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CHAPTER 4 Magical Th inking

Karl S. Rosengren and Jason A. French

Abstract This chapter examines the concept of magical thinking and how this form of thought develops over the course of childhood and is maintained in adulthood. Rather than assuming magical thinking to be a remnant of childhood and an immature mind, it is suggested that a number of universal cognitive processes lead to the emergence of magical thinking in early childhood and its maintenance into adulthood. This chapter suggests that magical thinking reaches a peak in childhood partly because of the emergence of pretense and imagination as well as substantial cultural support for magical beliefs in children. Although this form of thinking declines somewhat in later childhood and adulthood, unconscious cognitive processes serve to maintain magical thinking throughout the life span. The chapter also explores the relation between magical thinking and religious thoughts and beliefs, superstition, and other forms of strange beliefs in adulthood. Key Words: cognitive biases, cognitive development, essentialism, magical belief, magical thinking, similarity and contagion

Every day we are confronted with a variety of a variety of factors, including innate biases, socio- events for which we clearly know the cause. We’re cultural support for particular types of explana- hungry because we were in a hurry and missed break- tions, and individual diff erences in the willingness fast. Sue realizes that John is mad at her because she to accept one or more possible explanations (see forgot to meet him after work. But for other events chapters 3 and 22). Our goal in the current chapter the causes are less evident. Why does the house creak is to provide a review of the literature on the devel- at night? Is it because of changes in the weather con- opment of one form of reasoning, magical think- ditions, strong winds, or some other cause? Could ing, a form of reasoning that takes a nonscientifi c it be a ghost? Why did the streetlight go off just as perspective with respect to mysterious and anoma- we walked by? Was it because of a burned out bulb, lous events. In doing so, we relate magical thinking faulty wiring, or is it caused in some way by our to other forms of cognition and explore the situa- physical presence? How do we explain the myriad tions and contexts that appear to activate magical of events that we witness on a daily basis, especially thinking. Why is it for example that individuals those for which no discernable cause is observed? feel uncomfortable handling the clothes of a dead Th is search for causality in everyday life, for both person, especially, if the individual performed some mundane and mysterious events, seems to be a uni- heinous crime? Why is it that we tend to avoid loca- versal cognitive process. How particular individuals tions where some bad event has occurred, such as a reason about diff erent events and make reference to murder? And why is it that we take causal credit for diff erent types of explanation seems to depend on the occurrence of seemingly random events? Many

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researchers attribute the feelings, thoughts, and magical thinking, in terms of illogical and irratio- behaviors associated with these types of events to nal thought, is considered a general characteristic magical thinking. of young children (Rosengren, Miller, Gutierrez, But what really is magical thinking? Although & Schein, in press). Others, such as Joan Didion, magical thinking has been the focus of both anthro- have used the term to describe seemingly irrational pological (L é vy-Bruhl, 1948; 1966; Malinowski, thoughts and behaviors that in her case dominated 1954; Tambiah, 1990) and psychological (Piaget, her days following the sudden and unexpected death 1929, 1930; Subbotsky, 1985, 1992, 2004) inqui- of her husband (Didion, 2005). But these uses of ries for many years, there is no clearly agreed upon magic generally go beyond merely thinking or act- defi nition of what is meant by the term. For this ing irrationally. Th at is, they seem at some level to reason we begin our review with an exploration of connect to a set of beliefs that treat certain individu- both traditional and more current perspectives on als, events, or occurrences as “special” and “out of magical thinking and then off er our own perspec- the ordinary.” We will return to this issue shortly. tive on how this particular term should be defi ned. Similar uses of the term magical thinking are Afterward we consider whether magical thinking is found in the fi elds of anthropology and psychol- still a commonplace activity in the everyday lives ogy, although there is quite a lot of variation in how of both children and adults. We then explore the this term has been used. As Mayr (1982, p. 44) has research on the development of magical thinking pointed out, many of the controversies in the his- in children. Although never quite a main focus of tory of science can be attributed to scientists in dif- developmental psychologists, this topic was exten- ferent, opposing camps using the same term for very sively explored by Piaget (1929, 1930), and research diff erent concepts. Much of the early research exam- in this area has recently seen resurgence. In this sec- ining magical thinking characterized the thought tion we also examine the relation between magical processes of preindustrialized “primitive” cultures thinking and the emergence of pretense and the (Frazer, 1911) and children (Piaget, 1929) as magi- imagination in childhood. We suggest that these cal, dominated by illogical, irrational thoughts three behaviors—magical thinking, imagination, and beliefs (Rosengren & Hickling, 2000). By this and pretense—appear to emerge in concert in late defi nition any thought process that is not logical, infancy and early childhood and provide a mutually systematic, or scientifi c might be characterized as supportive environment enabling each to fl ourish magical. Th is is not that dissimilar to the defi nition in their own right. We also examine how magical provided by Eckblad and Chapman (1983, p. 215), thinking might be related to other forms of think- who suggested that magical thinking involves ing. Specifi cally, we explore the relation among “belief in forms of causation that by conventional magical thinking, pretense, and imagination and standards are invalid.” creativity; between magical and religious thinking; In our view there are a number of problems with between magical thinking and superstition; and last this defi nition of magical thinking. First, this per- the relation between magical thinking and psycho- spective uses magical thinking as a pejorative label pathology. We end the chapter with a summary and for thinking that diff ers either from that of educated some thoughts on future directions for research in adults in technologically advanced societies or the this area. majority of society in general. Th is pejorative view was quite common in the study of magic from an Magical Th inking Defi ned anthropological perspective before the 1970s. With On the surface, the term magical thinking seems an increase in more relativistic cultural accounts, quite easy to defi ne. It is a phrase that is used in such as situated cultural cognition, and distancing both common everyday language and more esoteric from notions of primitivism, the study of magic in academic discussions. In common usage the term diff erent cultures declined substantially (Sorensen, magic is tied to a wide range of events, from a beau- 2007). Second, this defi nition ignores the fact that tiful sunset or rainbow to seemingly unexplainable even in technological advanced societies many deci- phenomena or events. Th e label is also used for par- sions are not based on rational and logical thought ticular individuals who think or behave in certain (Gilovich, Griffi n, & Kahneman, 2002; Tversky & ways. Magic has also been used to label thinking Kahneman, 1974, 1979). For example, when gam- that is characterized to be illogical or irrational. bling, people often place too much importance on Indeed, for many preschool teachers, especially one aspect of an event, which produces an error those schooled in a Piagetian view of development, in predicting future outcomes of that event. Th ese

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decisions appear to be made on the basis of cogni- conventional wisdom of the majority of scientists. tive biases and heuristic. Although these kinds of Although the cutting edge of science may be labeled decisions are not based on formal logic or reason, as “magical,” as in Arthur C. Clarke’s third law (“Any they are not generally labeled as magical. suffi ciently advanced technology is indistinguishable A third critique of the traditional view of magical from magic,” Clarke, 1962), we suggest that very thinking is that it ignores the fact that thinking that few individuals engaging in the rigorous process of appears irrational or illogical to an educated adult scientifi c inquiry would be labeled as engaging in may be the result of lack of knowledge or experi- magical thinking. Th us, there is something more ence in a particular domain or diff erent types of to magical thinking than being ignorant, thinking knowledge or experience. For example, under most illogically or irrationally, or holding beliefs that go circumstances most adults will agree that 1 + 1 = 2. against the established science of the day. Th is is a basic number fact that children acquire at a very early age (Wynn, 1990; Wynn, Bloom, & Piaget’s View of Magical Th inking Chiang, 2002). However, if we consider drops of Piaget provided one of the most comprehensive water, adding two drops together yields one slightly defi nitions of magical thinking (1929, 1930). He larger drop. In this case, the answer “one” is sensible, argued that magical thinking dominated young even though in most circumstances it would seem children’s thinking, and suggested that their every- irrational or illogical. A child’s response may seem day thoughts could be characterized by a number of illogical or irrational, based on logic that seemingly distinct types of errors in everyday causal attribu- defi es the normal situation, but in reality may stem tions. One type of error described by Piaget as part from reasoning based on diff erent knowledge or a of magical thinking was when children confused diff erent context. cause–eff ect relations. A child’s mistaken assump- We suggest that a seemingly irrational or illogical tion that two random events were linked causally, statement, such as 1 + 1 = 1, should not be labeled such as the case of the individual assuming he or she as magical thinking unless two conditions are met. is the cause of a streetlight turning off after merely Th e fi rst condition is that the child (or adult) must walking by, would have been characterized as magi- realize that under normal situations the world works cal thinking. in a particular way. Th at is, in the everyday world Piaget used the term magic by participation adding one item with another yields two items. Th e to describe three forms of magical thinking that second condition is that the child (or adult) holds involved thoughts, objects, and events with no a belief that in some situations the world can be actual causal link. For example, magic by participa- “altered” so the normal causal relations are in some tion between thoughts and things was used by Piaget to way circumvented by some other, “special” process describe situations in which children believed their or processes that lead to an “alternative” outcome thoughts could alter reality. He used the expression that varies from the norm. Th at is, they must believe magic by participation between actions and things to that some sort of supernatural or alternative causal describe a child’s belief that the performance of an power exists that can render 1 + 1 = 1. It is this addi- action, such as saying a word or waving a hand, tional belief in some “unnatural” or “supernatural” could alter reality. Th e third form of participation, process that we argue should be the defi ning prop- magic by participation between objects, was used to erty of magical thinking. describe a child’s belief that one object could infl u- We also argue that reasoning that goes against ence another object when no natural, logical causal the norm or established mindset of science should relationship was present between the objects. Th e not be necessarily labeled as magical thinking. A notion that one’s razor would never get dull if stored fairly large number of individuals hold beliefs that under a glass pyramid is an example of this type of reject the “majority” view of scientists. Although participation. Th e fi nal form of participation, magic rejection of evolution or climate change in the face by participation of purpose, incorporates animistic of overwhelming scientifi c evidence in support for beliefs, whereby the child endows the inanimate both of these phenomena might seem illogical or world with animate properties and in some extreme irrational, we suggest that individuals who hold forms believes the will or purpose of the object can these divergent views would rarely if ever be labeled be controlled by the child. A classic Piagetian exam- as “magical” in their thinking. ple of this is a child believing that the sun, clouds, At the frontiers of science, individuals may also or moon is purposefully following him or her as the hold views that vary greatly or even contradict the child walks by (see chapter 18).

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An essential aspect of Piaget’s notions of partici- that in many circumstances a young child’s belief pation is the idea that children hold a belief that the in the reality of certain fantasy fi gures (e.g., Santa participatory relation is causal. A number of other Claus, the Tooth Fairy) and their actions brought researchers have also cited the importance of belief about by atypical forms of causality could be char- in some sort of underlying causality. For example, acterized as involving magical thinking. It is not Pronin and colleagues have suggested that magi- clear that belief in these fi gures or in their special cal thinking is the “belief in the ability to infl uence powers necessarily follows the principles of similar- events at a distance with no known physical expla- ity and contagion. We explore the concepts of simi- nation” (Pronin, Wegner, McCarthy, & Rodriguez, larity and contagion in more detail in a later section. 2006, p. 218). Th is view is very similar to Piaget’s We also explore the notion of essences, as we sug- fi rst form of participation. We suggest that belief in gest that this concept deserves particular focus, as the effi cacy of a nontypical causal link is central to a belief in essences is likely an unconscious process classifying a thought as magical. But it does not go that may serve as a “built-in bias” in human reason- far enough. Rather, we argue that it is a particular ing more generally. type of belief, a belief in the existence of alterna- tive forms of causality operating in the world, which Our View of Magical Th inking works to bring about events that violate the normal To summarize our view of magical thinking, if causal order of the world. Th is belief constraint on a child merely lacks particular knowledge, is con- the defi nition removes from the magical thinking fused, or incorrect about some event or situation, category most instances of decision making based we should refrain from labeling his or her think- on emotion, or “reasoning without knowledge of, ing as magical. An individual’s thinking can’t merely or on the basis of some sort of misconception about be wrong, confused, irrational, driven by emotions, causality, or about natural laws more generally” based on inaccurate knowledge, or diff erent from (Woolley, 1997, p. 991). Rather, as Woolley con- our own or the conventional wisdom to be labeled tinues, we need to consider “ . . . belief in an entity magical thinking. If this were suffi cient, the thought or process that is unsupported by what we gener- processes of many consumers and theoretical physi- ally consider to be the principles of nature . . . Th us cists would need to be labeled as magical. Rather, we one might think of these phenomena as violating, suggest that for thought to be labeled as magical an or at least being inconsistent with our na ï ve theories individual must (1) realize that objects and events of the world” (p. 991). Here the notion of “belief” in the world generally follow a certain pattern or goes beyond the idea that the two random events order governed by the laws of nature (or physics); are connected causally and extends to a particular (2) realize that the observed object or event in some type of “belief” in alternative forms of causality. way “violates” or “contradicts” the normal order of things in the world; and (3) hold a belief in some Nemeroff and Rozin’s View of form of supernatural or alternative form of causality Magical Th inking that extends beyond those that govern the natural Belief is also central to the defi nition of magical world. An important point is that the belief need thinking provided by Nemeroff and Rozin (2000), not be conscious for thinking to be labeled “magi- who have presented one of the more detailed defi ni- cal.” In fact, some researchers, such as Subbotsky tions of magical thinking to date. Th ey suggest that (2000a,b,c), argue that magical thinking in most magical thinking should be viewed as “. . . . the cog- cases is not under conscious control. nitive intuition or belief in the existence of imper- Our defi nition of magical thinking removes the ceptible forces or essences that transcend the usual pejorative aspect of many past views of this behavior boundary between the mental/symbolic and physi- and provides a clearer demarcation between magical cal/material realities, in a way [that] (1) diverges thinking and other forms of thought. We explore from the received wisdom of the technocratic elite, particular links to other forms of cognition in later (2) serves important functions, and (3) follows sections of the chapter. the principles of similarity and contagion” (p. 5). Although we fi nd many aspects of this defi nition Relation Between Magical Th inking and compelling, we feel that not all cases of magical Magical Belief thinking necessarily serve a clear function for the Earlier we suggested that part of the require- individual, nor do they always involve principles of ments for characterizing thought as magical was an similarity and contagion. For example, we suggest accompanying belief in the idea that some sort of

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alternative form of causality was possible. By alter- similarity native form of causality we mean one that is not Th e law of similarity specifi es that objects that part of accepted scientifi c explanations and one that resemble one another share certain fundamental is generally not used to describe everyday phenom- properties that are suffi cient to link the objects ena in the world. Zusne and Jones (1989, p. 229) causally. Th is causal link is thought to take the form suggest that beliefs are cognitions that refer to what of an underlying essence that gives rise to the over- an individual regards as true or false, and the beliefs all similarity of the two entities. With the law of serve to help the individual make sense of the world similarity, appearance equates reality in a proximal/ around him or her. Th at is, these beliefs guide inter- distal relationship with deep roots in humans’ past. pretations and help remove ambiguity. One’s beliefs Evaluating each plant for poisonous content is far can often be viewed negatively as irrational or illogi- more dangerous than classifying all plants as poi- cal because they are personal, and generally oper- sonous that resemble one known to be dangerous. ate without any type of external validation (Zusne Th is is not to relegate and overgeneralize the law & Jones, 1989). Although beliefs can be explicit in of similarity as an ancient heuristic, as we shall see, nature, as in a stated “belief in God,” many beliefs, but instead to identify it as a useful magical law for especially magical ones, are intuitive and implicit establishing causal inferences that has deep evolu- (Nemeroff & Rozin, 1994). It is these intuitive tionary roots. magical beliefs, such as those that operate with the laws of contagion and similarity that we suggest contagion are at the core of magical thinking and are discussed Th e law of contagion also involves the notion in the next section. of an underlying essence, but this law concerns the transfer of physical, moral, or behavioral proper- Magical Th inking in Everyday Life ties from source to recipient through some form To what extent is magical thinking present in of contact, direct or indirect (Nemeroff & Rozin, the everyday life of children and adults? In this 1992, 2000; Rozin, Millman, & Nemeroff , 1986). section, we present a brief overview of sympa- It is this law that is thought to infl uence one’s thetic magic, one form of magical thinking that is reluctance to don the sweater previously owned by thought to be ubiquitous in the thought of both some despised, diseased, or mentally ill individual. children and adults. We also discuss the role of Th is law also is thought to operate indirectly, as this form of magical thinking to everyday life. In in the case of action performed on a voodoo doll. particular, we examine how it infl uences feelings Here the action is believed to be magically trans- of disgust in American culture and general eating ferred from source to recipient. However, the law preferences. of contagion is slightly more complex in that phys- ical contact between the source and recipient also Sympathetic Magic: Similarity and the establishes a continual link or contract between Contagion Concept in Magical Th inking the two through which further essence can be Sympathetic magic is comprised of the laws of transmitted. similarity, opposites, and contagion, with the sec- In addition, contagious contact may be made ond considered a subset of the fi rst (Frazer, 1911; through intermediary and even twice-removed Nemeroff & Rozin, 2000). Importantly, these laws objects, such as a pair of gloves instead of direct continue to operate and infl uence one another essence transmission between source and recipient. throughout the life span, regardless of scientifi c Th is transmission is more commonly exemplifi ed by training that should eliminate some of their most the aversion of Westerners to wearing second-hand salient and tangible eff ects. Similarity and contagion clothing from stores, despite more attractive prices are central to the magical beliefs of various diver- than found in fi rst-hand stores (Rozin, Markwith, gent cultures and ethnic groups and are considered & McCauley, 1994). Here, the aversion to essence the basis for universal primitive human thought. manifests in a quantifi able price gap. Th is aversion Th at is, these forms of magical thinking have been remains, even after thorough washing or steriliza- hypothesized to provide useful heuristics that guide tion of the “off ending” garment or object. Together, individuals’ behaviors in ways that promote the evo- the laws of sympathetic magic form a highly intui- lutionary value for survival (Boden & Berenbaum, tive concept that can permeate even pronounced 2004; Frazer, 1911; Mauss, 1972; see Nemeroff & and thorough scientifi c training (Nemeroff & Rozin, 1994, for cultural details). Rozin, 1992).

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research on similarity and contagion by magical thinking. By focusing on Jewish adults, Rozin, Millman, and Nemeroff (1986) have Nemeroff and Rozin (1992) were able to explore demonstrated these two laws in daily Western life how sympathetic magic interacts with individual by comparing responses to disgusting, dangerous, diff erences in adherence to kosher laws. Th ey found or valued objects using both direct response and that magical thinking often overrode kosher labels. questionnaires. In one such study, the role of con- Specifi cally, a simple label often was enough to tagion and similarity were explored. Specifi cally, render kosher, contamination-free food, inedible. participants’ responses to roach contamination of a Variation among the participants in the sensitiv- glass of water, labeling the glass of water as cyanide, ity to contagion and similarity eff ects suggests that and imitation dog feces were examined. Th ey found the two laws may at times work independently of that individuals generally avoided substances that each other. Interestingly, highly observant Jews resembled either disgusting or dangerous substances had strong magical reactions to disgust, but not to even though the substances were only water or other kosher nonviolations. Here, Nemeroff and Rozin harmless substances. Th is is a case of magical think- note that the attentiveness to contamination may ing based on similarity. Th ey also found signifi cant cause an overconcern that may serve to strengthen reluctance of participants to come into contact or specifi c rule sets. Also, individuals who are more ingest substances that had been contaminated by sensitive to feelings of disgust may exhibit a greater something disgusting (a roach or spit), even if the propensity toward observing certain food rules sup- substance was completely sterilized. Similar reluc- ported by the culture. In this way the magical laws tance was found in participants’ willingness to put may serve to increase compliance with particular on clothing that had been worn by a disliked per- cultural or religious norms or obligations. son. Th ese eff ects are quite strong. Th e mere label Aspects of the principle of contagion can be “cyanide” placed on a glass of water fi lled from found in modern germ theory, showing that at the tap in the participants’ full view is enough to times magical thought can align with current sci- activate an avoidance response. Generally, these entifi c views. Indeed, in medieval Europe intel- researchers (Rozin & Zellner, 1985; Rozin et al., lectuals viewed natural magic as a branch of 1986) have found stronger eff ects for negative science focused on discovering the hidden powers contagion (transfer of an essence from something of nature (Kieckhefer, 1989). Th e similarity of the disgusting or disliked) than for positive contagion disease transmission involving germs with the magi- (transfer of an essence from some liked or positive cal law of contagion suggests further support for source). Humans may have a bias, whether innate the idea that contagion beliefs are highly adaptive or conceptual, which increases the disgust of nega- for survival against microbial contaminants such tive items while minimizing the eff ect of positive as bacteria and viruses. Th is also may account for items. It would seem adaptive to have a stronger the negativity bias discussed earlier. Furthermore, negative bias, as this would lead individuals to Nemeroff and Rozin (1994) have found that people avoid potentially harmful substances. Erroneously diff erentiate diff erent sources of contagion, treating avoiding something will not kill you. In contrast, physical sources of contagion diff erently from inter- not approaching something with a positive asso- personal–moral sources of contagion. To illustrate, ciation is less likely to lead to a negative outcome. a more severe aversion can be found to second-hand Recent evidence suggests that diff erent domains of garments with moral or behavioral contagions than disgust elicited by merely written words activate to physical contagions. specifi c brain regions (frontal, temporal, and lim- Individuals also expect these diff erent forms bic networks), suggesting an automatic response to of contagion to produce divergent consequences. particular stimuli (Moll, de Oliveira-Souza, Moll, Although the physical contagion can be bleached Ign á cio, Bramati, Caparelli-D á quer, & Eslinger, out of the object and properly disinfected, the moral 2005). Again this suggests that unconscious pro- and behavioral contagions of objects are much more cesses may drive aspects of magical thinking. diffi cult to eliminate and generally require some Th e principles of contagion and similarity have type of ritual that may not be eff ective in completely also been shown by Nemeroff and Rozin to infl u- eliminating the moral contagion. For example, some ence the eating practices observed in many cultures religious fundamentalists purify themselves in ritual and religions. In one study, Nemeroff and Rozin ceremony weekly in fear of becoming contaminated (1992) explored individual diff erences in the sus- again by moral containment or in fear of not hav- ceptibility of Jewish participants to be infl uenced ing completely removed it the previous week. What

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these fi ndings suggest is that physical sources tend to as children’s cognitive structures matured in inter- follow the contagion model, whereas interpersonal action with experiences via the processes of assimi- sources of contagion tended to invoke reactions lation, accommodation, and equilibration. In this more in accordance with the law of similarity. Also, replacement model, children’s thinking was trans- responses indicated that individuals act as if there formed in a stagelike fashion. With each major is a personal–soul–essence concept. Th e research- developmental step magical thinking is driven far- ers suggest that physical-substance contagion eff ects ther and farther out of the child’s mind until she that remain after cleansing may be symbolic in part. reaches the rational, logical level of adults. Th is Th is symbolic aspect of contagion, in which a word accomplishment was thought to occur sometime or idea carries the “essence,” also suggests that the around age 12 with the onset of formal operational boundary between physical and interpersonal con- thinking (Piaget, 1929). tagion may not be clear-cut, and these two forms Piaget also referred to a diff erent type of magi- of contagion may both operate across diff erent cal thinking, mainly culturally supported magi- domains. cal beliefs. Th ese include beliefs in entities such as Clearly, contagion continues to operate in our Santa Claus, the Tooth Fairy, witches, ghosts, and thinking even in the modern world because of its goblins (see chapter 5). Because much of his focus survival value in some instances. Implicit models of was on uncovering universals in cognitive develop- this can be found in studies of disgust. Rozin et al. ment, he was much less interested in these beliefs, (1986, 1989) have extensively explored contagion which he viewed as culturally dependent. For this in the interpersonal domain among college stu- reason he did not devote any time explicitly exam- dents. Th ey found that evidence of magical thinking ining children’s beliefs in these magical entities. remains despite high levels of education and scien- tifi c training. Th ese results provide further evidence the secular hypothesis that magical thinking does not stem from irrational In many ways, Piaget’s theory captures at the or uneducated individuals. Rather, it suggests that individual level what the secular hypothesis cap- implicit models of contagion appear to be a common tures at the level of culture. Specifi cally, one of the aspect of cognition even in highly educated, scien- main ideas behind the secular hypothesis (Norris tifi cally trained adults. It should also be noted that & Inglehart, 2004) is that as cultures become more germ theory, a scientifi cally valid notion of illness scientifi cally and technologically advanced, scien- contagion, could be classifi ed as an example of an tifi c thought and rationality eventually drive out explicit exemplifi cation of interpersonal-contagion, and replace all magical or illogical thought. Indeed, lending further support to the idea that magical much of the early research on superstitious beliefs contagion may have both evolutionary roots and and behaviors was conducted under the assumption improve one’s chances for survival. that these beliefs were caused by failures in educa- tion. With expanded access and training in science Th e Development of Magical Th inking and mathematics education, it was thought that How does magical thinking develop? Where these beliefs and behaviors would fade from exis- does it come from? Is it a universal aspect of human tence (Zusne & Jones, 1989, p. 231). Th ere does behavior? Obviously the answers to these questions appear to be some evidence supporting the notion depend on one’s defi nition of magical thinking. We that traditional superstitious beliefs have decreased begin this section with some of the traditional per- over the years (Zusne & Jones, 1989). Th at is, fewer spectives on the development of magical thinking people today seem to believe in the effi cacy of lucky and then provide our own account that attempts to numbers, rubbing a rabbit’s foot, or the dangers of integrate ideas from diverse aspects of development a black cat crossing one’s path. At the same time and culture describe of the origins and development as this decrease, however, they suggest that there of magical thinking. has been a complementary increase in more cog- nitively complex beliefs (Zusne & Jones, 1989). Piaget’s View of the Development of Th ese more complex beliefs, such as those in extra- Magical Th inking sensory perception (ESP) or auras, often have the Piaget viewed magical thinking as a univer- illusion of scientifi c support, or individuals hold- sal aspect of young children’s cognition. For him, ing such beliefs have the expectation that science children’s early magical thinking was gradually will eventually provide either a natural (e.g., more replaced with more logical, even scientifi c thinking evolved minds in the case of ESP) or supernatural

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explanation (e.g., fi nd that ghosts really do exist). At indicating that magical thinking never is completely present, the data seem to suggest that magical and driven out of the human mind. Th is conclusion is even irrational thought seem to be quite resistant to supported by many adult’s justifi cation expressing replacement or extinction. Magic does not seem to credulity regarding the existence of magical processes be something relegated to our or others “primitive” in the world following experimental manipulation. past or thought, but appears to be relatively ubiqui- Subbotsky’s view on magical thinking and its tous in all historical periods, cultural settings, and development is shared to a large extent by Woolley even modern society (Luhrman, 1989; Sorenson, and her colleagues (Woolley, 1997; Woolley, 2007). In our view this provides further evidence Browne, & Boerger, 2006), who suggest that magi- in support of the idea that aspects of magical think- cal thinking remains abundant in today’s culture in ing operate as unconscious biases that are universal the minds of both children and adults. She and her aspects of human cognition. colleagues have argued that certain factors infl u- ence the dominance of both magical thoughts and Subbotsky’s Coexistence View of the beliefs, including the particular context and social Development of Magical Th inking cost of either believing or not believing. Th ey have A more recent account of the development of also found that children with a greater fantasy ori- magical thinking is that of Subbotsky (2010). His entation are more likely to adopt a belief in a novel starting point is a Piagetian view of magical think- fantasy entity (the Candy Witch; Woolly, Boerger, & ing, defi ned as involving sympathetic magic and Markman, 2004). One implication of these results notions of participation. However, rather than sug- is that both context, especially the current social gesting that magical thinking is replaced by scientifi c situation, and particular individual diff erences, may thought, Subbotsky argues strongly that magical infl uence the occurrence of diff erent forms of magi- thinking is merely driven underground by social cal thinking. Th us, one should perhaps not think of and cultural pressures that place a greater value on magical thinking as a general orientation toward the science, logic, and rational thought. Specifi cally, he world, as Piaget thought, but as a type of thought suggests that in late childhood, magical thinking that varies in likelihood as a function of age, as well becomes suppressed but never extinguished. as individual and situational factors. In a series of clever experiments Subbotsky shows that both children and adults, given the right An Integrated Account of the Development context or situation, can be shown to act as if they of Magical Th inking believe magic is real. For example, in a number of Our own view is that magical thinking arises out studies, Subbotsky (1994, 1996, 1997) primed his of a number of universal cognitive processes. Th is participants with either a story or an example of view is not all that diff erent than Zusne and Jones’ magical events, produced a seemingly impossible (1989, p. 250) view that magical thinking stems outcome, and then placed the participants in a situ- from the nature of the human cognitive architec- ation in which they could exhibit behavior indica- ture and thus is a universal cognitive process. In par- tive of magical beliefs. In one such study, Subbotsky ticular, they have suggested that magical thinking presented children with a story about a magical box arises from the misattribution of causal factors to a that could cut a postage stamp in half when a par- particular event when in fact the attributed causes ticular magic word was uttered. He then showed the play no role in the actual event. Th ey also think that children an actual box and told them it was the box magical thinking stems from a universal cognitive in the story. He then left the room and observed process that involves what they refer to as the “reifi - surreptitiously whether children would utter the cation of the subjective.” Th is idea is tied historically magic word. Many six- to nine-year-olds did exactly to notions of magic that place a large emphasis on that in an attempt to test the magic of the box. symbolic thought. Th e notion is that the ability to In later studies Subbotsky found that both chil- experience subjective experiences arises from sym- dren and adults were generally unwilling to place bolic thought, which in turn enables an individual a valued object in the box after being shown that to think of oneself as separate and distinct from the it could “magically” destroy objects when a magic world. It is this separate sense of self that is thought word was uttered. Th is behavior, the reluctance to to open up the realm of reality to extend the self utter a magic word or allow the experimenter to out into the world in dreams, spirits, or transformed place a valued object (one’s driver’s license) into the bodies. Zusne and Jones suggest that magical think- “magical box,” has been interpreted by Subbotsky as ing involves endowing the subjective self with the

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properties of the objective world. Th is is what they passed on to another person. Gelman (2003) has mean by reifi cation of subjective . Th ey suggest that argued that the tendency to essentialize the world is this reifi cation may be expressed by the use of magic likely a universal aspect of human cognition. spells, incantations, wishing for desired outcomes, or beliefs that diff erent forms of energy can emanate role of causality and essentialism in from the human mind. magical thinking Our own view of the development of magical We suggest that these two processes, the search thinking draws on some of these ideas, but places for causality and the tendency to essentialize, are less emphasis on misattributions and the role of present in early infancy and are maintained through- symbolism. We also extend Zusne and Jones’ (1989) out life. Th is is one reason why stereotypes are dif- ideas by providing greater detail about the cognitive fi cult to override or eliminate, even with extensive process that may underlie the emergence and main- knowledge and training. We also suggest that these tenance of magical thinking. basic human tendencies to search for causality and to essentialize are at the core of sympathetic magic search for causality and the belief that our mere presence infl uenced the One particularly important cognitive process streetlight to go off or why we feel disgust at the involved in magical thinking is the human mind’s thought of the wearing Hitler’s sweater, even after tendency to causally link events close in time and frequent washing. proximity even when the events are clearly random. Th is tendency has been documented in numerous the role of knowledge research investigations tracing back to the work of Th ese two processes, the search for causality and Michotte (1962), who showed that adults treat white the tendency to essentialize, are not by themselves dots moving around a projection screen as causally suffi cient for the development of magical thinking. infl uencing one another. Th is notion that children We suggest that a third process is also instrumen- and adults search for and assign causality in numer- tal in the development of magical thinking, that of ous domains and situations is a central assumption knowledge acquisition. Th is is another process that of the theory-theory approach to cognitive devel- is clearly present from birth. Indeed, infants are par- opment (Gopnik & Wellman, 1994; Wellman & ticularly good at absorbing knowledge. Th e knowl- Gelman, 1992). We suggest that this innate drive to edge acquired in infancy and beyond, coupled with search for and assign causal links to events is one of the drive to make causal linkages, and the tendency the key processes involved in the development and to essentialize, enables the infant, child, or adult maintenance of magical thinking. to categorize events into distinct domains. It is the formation of the foundational domains of physics, tendency to essentialize psychology, and biology, which enable the child A second universal cognitive process that we and adult to reason rationally about the world of view as central to the development and mainte- inanimate objects, psychological entities, and bio- nance of magical thinking is a basic tendency to logical things (Wellman & Gelman, 1992). But as essentialize. Th e concept of psychological essential- children acquire new knowledge, they sometimes ism is the notion that individuals treat objects and miscategorize entities and events. Children may entities in the world as if they have an underlying treat nonliving things as alive or treat nonsentient core nature or “essence” that determines the prop- beings or entities as motivated by thoughts, desires, erties and characteristics of that object or entity and intentions. Th ese are the classic Piagetian (Medin & Ortony, 1989). Essentialism appears to examples of magical thinking in young children. play a key role in a number of aspects of magical We, however, suggest that they should be classifi ed thinking. Specifi cally, it can be seen as playing the as such, if and only if the children recognize that pivotal role in the magical principles of similarity categorizing nonliving entities as living ones and and contagion discussed earlier. With respect to nonsentient entities as sentient ones violates the the principle of similarity, similar objects are per- nature of the everyday world. If they do not, then ceived to share some underlying essence that creates we argue that these are no more than examples of a magical connection between them. In the case of individuals who lack specifi c knowledge failing to the contagion principle, the idea is that the essence categorize correctly or misattributing an entity to of an individual or disease gets transferred when an the wrong causal foundational domain. Similarly, if object, such as a sweater of deceased individual, is children misattribute life properties, thoughts, and

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or feelings to nonbiological or psychological entities be convinced that a machine can physically shrink we shouldn’t label them as thinking magically. To objects or even an entire room (DeLoache, Miller, gain the label of magical thinking, children must & Rosengren, 1997). Th e work by Rosengren and know something about the physical, biological, and Hickling (2000) suggests that as children gain more psychological worlds and treat events as somehow knowledge about the physical world they begin to transcending the rules of normal physics, psychol- distinguish particular events that violate their expec- ogy, or biology. tations of how things normally function. Parents, With age and experience, children acquire teachers, or other adults often label these events as greater knowledge of the physical, natural, and psy- “magic,” leading to the emergence of a special cate- chological worlds and become keenly aware of per- gory of “magic” somewhere around the age of three. ceived violations. Th ese violations may arise at the Support for magic by parents and the larger culture boundaries—where misattributing animacy may coupled with increasing developments in the realm have some survival value (Guthrie, 1993), from the of the imagination help this magical category grow interaction of the processes discussed in the preced- and become more well defi ned. For this reason, ing section (causality, essentialism), or from the there appears to be a peak in the magical beliefs of observation of strange (an insect that looks like a children between the ages of three and six. Even in stick) or wonderful (a rainbow) events that appear children of this age range, however, magical think- to defy everyday reasoning. ing is neither ubiquitous nor the dominant form of cognitive interaction with the world, as Piaget had cultural support for magical thinking thought. Rather, research suggests that in most situ- An additional process involved in the develop- ations children’s default form of reasoning is based ment and maintenance of magical thinking involves on natural and physical causality that conforms to cultural support for an alternative belief system that what is normally considered possible and typical in transcends everyday reasoning in the foundational the world. It is only when children’s everyday causal domains. For children growing up in the dominant expectations are violated or cultural support is pro- culture in the United States, cultural support for a vided, that magical thinking prevails (Rosengren & variety of magical beliefs is quite common. Parents Hickling, 1994, 2000). actively support beliefs in magic and magical entities For most children in the mainstream cul- (Rosengren & Hickling, 1994; Rosengren, Hickling, ture of the United States, belief in magic changes Kalish, & Gelman, 1994), and young preschool into the understanding that what appears to be children appear surprisingly open to the acquisition magic is brought about by tricks and deception of new magical characters, such as the Candy Witch (Rosengren & Hickling, 2000; Woolley, 1994). But (Woolley, Boerger, & Markman, 2004). Research as both Subbotsky and Woolley suggest, magical by Rosengren et al. (Rosengren & Hickling, 1994; thinking does not appear to be extinguished, even Rosengren et al., 1994) has shown that in the United if magical entities such as magicians, Santa Claus, States, middle class parents tend to actively support and the Tooth Fairy are demoted from the realm beliefs in magic in children younger than fi ve. Once of reality to the realm of pretense and the imagi- children enter formal schooling, the family and cul- nation. Rather, the magical principles of similarity tural support for magic declines and parents either and contagion coupled with the search for cau- turn back the child’s questions regarding magic (e.g., sality (even when there is no causal link) and the “What do you think, is magic real?” Rosengren & tendency to essentialize maintain a certain level of Hickling, 2000) or begin to actively deny the exis- magical thinking in older children and adults. We tence of magic in the real world (e.g., “Th ere is no suggest that this later type of magical thinking is such thing as real magic, it’s just a trick.”). present throughout the life span, lurking under the Th e period of greatest cultural support for magi- surface in even the most rational of minds. Magical cal beliefs, ages three to fi ve or six in the United thinking can be brought back to the surface in a States, occurs at the same time children are acquir- variety of diff erent ways (Subbotsky, 2010). ing a lot of new information about the world. Before age three, children often lack the knowledge of what Magical Th inking and Its Relation to Other is and is not possible in the real world. Th is is one Cognitive Processes reason why professional magicians generally do not In this section we explore how magical thinking like to perform in front of children under the age of relates to other forms of cognition, including pre- three and why children under the age of the three can tense and the imagination. We also briefl y explore

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the role of magical thinking in creativity. We then Subbotsky (2010) suggests that “ancient forms of examine possible links between magical thinking the magical thinking live on in dreams and imagi- and religious thought. Finally, we explore possible nation,” and he suggests that magical thinking links between magical thinking in adulthood to plays a central role in the creativity that is pres- superstitious beliefs and psychopathology. ent in literature, the arts, and movies. Indeed, he views magical thinking as opening up the realm of Magic, Pretense, and the Imagination what is possible, and by doing so magical thinking How does magical thinking relate to pretense serves to stimulate and foster creativity. Recently, he and the imagination? Th ere are a number of simi- tested this idea by presenting children with scenes larities between these diff erent cognitive processes. of magic from movies and examining whether chil- In particular, each of these processes tends to open dren exposed to magical ideas in movies express up the realm of what is possible. In magical think- greater creativity than children who observed non- ing, impossible causal connections or mechanisms magical scenes from the same movies. Th is research are thought to be possible. In pretense, one object appears to support the idea that magical thinking is symbolically transformed into another. In the may serve to increase creativity, but more research imagination, reality may be extended in a myriad is needed in this area. At issue here is whether it is of ways beyond the physical, biological, or psycho- actually magical thinking that stimulates creativity logical world. Each of these processes appears to or whether it is imagination involving some magical emerge in the minds of children around the same elements that actually fosters creativity. Th e general time, although pretense and imagination may pre- idea is that considering alternative forms of causal- date the emergence of a clear conceptualization of ity may enable individuals to broaden the perspec- magic. Each of these processes also likely stems from tive and hence respond on a given task in a more some of the other cognitive processes discussed ear- creative manner. lier, as well as alongside the emergence of symbolic thought (see chapter 12). Magical Th inking and Religion We suggest that these diff erent cognitive processes Many psychologists and anthropologists include serve to mutually support and enhance one another. religious thoughts and beliefs in the realm of magi- For most children, the boundaries between the real cal thinking (see chapter 3). Indeed, a wide range of and pretend or the real and imagined are well defi ned. scholars has examined the relation between magic For example, by age two, children appear to be able and religion across a variety of disciplines (i.e., to distinguish a pretend entity from a real one (Leslie, Boyer, 1994; Kieckhefer, 1989; Neusner, Ferichs, & 1987). By age three, there is evidence that children Flesner, 1989; Sorensen, 2007). can distinguish real from imagined (Wellman & Clearly, belief in the existence of God, angels, Estes, 1986). Leslie has suggested that children serve and miracles fi ts the defi nition of magical think- to cordon off pretense from reality, enabling them to ing outlined in a previous section. Neusner et al. reason about the pretend and real world separately point out that the term magic, as used in the context with few misattributions from pretense into reality. of religion, is often meant in a pejorative sense, in It appears that the same occurs in the realms of the which it is used to label the religious leaders of some imagination and magic. Th at is, children appear to other group “magicians.” Similarly, many psycholo- cordon off magical events from typical ones, just as gists and scientists more generally treat religion they appear to cordon off pretense from reality, and as a form of magical thinking, suggesting that to the imagined from the real. What is diff erent from embrace religious beliefs is irrational, illogical, and magical thinking is that for children between the ages nonscientifi c. Here we briefl y review a number of of about three and six (in the United States and likely diff erent views on the relation between magic and in some other cultures), magical causes are a part of religion. reality (although they are not typical). Th at is, with magic, certain events are treated as distinct, separate, similarities between religious and or special, and are included in the realm of what it magical thinking possible, just not what is typical. Boyer and Walker (2000) have suggested that magic and religion share similar fundamental ontol- Magical Th inking and Creativity ogies. Th ey suggest that these two forms of think- Th roughout the life span it is likely that magical ing may start out as one single form. With age and thinking serves to foster imagination and creativity. experience, undiff erentiated magical beliefs separate

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into, on the one hand, institutionalized magical is particularly useful for learning about things that beliefs in the form of various religions, and on the are generally unobservable. Because of the institu- other hand, a set of noninstitutionalized magical tionalization of religion, children are likely to view beliefs. Th e institutionalized beliefs include notions religious thought and beliefs as relatively consis- of God and other spiritual beings and particular rit- tent and coherent. Th is is particularly true in the uals and practices that are believed by the practitio- United States, where the vast majority of the cul- ners to have sacred values and certain causal powers ture expresses belief in God and tends to practice to bring about some of sort of meaningful change some form of organized religion (Evans, 2000; (i.e., heal a sick child). Th e central role of some Gallup, 2009; Poling & Evans, 2004). In contrast, sort of deity and the role of sacred values appear to magical beliefs and thinking are likely to be more provide a distinct form of causality that serves to idiosyncratic and less coherent in most individuals further diff erentiate religious thinking from magical in this same culture because of lack of widespread thinking. cultural support for magic except during particular A similar argument to that of Boyer and Walker times in early childhood. Th us, we suggest that at (2006) has been made by Woolley (2000), who has least in the mainstream culture in the United States, described parallels between making a wish and pray- magical and religious thinking could be viewed as ing. Both making a wish and praying involve men- relatively distinct. However, there is also consider- tal processes, often accompanied by language that able overlap between these concepts. For example, is generally performed so as to bring about some Sorensen (2007) has suggested that although magic sort of meaningful change. Both of these processes is involved in most religious rituals, religion covers also involve belief in some sort of alternative form a much wider range of human behavior than magic. of causality. Research by Woolley and her colleagues It is also likely that nature of this overlap is highly (Woolley & Phelps, 2001; Woolley, Phelps, Davis, dependent on the culture and religion that is being & Mandell, 1999) suggests that these two processes examined. become diff erentiated some time between the ages of four and eight years of age, with a tendency with Magical Th inking and Other Forms of increasing age for children to restrict the effi cacy of Th ought and Behavior wishes to stories but to show an increasing belief in superstition the effi cacy of prayer. One area in which magical thinking remains Like magical thinking, the emergence of religious strong in adults is superstition. According to thoughts and beliefs are also substantially infl u- Zusne and Jones (1989), to act superstitiously is enced by cultural support. Many religious concepts to “momentarily become a small magician.” Like are highly abstract and embedded in rich knowl- the term magical thinking, superstition has been edge frameworks that provide an elaborate symbolic variously defi ned, often with a pejorative conno- context for religious experiences. For this reason, tation (Lindeman & Aarnio, 2007; Vyse, 1997). many religious concepts and ideas may be acquired Lindeman and Aarnio (2007) argue that supersti- at a later developmental point than those related to tious, magical, and paranormal beliefs should all magic and potentially continue to increase past the be viewed as category mistakes in which the core time many magical beliefs become suppressed. For attributes of foundational theories (physics, biol- example, Harris and Gim é nez (2005) have found ogy, and psychology; Wellman & Gelman, 1992) the belief in the afterlife increases between the ages are confused with one another. In their view, the of seven and eleven. Th is is a time when few chil- way to distinguish these particular category mis- dren in the United States would endorse the exis- takes arises from the confusion of core knowledge. tence of real magic in the natural world. We argue for the same reasons that we used for magical thinking that category mistakes by them- differentiating magical and selves should not be categorized as magic unless religious thinking they are accompanied by a belief in some alterna- Other support for diff erentiating magical think- tive form of causality. Th at is, we view supersti- ing from religious thinking comes from the work on tions as one form of magical thinking in which testimony. Harris and Koenig (2006; see chapter 3) individuals hold beliefs, either idiosyncratic or cul- argue that children are quite sensitive to variations tural, that certain actions or behaviors will infl u- in the consistency, coherence, and plausibility of ence the outcome of some event by some sort of others’ testimony. Th ey also suggest that testimony supernatural means.

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Superstitious behavior can be readily observed provide a general feeling of control in chaotic or in many situations. For example, in many athletic unpredictable situations (Keinan, 2002; Schippers events, especially those in which highly skilled per- & Van Lange, 2006; Womack, 1992). Subbotsky formance can be viewed as only slightly better than (personal communication) has argued that these chance, athletes engage in a variety of superstitious same conditions foster magical thinking more gen- behaviors (Vyse, 1997). Often athletes will only erally. Th ere is some indication that in particular wear certain clothes on a game day, refuse to wash task situations, superstitious behavior may actually certain items of clothing during a particular streak benefi t performance. For example, Buhrman and of good performance, or perform rituals before a Zaugg (1981) found that in competitive basket- game or particular event within a game. All of these ball, the teams that perform the best exhibit more behaviors are done with the notion that they might superstitious behaviors than less competitive teams. potentially infl uence the outcome. Each of these Likewise, superior players on those superior teams behaviors involves a number of characteristics we also exhibit greater superstitious behaviors than have described with respect to magical thinking. their teammates. Although routine, ritual move- First, they often involve aspects of similarity and ments before performance does appear to improve contagion. Either individuals perform a ritual that overall levels of motor performance in tasks such as in some way connects them to a higher power (e.g., a basketball free throw (Lobmeyer & Wasserman, a batter performing the sign of the cross before step- 1986), superstitious behaviors are thought to pro- ping up to the plate in a baseball game) or they pre- vide added benefi ts through their magical connec- serve the “essence” of their recent good performance tion (Damisch, Stoberock, & Mussweiler, 2010). by refusing to wash a particular garment until the Damisch et al. have shown that activation of winning streak is broken. Th ese behaviors also per- superstitions related to luck (e.g., providing some- petuate the belief that some alternative form of cau- one with a “lucky” golf ball or having a personal sality might infl uence the outcome of the event. good luck charm present) improves success at a put- Superstitious reasoning is not reserved for sport- ting task, a motor dexterity task, and a memory task. ing events, but appears to be quite common in the Th ese researchers suggest that superstitious behav- everyday lives of children and adults. Children may iors lead to an increase in perceived self-effi cacy, avoid cracks on the sidewalks for fear of infl uencing which in turn leads to greater persistence in the their mother’s health, avoid black cats because they task. Although these results are intriguing, this might bring bad luck, or carry lucky charms to help research was generally conducted with individu- them in particular situations. Many of these behav- als who hold relatively strong superstitious beliefs. iors share an important aspect of cultural transmis- For individuals who profess not to be superstitious, sion that we suggest is a key process in the emergence activation of these types of beliefs might serve to of magical thinking more generally. But other super- decrease the overall levels of performance. Th is sug- stitious behaviors seem highly idiosyncratic (Vyse, gests that examining the role of implicit and explicit 1997), suggesting that many of these behaviors and superstitious beliefs might be an interesting area of practices stem from the unconscious cognitive pro- further investigation. It also suggests that it might cesses involved in magical thinking more generally. be interesting to determine whether magical think- For example, we recently encountered a student ing in general leads to performance benefi ts in situ- who insisted on taking every exam with a particular ations in which magical thinking might enhance the pen that he used to take notes in class and he used as perception of control. he studied for the exam. It was as if the pen carried the essence of the information from learning and Magical Th inking and Peculiar Beliefs studying into the exam. Idiosyncratic superstitions Magical thinking and superstition have also been are also likely to occur when incomplete meanings linked with peculiar thoughts and beliefs in adults of rituals are passed down from parents and adults more generally (Berenbaum, Boden, & Baker, 2009; within a culture to children. Boden & Berenbaum, 2004). Peculiar beliefs have Researchers have also shown that individuals been defi ned as those beliefs that the established engage in superstitious behaviors under conditions scientifi c community do not view to be veridical of high stress and/or uncertainty and low levels (Berenbaum, Kerns, & Raghavan, 2000). Generally, of perceived control (Keinan, 1994; Malinowski, paranormal beliefs fi t within this category. 1954; Whitson, & Gallinsky, 2008). Superstitions As with many beliefs, a spectrum of intensity are thought to regulate stress and uncertainty and exists. In one form, peculiar beliefs can result in

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paranormal beliefs, such as belief in ghosts, the exis- ESP, have been linked to a variety of forms of psy- tence of extra terrestrials, alien abductions, and ESP. chopathology (American Psychiatric Association, Like magical thinking, these beliefs are not con- 2000). For example, magical thinking in the form sistent with current empirical observations in the of thought–action fusion has been related to anxi- world—and are thought to be unscientifi c. However, ety disorders and obsessive–compulsive disorders although some of these beliefs and thoughts can be (Berle & Starcevic, 2005; Muris, Meesters, Rassin, viewed as magical, in our view others do not meet Merckelbach, & Campbell, 2001). Th ought– the criteria for magical thinking. Th at is, we sug- action fusion is a cognitive distortion that results in gest that certain paranormal beliefs typically asso- the belief that certain negative events are brought ciated with parapsychology, such as psychokinesis about by intrusive thoughts (Rachman & Shafran, and ESP, are substantially diff erent from magical 1999). Th ese researchers report on one young beliefs in that individuals who hold these particular woman who was afraid that her unwanted thoughts beliefs often think that these phenomena do exist about her parents dying could cause a car accident in the natural world, and believe that they can be through magical “vibes” (p. 82). Other researchers AQ: explained by some natural explanation. For exam- have found that individuals with an excessive focus Th ere is a ple, believers in the notion that individuals can on weight and body shape sometimes hold simi- mismatch in the move or alter objects with their minds (psychoki- lar magical beliefs about food (Garner & Bemis, reference” nesis) or read others’ thoughts (ESP) often suggest 1992 ). Garner that these behaviors stem from a highly evolved Magical thinking has also been associated with & Bemis, 1982”. mind, rather than some supernatural form of cau- schizophrenia (Claridge & Broks, 1984; Hewitt Th e date sality. Interestingly, psychologists are the least likely & Claridge, 1989; Lee, Cougle, & Telch, 2005). is 1992 in to advocate the reality of these extraordinary pow- Claridge and Broks (1984) found magical thinking the citation where as ers (Zusne & Jones, 1989), and tend to treat them to be one of three primary factors resulting from a in the list in a pejorative fashion. Likewise, many individuals factor analysis of the Schizotypal Personality Scale it is 1982. who advocate the existence of aliens or report alien along with factors related to paranoid ideation and Kindly check. abductions do not treat these events as supernatural, unusual perceptual experiences. Similar results have but within the realm of possibility based on the idea been found by other researchers looking at adults that because humans evolved on this planet, other (Joseph & Peters, 1995; Wolfradt & Straube, 1998), beings might have evolved in a diff erent form on although some researchers have identifi ed additional other distant planets. factors (Rawlings, Claridge, & Freeman, 2001). Th e notion that scientifi c investigation could Th e majority of research examining magical one day show that individuals have greater mental thinking and psychopathology has been conducted powers than has been assumed or that aliens exist with adults. One of the few studies to examine extend the normal views of mental and biological this relationship in children and adolescents was processes, but they do not necessarily embrace the conducted by Bolton, Dearsley, Madronal-Luque, same type of belief in an alternative form of causality and Baron-Cohen (2002). Th ey used the a Magical that we suggest is at the heart of magical thinking. Th inking Questionnaire adapted from an earlier Indeed, although the majority of evidence does not questionnaire designed to assess thought–action support the existence of either psi (anomalous pro- fusion (Muris, Meesters, Rassin, Merckelbach, & cesses of information or energy transfer) or aliens, Campbell, 2001) and found that in children and researchers continue to use the scientifi c method adolescents’ obsessive–compulsive thoughts and to investigate their possible existence in psychol- actions were associated with magical thinking. ogy (Bem & Honorton, 1994) and in the Search Th ese researchers found that this relation did not for Extraterrestrial Intelligence (SETI) project in change from childhood to adolescence, suggesting astronomy (Tarter, 2001). that there may be continuity from childhood to adulthood in magical thinking, at least in popula- Magical Th inking and Psychopathology tions diagnosed with a psychological disorder. In more extreme forms, magical and peculiar Clearly, the research indicates that certain forms beliefs may be labeled as delusional (Berenbaum, of psychopathology appear to involve magical 1996) and have been linked to various forms of thinking to some extent. However, this conclusion pathology (Eckblad & Chapman, 1983). But even must be tempered a bit, as magical thinking is often in less extreme forms, these beliefs, including belief part of the diagnostic criteria for determining the in such things as ghosts, good luck charms, and existence of a particular disorder. In addition, the

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scales used to assess magical thinking and particu- driving out irrational thoughts and behaviors, but lar disorders often assess a wide range of peculiar even the most rational of individuals might think beliefs, all treated as magical, as they are considered twice about buying a house where someone has been non-veridical and inconsistent with subcultural murdered or experience some “irrational” feelings if norms. However, we suggest that some of the beliefs told that the sweater they had just been asked to assessed are not necessarily magical (e.g., beliefs in put on was formerly owned by a notorious criminal. ESP, feelings of unexplainable senses of danger). At best, we can be aware of our tendency to think Finally, it is not at all clear how the magical think- magically and use reason to counteract the infl uence ing of children, psychologically healthy adults, and of these cognitive biases. individuals with particular psychological disorders are related. On the surface they share similar quali- Future Directions ties, yet they clearly diff er under the surface. Th e Research on magical thinking has waxed and issue is whether they diff er on a continuum, similar waned over the years. Before the late 1970s research to peculiar beliefs in general, or whether they are on magical thinking was an active area of research by categorically diff erent. anthropologists and psychologists. In the late 1970s to the 1990s there appeared to be little interest in Conclusion this area of research in either discipline, although Th e Future of Magical Th inking interest remained strong among clinical psycholo- Much of the research and scholarship investigat- gists interested in particular psychological disorders. ing magical thinking in general, and superstitious Since that time there has been a renewed interest beliefs more specifi cally, has been conducted under among both cognitive developmentalists in psy- the assumption that these types of thoughts and chology and anthropologists interested in the role beliefs were caused by errors in thinking, poten- of ritual in various cultures in the study of magical tially brought about by failures in education or psy- thinking. Th is renewed interest has opened up new chopathology. At least with psychologically healthy avenues of research and spotlighted areas that need children and adults, the notion has been that by further investigation. providing them with expanded access to science One of the most interesting directions for future and mathematics education, magical thinking and research would be to examine how magical thinking beliefs eventually would be eliminated. Th is appears in children relates to various forms of adult thought to be an overly optimistic view. At present, magical in both psychologically healthy individuals and those thinking appears to be just as prevalent today as in with particular psychological disorders. Specifi cally, times past. Th e specifi c manifestations of magical it would be useful to explore more carefully how thinking and particular beliefs common in diff er- magical thinking in childhood relates to alternative ent cultures may have shifted over time, but the fact or strange beliefs in adulthood and the emergence of that magical thinking still exists in the minds of diff erent forms of pathology. Th is research direction both children and adults cannot be refuted. would involve investigating the source and nature of Our own view is that magical thinking is here to individual diff erences in magical thinking in young stay because it stems to a large extent from our cog- children and tracking continuity and change in nitive architecture. Th is cognitive architecture leads magical thinking over developmental time. At pres- us to search for causality, even when no actual causal ent, cross-sectional studies have shed some light on link between a behavior and an outcome exists. It the developmental time course of magical thinking, also leads us to essentialize, making us susceptible but have failed to provide much information about to the sympathetic magic of contagion and simi- continuity of magical thinking in some individuals. larity. Th ese cognitive processes coupled with the Relatedly, it would be important to determine if acquisition of a special category of magic, one that the magical thinking of children relates on a contin- includes objects and events that violate our causal uum with that of psychologically healthy adults and expectations about how the world normally works, individuals with particular disorders or whether the serve to nurture magical thinking in young children nature of magical thinking in these populations is and then maintain it over the course of our lives. categorically diff erent. One of the challenges of pur- Th ese processes bias initial reactions to particular suing this issue involves developing better measures phenomena, ones that violate the norm and likely of magical thinking that are based on stronger theo- increase under times of stress or high emotional retical grounds. A related challenge would be for investment. Some individuals may work hard at researchers focusing on these diff erent populations

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to agree on how magical thinking should be defi ned. potential benefi ts to thinking magically? Like the As we have suggested, magic as a pejorative label magical thought involved in superstition, does mag- for individuals who think “diff erently” should be ical thinking sometimes enhance performance? And avoided and the belief in some form of alternative are there individuals or situations in which thinking form of causality outside the domain of scientifi c magically leads to decreases in performance? Does inquiry should be central to this defi nition. We hope too much stimulation of magical thinking lead to our defi nition of magical thinking prevails because strange beliefs that negatively aff ect one’s ability to it removes the pejorative aspect of the magical label function in the real world? and more clearly defi nes what should or should not be characterized as magical. Our defi nition also Further Readings serves to redefi ne magic as situated in the particu- Hood , B. M . ( 2009 ). Supersense: Why we believe in the unbeliev- lar beliefs of a culture. As more and more research able . New York : HarperCollins . Rosengren , K. S., Johnson, C. N. , & Harris , P. L . ( 2000 ). Imagining shows that cognition is highly infl uenced by culture the impossible: Magical, scientifi c, and religious thinking in chil- (e.g., Nisbett, 2003) it is even more important to dren . Cambridge, UK : Cambridge University Press . clarify the defi nition of magical thinking. Subbotsky , E . ( 2010 ). Th e magic of today: Mechanisms, functions Clearly, culture infl uences the beliefs that are and development of magical thinking and behavior . Oxford, considered to be natural and supernatural. Th us, UK : Oxford University Press . Vyse , S. A . ( 1997 ). Believing in magic. Th e psychology of supersti- what may be magical thought in one culture may tion . New York : Oxford University Press . not in fact be magical in another. Being sensitive to cultural diff erences, rather than labeling these dif- References ferences as magical in the pejorative sense, will help American Psychiatric Association . ( 2000 ). Diagnostic and statis- us to understand more clearly how and when magi- tical manual of mental disorders (4th edition, test revision). cal thinking might aid or hinder performance in a Washington, DC : American Psychiatric Association . given task or situation. Th us, an additional direction Bem , D. , & Honorton , C . ( 1994 ). Does psi exist? Replicable for future work would be to explore cultural varia- evidence for an anomalous process or information transfer . Psychological Bulletin , 115 , 4–18 . tion in magical thinking. We suggest that it would Berenbaum , H., Boden, M. T. , & Baker , J. P . ( 2009 ). Emotional be fruitful to reopen this area of research with a goal salience, emotional awareness, peculiar beliefs, and magical of understanding how culture shapes cognition in thinking. 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Keep your individuals to be more creative? If so, what best fi ngers crossed! How superstition improves performance . ways to stimulate this connection? Are there other Psychological Science , 21 , 1014–1020 .

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