Neoptolemos at Delphi
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Ancient Religions: Public Worship of the Greeks and Romans by E.M
Ancient Religions: Public worship of the Greeks and Romans By E.M. Berens, adapted by Newsela staff on 10.07.16 Word Count 1,250 Level 1190L TOP: The temple and oracle of Apollo, called the Didymaion in Didyma, an ancient Greek sanctuary on the coast of Ionia (now Turkey), Wikimedia Commons. MIDDLE: The copper statue of Zeus of Artemision in the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, Greece. BOTTOM: Engraving shows the Oracle of Delphi, bathed in shaft of light atop a pedestal and surrounded by cloaked figures, Delphi, Greece. Getty Images. Temples Long ago, the Greeks had no shrines or sanctuaries for public worship. They performed their devotions beneath the vast and boundless canopy of heaven, in the great temple of nature itself. Believing that their gods lived above in the clouds, worshippers naturally searched for the highest available points to place themselves in the closest communion possible with their gods. Therefore, the summits of high mountains were selected for devotional purposes. The inconvenience of worshipping outdoors gradually suggested the idea of building temples that would offer shelter from bad weather. These first temples were of the most simple form, without decoration. As the Greeks became a wealthy and powerful people, temples were built and adorned with great splendor and magnificence. So massively were they constructed that some of them have withstood the ravages of This article is available at 5 reading levels at https://newsela.com. time. The city of Athens especially contains numerous remains of these buildings of antiquity. These ruins are most valuable since they are sufficiently complete to enable archaeologists to study the plan and character of the original structures. -
Naming the Extrasolar Planets
Naming the extrasolar planets W. Lyra Max Planck Institute for Astronomy, K¨onigstuhl 17, 69177, Heidelberg, Germany [email protected] Abstract and OGLE-TR-182 b, which does not help educators convey the message that these planets are quite similar to Jupiter. Extrasolar planets are not named and are referred to only In stark contrast, the sentence“planet Apollo is a gas giant by their assigned scientific designation. The reason given like Jupiter” is heavily - yet invisibly - coated with Coper- by the IAU to not name the planets is that it is consid- nicanism. ered impractical as planets are expected to be common. I One reason given by the IAU for not considering naming advance some reasons as to why this logic is flawed, and sug- the extrasolar planets is that it is a task deemed impractical. gest names for the 403 extrasolar planet candidates known One source is quoted as having said “if planets are found to as of Oct 2009. The names follow a scheme of association occur very frequently in the Universe, a system of individual with the constellation that the host star pertains to, and names for planets might well rapidly be found equally im- therefore are mostly drawn from Roman-Greek mythology. practicable as it is for stars, as planet discoveries progress.” Other mythologies may also be used given that a suitable 1. This leads to a second argument. It is indeed impractical association is established. to name all stars. But some stars are named nonetheless. In fact, all other classes of astronomical bodies are named. -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
Lila and Kween and the Turbulent Priest Written by X-22, Based on Characters by Roundersofter
Lila and Kween and the Turbulent Priest Written by x-22, Based on characters by RounderSofter The glorious sun bathed everything in a copper glow. Fanfare blared over the crowd's reverent silence as the giant doors rumbled, light playing over gold plate as they slowly opened. The marble of the magnificent temple shone like precious metal in the sunlight, from towering spire to tendrils of columned wings fanning out to embrace the immense throng. The rapturous followers were crammed together in the vast plaza. They pushed madly to come closer to the polished platform that cleaved through the crowd. Soon the doors were open and the fanfare died down. Out of the mysterious gloom of the sprawling temple and into the pleasant warmth stepped the Blessed One. Mad cheers went up from the crowd for the High Priestess. Sole custodian of the faith, pinnacle of the temple hierarchy. The faithful worshipped her. Kings bowed to her will. She was fat as only the supreme pontiff of Hunger and Feasting could be, but beautiful. Her girth rivalled her height, but her lilac and pink clothes she wore as if she were the Goddess of Beauty herself. Thick, blue hair fell over her shoulders and elegant robes. The high priestess' bulging hips barely cleared the doorway as she waddled slowly towards the gently sloping stairs down to the marble platform below. Her big eyes surveyed her faithful and her heart swelled at the sight. Lila! Lila! Lila! she imagined them chanting, but the din was incomprehensible. A smile spread across the high priestess' broad features. -
(Eponymous) Heroes
is is a version of an electronic document, part of the series, Dēmos: Clas- sical Athenian Democracy, a publicationpublication ofof e Stoa: a consortium for electronic publication in the humanities [www.stoa.org]. e electronic version of this article off ers contextual information intended to make the study of Athenian democracy more accessible to a wide audience. Please visit the site at http:// www.stoa.org/projects/demos/home. Athenian Political Art from the fi h and fourth centuries: Images of Tribal (Eponymous) Heroes S e Cleisthenic reforms of /, which fi rmly established democracy at Ath- ens, imposed a new division of Attica into ten tribes, each of which consti- tuted a new political and military unit, but included citizens from each of the three geographical regions of Attica – the city, the coast, and the inland. En- rollment in a tribe (according to heredity) was a manda- tory prerequisite for citizenship. As usual in ancient Athenian aff airs, politics and reli- gion came hand in hand and, a er due consultation with Apollo’s oracle at Delphi, each new tribe was assigned to a particular hero a er whom the tribe was named; the ten Amy C. Smith, “Athenian Political Art from the Fi h and Fourth Centuries : Images of Tribal (Eponymous) Heroes,” in C. Blackwell, ed., Dēmos: Classical Athenian Democracy (A.(A. MahoneyMahoney andand R.R. Scaife,Scaife, edd.,edd., e Stoa: a consortium for electronic publication in the humanities [www.stoa.org], . © , A.C. Smith. tribal heroes are thus known as the eponymous (or name giving) heroes. T : Aristotle indicates that each hero already received worship by the time of the Cleisthenic reforms, although little evi- dence as to the nature of the worship of each hero is now known (Aristot. -
The Higher Aspects of Greek Religion. Lectures Delivered at Oxford and In
BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIET OF Henirg m. Sage 1891 .A^^^ffM3. islm^lix.. 5931 CornelJ University Library BL 25.H621911 The higher aspects of Greek religion.Lec 3 1924 007 845 450 The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924007845450 THE HIBBERT LECTURES SECOND SERIES 1911 THE HIBBERT LECTURES SECOND SERIES THE HIGHER ASPECTS OF GREEK RELIGION LECTURES DELIVERED AT OXFORD AND IN LONDON IN APRIL AND MAY igii BY L. R. FARNELL, D.Litt. WILDE LECTURER IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD LONDON WILLIAMS AND NORGATE GARDEN, W.C. 14 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT 1912 CONTENTS Lecture I GENERAL FEATURES AND ORIGINS OF GREEK RELIGION Greek religion mainly a social-political system, 1. In its earliest " period a " theistic creed, that is^ a worship of personal individual deities, ethical personalities rather than mere nature forces, 2. Anthrqgomorphism its predominant bias, 2-3. Yet preserving many primitive features of " animism " or " animatism," 3-5. Its progress gradual without violent break with its distant past, 5-6. The ele- ment of magic fused with the religion but not predominant, 6-7. Hellenism and Hellenic religion a blend of two ethnic strains, one North-Aryan, the other Mediterranean, mainly Minoan-Mycenaean, 7-9. Criteria by which we can distinguish the various influences of these two, 9-1 6. The value of Homeric evidence, 18-20. Sum- mary of results, 21-24. Lecture II THE RELIGIOUS BOND AND MORALITY OF THE FAMILY The earliest type of family in Hellenic society patrilinear, 25-27. -
1 Reading Athenaios' Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo: Critical Edition And
Reading Athenaios’ Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo: Critical Edition and Commentaries DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Corey M. Hackworth Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Fritz Graf, Advisor Benjamin Acosta-Hughes Carolina López-Ruiz 1 Copyright by Corey M. Hackworth 2015 2 Abstract This dissertation is a study of the Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo that was found at Delphi in 1893, and since attributed to Athenaios. It is believed to have been performed as part of the Athenian Pythaïdes festival in the year 128/7 BCE. After a brief introduction to the hymn, I provide a survey and history of the most important editions of the text. I offer a new critical edition equipped with a detailed apparatus. This is followed by an extended epigraphical commentary which aims to describe the history of, and arguments for and and against, readings of the text as well as proposed supplements and restorations. The guiding principle of this edition is a conservative one—to indicate where there is uncertainty, and to avoid relying on other, similar, texts as a resource for textual restoration. A commentary follows, which traces word usage and history, in an attempt to explore how an audience might have responded to the various choices of vocabulary employed throughout the text. Emphasis is placed on Athenaios’ predilection to utilize new words, as well as words that are non-traditional for Apolline narrative. The commentary considers what role prior word usage (texts) may have played as intertexts, or sources of poetic resonance in the ears of an audience. -
The Role of the Plague in the "Iliad" Author(S): Daniel R
The Role of the Plague in the "Iliad" Author(s): Daniel R. Blickman Source: Classical Antiquity, Vol. 6, No. 1 (Apr., 1987), pp. 1-10 Published by: University of California Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25010855 . Accessed: 05/10/2014 18:07 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Classical Antiquity. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 76.72.144.32 on Sun, 5 Oct 2014 18:07:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions DANIEL R. BLICKMAN The Role of the Plague in the Iliad IN HIS FAMOUSstudy of image and symbol in the Aeneid, Viktor P6schl remarks thatHomer does not use the plague motif to set themood of the Iliad in the same way that Virgil does through the opening storm at sea.1Homeric scholars have concurred insofar as the episode of the plague is discussed mainly as the occasion of Agamemnon and Achilles' quarrel.2Yet this drama should not blind us to the role of the plague in setting the tone for what follows, nor, more importantly, in providing an ethical pattern which lies near the heart of the story. -
Either a Daimon, Or a Hero, Or Perhaps a God:” Mythical Residents of Subterranean Chambers
Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 15 | 2002 Varia “Either a Daimon, or a Hero, or Perhaps a God:” Mythical Residents of Subterranean Chambers Yulia Ustinova Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/1385 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.1385 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2002 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference Yulia Ustinova, « “Either a Daimon, or a Hero, or Perhaps a God:” Mythical Residents of Subterranean Chambers », Kernos [Online], 15 | 2002, Online since 21 April 2011, connection on 01 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/1385 ; DOI : 10.4000/kernos.1385 Kernos Kemos 15 (2002), p. 267-288. "Either a Daimon, or a Hero, or Perhaps a God:" Mythical Residents of Subterranean Chambers In his list of seers who uttered gods' orders and messages to mortals not only when alive, but also after their death, Strabo1 mentions "...Amphiaraos, Trophonios, Orpheus, Musaios, and the god of the Getae, formerly Zalmoxis, a Pythagorean, who is in our time Dekaineos, the diviner of Byrebistas... ,,2 Aristides groups together Trophonios, Amphiaraos, Amphilochos and the Asclepiads.3 Celsus includes Zalmoxis, Mopsos, Amphilochos, Amphiaraos, and Trophonios in his register of mortals who died and were nevertheless worshiped, whieh makes Origen wonder, "whether one of these is either a daimon, or a hero, or perhaps a god, more active than mortals" (ft ècr'tt nç èv 'toîç 'tOtQU'tOlÇ Eï'tE 8atllcov Eï'tE llPcoÇ Eï'tE Kat 8E6ç, èVEPYéOv 't!Va lldÇova ft Ka'teX av8pco1tov;).4 The bewilderment of Origen 'is reasonable, given the elusiveness of these figures. -
Fate and Death Through a Daimonic Lens
FATE AND DEATH THROUGH A DAIMONIC LENS FATE AND DEATH THROUGH A DAIMONIC LENS By JASON SOLOMON BINDER, B.A.Sc., B.A. Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University © Copyright by Jason Solomon Binder, September 2014 MA Thesis – J. Binder; McMaster University – Classics. McMaster University MASTER OF ARTS (2014) Hamilton, Ontario (Classics) TITLE: Fate and Death through a Daimonic Lens AUTHOR: Jason Solomon Binder, B.A.Sc., B.A. (McMaster University) SUPERVISOR: Dr. Sean Corner NUMBER OF PAGES: vi, 101 ii MA Thesis – J. Binder; McMaster University – Classics. Abstract This thesis is concerned with the ancient Greek conceptualization of fate and death, as explored through the figure of the daimon in literature from Homer and Hesiod to Plato and Euripides. Filling a gap in scholarship, I elucidate the spectrum of meaning inherent in the word daimon, and how it shifts over time. From the Archaic to the Classical period the word daimon is found as a synonym for theos, “god”, as a vocative address, or in reference to “fate” and the generalized “will of heaven.” At the same time, a particular group of divine personifications, including Thanatos, Moira, Ker, and Erinys are counted as daimones. We also find the term used to designate unnamed but individuated lesser divinities, guardian spirits, and demonic possessors, and even as the divine aspect of the self. In the early Archaic poets these latter categories are only nascent. The individuated daimon becomes the focus of the lyric poets and pre-Socratic philosophers; in the later pre-Socratics the daimon begins to be internalized, moving from possessive spirit to psychic force. -
Pythios and Pythion: the Spread of a Cult Title J.K
Mediterranean Historical Review Vol. 22, No. 1, June 2007, pp. 57–69 Pythios and Pythion: The Spread of a Cult Title J.K. Davies The epithet Pythios/Pythion, unequivocally denoting the cult of Apollo of Delphi, came to have a very widespread distribution throughout the Greek world, comparable only to that of Zeus Olympios. Pre-Hellenistic attestations are summarily reported, showing concentrations (e.g., Attika, Argolis, Thessaly, Aegean islands, Krete), significant vacua (e.g., Boiotia, north-western Greece), and overlaps with the epithets Delphinios and Pythaieus. Likely periods and mechanisms of its spread are sketched, as are possible explanations (colonization, oracles, purification), though without overt preference for any one model of network-formation. Keywords: Apollo; Cult; Oracle; Purification; Distribution It is a cliche´ of scholarship that the terms Pythios and Pythion derive from Pytho, the earliest attested name for the cultic area later known as Delphoi,1 and that they came to refer unequivocally to Apollo as the principal god of the upper sanctuary there. They therefore belong among the ‘locational’ epithets of the god, parallel to Klarios or Didymeus, not among those derived from function or from association or identification with animals.2 As such, they pose a problem, for it was unusual for locational epithets to spread far beyond their primary sanctuary, still less to show such widespread attestation throughout much of the Greek-speaking world: Zeus Olympios provides perhaps the only true comparison, with even Eleusinian Demeter well behind. Their distribution therefore needs an explanation, and one which is couched not just in terms of geography or of the ‘profile’ of the god but also, and primarily, in terms of human needs and of the ways in which a specific cult could be transferred, or replicated/cloned, elsewhere. -
![Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements [Full Text, Not Including Figures] J.L](https://docslib.b-cdn.net/cover/6957/greek-color-theory-and-the-four-elements-full-text-not-including-figures-j-l-1306957.webp)
Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements [Full Text, Not Including Figures] J.L
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements Art July 2000 Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements [full text, not including figures] J.L. Benson University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/art_jbgc Benson, J.L., "Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements [full text, not including figures]" (2000). Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements. 1. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/art_jbgc/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Art at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cover design by Jeff Belizaire ABOUT THIS BOOK Why does earlier Greek painting (Archaic/Classical) seem so clear and—deceptively— simple while the latest painting (Hellenistic/Graeco-Roman) is so much more complex but also familiar to us? Is there a single, coherent explanation that will cover this remarkable range? What can we recover from ancient documents and practices that can objectively be called “Greek color theory”? Present day historians of ancient art consistently conceive of color in terms of triads: red, yellow, blue or, less often, red, green, blue. This habitude derives ultimately from the color wheel invented by J.W. Goethe some two centuries ago. So familiar and useful is his system that it is only natural to judge the color orientation of the Greeks on its basis. To do so, however, assumes, consciously or not, that the color understanding of our age is the definitive paradigm for that subject.