 4321 @privacyint www.privacyinternational.org 15 May 2018 Nicola Sturgeon MSP First Minister of Scotland Leader of the Scottish National Party Dear First Minister, RE: Self-regulation of voter targeting by political parties We are all concerned by the misuse of people’s data by technology giants and data analytics companies. At Privacy International, we work across the world to expose and minimize the democratic impact of such practices. Consequently, with the UK Data Protection Bill, we urged parliamentarians, through all the stages to delete the wide exemption, open to abuse, that allows political parties to process personal data ‘revealing political opinions’ for the purposes of their political activities. To no avail – this provision stays in the Bill. The recent revelations regarding misuse of our data by Cambridge Analytica, facilitated by Facebook has shown that our concerns are justified and the problem is systemic. Cambridge Analytica and Facebook are not alone. The use of data analytics in the political arena needs to be strictly regulated. Personal data that might not have previously revealed political opinions can now be used to infer such opinions (primarily through profiling). Failure to act can lead to political manipulation and risks undermining trust in the democratic process. We believe the Scottish National Party shares this concern. As Brendan O’Hara MP stated “… the days of the unregulated, self-policing, digital Wild-West, wherein giant tech companies and shadowy political organisations can harvest, manipulate, trade in and profit from the personal data of millions of innocent, unsuspecting people, could be coming to an end”. -
General Election 2015 Candidate Views on Shooting Sports & Firearms Ownership
General Election 2015 Candidate Views on Shooting Sports & Firearms Ownership Firearms UK is an Association campaigning for the protection of firearms ownership within the UK. Primary objectives are to encourage unity and positive action within the shooting community and to promote and defend individual firearms ownership and the shooting sports. In the lead up to the 2015 General Election we canvased the parliamentary candidates for their views on shooting sports and firearms ownership. We sent an email questionnaire asking seven questions; 1. Do you believe in a total ban on private firearms ownership? 2. Do you believe that private firearms ownership should face greater restrictions? 3. Do you believe the current system is balanced/there is no need for change? 4. Do you support all forms of currently legal shooting in the UK? (If there are exceptions please state) 5. Would you oppose any moves to further restrict private firearms ownership/use in the UK? 6. Do you believe that our firearms laws are in need of reformation and sensible relaxation? 7. If you support UK citizen’s rights to participate in shooting sports do you also support changing the law to permit .22 rimfire pistols to be used for competitive shooting thus allowing ordinary UK citizens to properly train to enable them to compete in international events such as the Olympic and Commonwealth games? We obtained a database of candidate’s details from www.yournextmp.com. The database contained email addresses for 3361 of the 3969 candidates listed. Unfortunately, 183 of these email addresses were incorrect. We managed to correct some of these and sent a follow up email to the candidates. -
Scottish Parliament Elections 2021 Mental Health Prevention in The
Scottish Parliament Elections 2021 Mental Health Prevention in the Party Manifestos The Foundation developed fourteen recommendations for the Scottish Parliament Elections of 2021. This analysis presents the manifesto commitments that relate to our fourteen recommendations. Commitments that directly quote from the Foundation’s recommendations have an asterisk. For more information about the Foundation’s Holyrood 2021 campaign, visit this webpage: Holyrood 2021 | Mental Health Foundation 1. The next Scottish Government should embed Mental Health Education (MHE) within Curriculum for Excellence, giving every child the tools to protect and improve their mental health and tackle stigma. Scottish Conservative & Unionist Party Scottish Green Guaranteeing Party every pupil a PSE curriculum which covers topics such as mental health. * Scottish Labour Include emotional learning into the curriculum. * Party Scottish Liberal Democrats Scottish National Embed mental health & wellbeing into the curriculum. * Party 2. Every child at risk of poverty, exclusion or adversity should benefit from an evidence- based mentoring programme based on the ‘one good adult’ model, helping every child to succeed regardless of their circumstances. • The Scottish Government recently announced funding of £19.4M over six years to expand mentoring for disadvantaged children. Scottish Set up a £35M national tutoring programme to provide one-to- Conservative & one or small group tuition for children who need the most help to Unionist Party catch up. Scottish Green Party Scottish Labour A personal tutoring programme should be provided, accessible Party for all ages and all pupils. Referrals would come from teachers and those working with young people struggling to engage with school. Scottish Liberal Democrats Scottish National Party 3. -
Evidence from Nationalist Movements in Scotland and Northern Ireland
blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/2011/10/21/regional-nationalisms/ Evidence from nationalist movements in Scotland and Northern Ireland shows that pragmatism and the ability to adapt are key to electoral success, and that nationalism is still a potent political force. Contemporary political analysis tends to draw few comparisons between nationalist movements in Scotland and Northern Ireland. However, Eve Hepburn and P. J. McLoughlin argue that in both cases, such movements have adopted variously pro- European positions in order to benefit from opportunities for aid and for greater political representation, and have thus successfully moderated their nationalist ambitions. There has been a great deal of analysis written comparing the activities of stateless nationalist and regionalist parties across states, but there are few concerning parties that operate within them. In the UK context, political scientists usually have a preference to compare conflicts in Northern Ireland with other ‘conflict regions’ such as the Basque Country or Palestine, whilst ignoring comparisons with more peaceful nationalist movements in Great Britain. In recent decades, these movements, as well as those that operate across states, have taken advantage of opportunities for greater European integration. This has become an important part of stateless politics in Europe. Both the Scottish National Party (SNP), and Northern Ireland’s Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), have sought to use the opportunities of European integration to advance their particular constitutional agenda – independence or greater autonomy from the UK state for the SNP, and Irish reunification for the SDLP. There are remarkable similarities between the SNP and the SDLP. -
The Political Cartooning of Cornish Self- Determination
University of Plymouth PEARL https://pearl.plymouth.ac.uk Faculty of Health: Medicine, Dentistry and Human Sciences Peninsula Medical School 2015-09-18 Cornish Self-determination: a semiotic analysis of political cartooning Tredinnick-Rowe, JF http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/15988 Centre Maurits Coppieters All content in PEARL is protected by copyright law. Author manuscripts are made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the details provided on the item record or document. In the absence of an open licence (e.g. Creative Commons), permissions for further reuse of content should be sought from the publisher or author. DEMOCRACY AND EUROPEAN EMERGING VALUES: THE RIGHT TO DECIDE COORDINATED BY GERARD BONA LANGUAGE REVIEW BY EMYR GRUFFYDD CENTRE MAURITS COPPIETERS 2015 Contents Foreword 6 Introduction 8 LAKE OR RIVER 14 THE POLITICAL CARTOONING OF CORNISH SELF-DETERMINATION 22 SELF-DETERMINATION AND WALES 44 TOWARDS SOVEREIGN FAROE ISLANDS 54 ABOUT TRANSYLVANIA 62 THE UDBYOUTH : HOW TO BE YOUNG, BRETON AND LEFT-WING WITHOUT AUTONOMY? 72 THE AUTONOMY GENERATION 80 SELF-DETERMINATION AND THE SILESIAN ISSUE 84 THE VALENCIAN COUNTRY AND THE RIGHT OF SELF-DETERMINATION 96 LIBERTY FOR BAVARIA 106 SOVEREIGNTY TO BUILD A GALIZA WITH THE PROMISE OF WORK AND A FUTURE FOR OUR YOUNG PEOPLE 112 “UNTIL ECONOMIC POWER IS IN THE HANDS OF THE PEOPLE, THEN THEIR CULTURE, GAELIC OR ENGLISH, WILL BE DESTROYED” 124 FLANDERS: ON THE ROAD TO BELGIAN STATE REFORM NUMBER 7 132 THE RIGHT OF SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE CATALAN COUNTRIES: 146 THE RIGHT TO DECIDE OF THREE COUNTRIES AND THEIR NATION This publication is financed with the support of the European Parliament (EP). -
Nicholas Brooke Phd Thesis
THE DOGS THAT DIDN'T BARK: POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND NATIONALISM IN SCOTLAND, WALES AND ENGLAND Nicholas Brooke A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2016 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8079 This item is protected by original copyright The Dogs That Didn't Bark: Political Violence and Nationalism in Scotland, Wales and England Nicholas Brooke This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 30th June 2015 1 Abstract The literature on terrorism and political violence covers in depth the reasons why some national minorities, such as the Irish, Basques and Tamils, have adopted violent methods as a means of achieving their political goals, but the study of why similar groups (such as the Scots and Welsh) remained non-violent, has been largely neglected. In isolation it is difficult to adequately assess the key variables behind why something did not happen, but when compared to a similar violent case, this form of academic exercise can be greatly beneficial. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying ‘negative cases’ - nationalist movements that abstain from political violence - particularly with regards to how the state should respond to minimise the likelihood of violent activity, as well as the interplay of societal factors in the initiation of violent revolt. This is achieved by considering the cases of Wales, England and Scotland, the latter of which recently underwent a referendum on independence from the United Kingdom (accomplished without the use of political violence) and comparing them with the national movement in Ireland, looking at both violent and non-violent manifestations of nationalism in both territories.