It's Time for Real Change: the Labour Party Manifesto 2019
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Jeremy Corbyn Must Appeal to Class Loyalty
A paper of Marxist polemic and Marxist unity War of the drones: n Letters and debate n Labour Left Alliance Ted Crawford looks at fast n Migration: 39 dead changing military technology n SWP pre-conference No 1273 October 31 2019 Towards a Communist Party of the European Union £1/€1.10 JEREMY CORBYN MUST APPEAL TO CLASS LOYALTY BUT BREXIT ISSUE CANNOT BE AVOIDED weekly 2 October 31 2019 1273 worker LETTERS Letters may have been to get an extension until January 31 2020. Frank - to name but a few. I’ve also read their conversion to Christianity - or their similarities between Africa today and pre- shortened because of If Labour wins the general election we quite a bit of Lee Child and Jo Nesbo, burning in hell. The fact that Zionism was revolutionary Russia. space. Some names will still be in the EU by September 2020. but I feel no impulse to join either the US originally a Christian ideology surprised What is needed is a Communist Party may have been changed This is surely the greatest example military or the Norwegian police. me, as did the demonstrable anti- of Africa (because of the advanced nature of guerrilla warfare since Fidel Castro To go back to my political history: it Semitism of its adherents. Nonetheless, it of the economy in South Africa, the South - with only 19 supporters, more than took me a few years to decide that I was was later picked up by a small minority of African Communist Party will play a major Election at last Corbyn has in the Parliamentary Labour no longer a Trotskyist and a few more to Jews and, especially after World War II, role in such a development). -
Gradualism": the Labour Party and Industry, 1918-1931
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE The industrial meaning of "gradualism": the Labour party and industry, 1918-1931 AUTHORS Thorpe, Andrew JOURNAL Journal of British Studies DEPOSITED IN ORE 03 March 2008 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10036/19512 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication The Industrial Meaning of "Gradualism": The Labour Party and Industry, 1918-1931 Andrew Thorpe The Journal of British Studies, Vol. 35, No. 1. (Jan., 1996), pp. 84-113. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9371%28199601%2935%3A1%3C84%3ATIMO%22T%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4 The Journal of British Studies is currently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/ucpress.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. -
Viewpoint: Jeremy Corbyn, the Plp and Historical Visions of the Labour Party
VIEWPOINT: JEREMY CORBYN, THE PLP AND HISTORICAL VISIONS OF THE LABOUR PARTY Matt Dawson The re-election of Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the Labour Party has demonstrated the fundamental split between two visions of the party. One vision, from Corbyn and his supporters, sees Labour as both parliamentary party and movement in which power rests with the members seeking to enact radical change. It would be crass to see this, as many of Corbyn’s opponents do, as a social movement beyond parliament not interested in government, but it is a view that in a party of campaigning, protesting and winning powerpolicies should not be compromised for the sake of parliamentary convenience/due to corporate pressure. AsHilary Wainwright has put it, a party with parliamentary representation but not one committed to parliamentarism. The second vision, held by much of the PLP is that Labour is a parliamentary movement. It exists to elect MPs who then, being Labour MPs, will implement socialist/social democratic measures which are in the interest of the nation. Any impediment to electing MPs is an impediment to Labour; a leader who cannot command the allegiance of their MPs is therefore not able to lead a parliamentary party. This was indicated by Owen Smith’s key claim, whether tactical or not, that the leadership contest didn’t concern a difference of policy (with the exception of a second EU referendum) but of electability. Smith, at least initially, presented himself as like Corbyn, but ‘electable’. The question of whether the shadow cabinet should be elected by MPs, or by members, is a further example of this dividing line. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements the Great Plains Connection
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Spring 1997 Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements The Great Plains Connection Mildred A. Schwartz University of Illinois at Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the Other International and Area Studies Commons Schwartz, Mildred A., "Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements The Great Plains Connection" (1997). Great Plains Quarterly. 1943. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/1943 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. CROSS .. BORDER TIES AMONG PROTEST MOVEMENTS THE GREAT PLAINS CONNECTION MILDRED A. SCHWARTZ This paper examines the connections among supporters willing to take risks. Thus I hypoth political protest movements in twentieth cen esize that protest movements, free from con tury western Canada and the United States. straints of institutionalization, can readily cross Protest movements are social movements and national boundaries. related organizations, including political pro Contacts between protest movements in test parties, with the objective of deliberately Canada and the United States also stem from changing government programs and policies. similarities between the two countries. Shared Those changes may also entail altering the geography, a British heritage, democratic prac composition of the government or even its tices, and a multi-ethnic population often give form. Social movements involve collective rise to similar problems. l Similarities in the efforts to bring about change in ways that avoid northern tier of the United States to the ad or reject established belief systems or organiza joining sections of Canada's western provinces tions. -
James Connolly and the Irish Labour Party
James Connolly and the Irish Labour Party Donal Mac Fhearraigh 100 years of celebration? to which White replied, `Put that furthest of all1' . White was joking but only just, 2012 marks the centenary of the founding and if Labour was regarded as conservative of the Irish Labour Party. Like most politi- at home it was it was even more so when cal parties in Ireland, Labour likes to trade compared with her sister parties. on its radical heritage by drawing a link to One historian described it as `the most Connolly. opportunistically conservative party in the On the history section of the Labour known world2.' It was not until the late Party's website it says, 1960s that the party professed an adher- ence to socialism, a word which had been `The Labour Party was completely taboo until that point. Ar- founded in 1912 in Clonmel, guably the least successful social demo- County Tipperary, by James cratic or Labour Party in Western Europe, Connolly, James Larkin and the Irish Labour Party has never held office William O'Brien as the polit- alone and has only been the minority party ical wing of the Irish Trade in coalition. Labour has continued this tra- Union Congress(ITUC). It dition in the current government with Fine is the oldest political party Gael. Far from being `the party of social- in Ireland and the only one ism' it has been the party of austerity. which pre-dates independence. The founders of the Labour The Labour Party got elected a year Party believed that for ordi- ago on promises of burning the bondhold- nary working people to shape ers and defending ordinary people against society they needed a political cutbacks. -
The Conservative Goverments' Record on Social Security: Policies
The Conservative Goverments’ Record on Social Security: Policies, Spending and Outcomes, May 2015 to pre-COVID 2020 Kerris Cooper and John Hills SPDO research paper 10 February 2021 SPDO research paper nn DRAFT May 2020 NOT FOR QUOTATION Acknowledgements The project has been funded by the Nuffield Foundation and the authors would like to thank the Foundation and our advisory board as well as the many people who provided comments on an earlier draft of this paper, including Fran Bennett, Howard Glennerster, Tania Burchardt, Abigail McKnight, Tom Sefton, Kitty Stewart, Nicola Lacey, Kate Summers, Ilona Pinter and Polly Vizard as well as the participants in a seminar on the findings in March 2020. We would like to thank Peter Matejic and Donna Ward for reviewing the paper. We are very grateful to Karl Handscomb at the Resolution Foundation for modelling assistance with trends in hypothetical in-work incomes and reviewing analysis based on this. We would also like to thank Shelter for sharing unpublished analysis, as well as the Joseph Rowntree Foundation for providing data on in- work poverty and the Households Below Average Incomes (HBAI) team for providing data on poverty by ethnicity. We are thankful to the Resolution Foundation, Institute for Fiscal Studies and the Joseph Rowntree Foundation for sharing charts and underlying figures to reproduce in this paper. We are also grateful to Nora Takacs and Iona Wainwright for their administrative assistance in preparing the paper. The authors remain responsible for the final content. The Nuffield Foundation is an endowed charitable trust that aims to improve social well-being in the widest sense. -
Personal Independence Payment: Factsheet for People Living with HIV
National AIDS Trust, PIP, August 2015 Personal Independence Payment: Factsheet for People Living with HIV Summary Personal Independence Payment – or PIP for short - is a benefit which is designed to help people with disabilities and long-term health conditions lead independent and active lives. PIP is there to meet the extra costs of living with a disability or long-term health condition, whether or not someone is currently working. It is not an income-replacement benefit. PIP will be replacing another benefit, called Disability Living Allowance (DLA). Anyone who currently gets DLA will eventually have to be assessed for PIP, if they still need help with extra costs. (See the final page of this factsheet for more information on this). What PIP is and isn’t PIP is paid to anyone who is found to meet the assessment criteria (see below for details). PIP is available to people who are in work, as well as those who are not in work. PIP isn’t means-tested. This means that if you meet the PIP eligibility criteria it doesn’t matter if you have other benefits, income or savings – you can still claim the benefit. PIP isn’t taxed. PIP isn’t included in the Benefit Cap1 – and if you get PIP, you are exempt from the Benefit Cap. PIP isn’t included in Universal Credit2 – it is a separate payment. Rates of support PIP has two components: PIP rates - weekly payments • Mobility component – for help with getting around Mobility Standard Rate = £21.80 • Daily living component – for help doing everyday activities Mobility Enhanced Rate = £57.45 Someone may be eligible for one or both components. -
DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
Universal Credit and Crime
DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 13484 Universal Credit and Crime Rocco d’Este Alex Harvey JULY 2020 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 13484 Universal Credit and Crime Rocco d’Este University of Sussex and IZA Alex Harvey University of Sussex JULY 2020 Any opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but IZA takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The IZA Institute of Labor Economics is an independent economic research institute that conducts research in labor economics and offers evidence-based policy advice on labor market issues. Supported by the Deutsche Post Foundation, IZA runs the world’s largest network of economists, whose research aims to provide answers to the global labor market challenges of our time. Our key objective is to build bridges between academic research, policymakers and society. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. ISSN: 2365-9793 IZA – Institute of Labor Economics Schaumburg-Lippe-Straße 5–9 Phone: +49-228-3894-0 53113 Bonn, Germany Email: [email protected] www.iza.org IZA DP No. 13484 JULY 2020 ABSTRACT Universal Credit and Crime* We evaluate the criminogenic effects of Universal Credit (UC), a monumental welfare reform designed to radically change the social security payment system in the United Kingdom. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.