FISA Statement by the POGO
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Thank you for the opportunity to submit testimony to the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB) on various issues surrounding surveillance pursuant to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) and other relevant issues. I am Jake Laperruque, senior counsel for The Constitution Project at the Project On Government Oversight (POGO). POGO is a nonpartisan independent watchdog that investigates and exposes waste, corruption, abuse of power, and when the government fails to serve the public or silences those who report wrongdoing. We champion reforms to achieve a more effective, ethical, and accountable federal government that safeguards constitutional principles. The Constitution Project at POGO strives to protect individuals from improper and overbroad surveillance, especially when such surveillance is conducted in the name of national security. The Constitution Project has long advocated for increased accountability, oversight, and proper checks of a FISA process that is too often subject to scrutiny that is too weak.1 My testimony examines a variety of legal and policy issues across a wide array of surveillance authorities; before discussing each of these issues in turn, I believe it is valuable to note several key observations relating to national security surveillance that affect virtually all of the issues FISA addresses. First, over the past several decades, FISA surveillance has significantly shifted in focus from counterespionage to counterterrorism. This has inherently pulled FISA into the realm of law enforcement investigations and activities. Yet, even as FISA has increasingly become a tool for domestic law enforcement, there has not been a similar shift in safeguards on these authorities to ensure the protection of due process and civil liberties that is expected of criminal proceedings. Rather, the rules and accountability structures still largely treat FISA surveillance as an authority more focused on foreign affairs. Second, we know extremely little about the impact FISA surveillance has on individuals. It is important that surveillance not only be seen as harmful when it leads to abuse or improper public disclosure of private information; the collection of sensitive information by the government is in itself a harm to privacy, regardless of how that information is used. A key principle our constitutional system is founded upon is that any invasion of privacy must be reasonable in light of that harm. 1 The Constitution Project’s Liberty and Security Committee, The Case for a FISA “Special Advocate” (May 29, 2014). https://archive.constitutionproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/The-Case-for-a-FISA-Special-Advocate_FINAL.pdf Therefore, in examining the impact of FISA surveillance it is essential not only to know how FISA surveillance might be abused, subject to compliance problems, or used in investigations—although in these areas there are serious problems with proper transparency as well—but also to know the full scale of who is subject to surveillance. This requires improved transparency about how certain aspects of FISA are used in general, as well as a new focus on assessing whether FISA is having a disparate impact on specific communities and demographic populations. Third, there is still far too little transparency and far too much secrecy regarding FISA and intelligence community surveillance activities; in a democratic society, it is essential that the populace has access to how the government interprets the law and wields its power. In recent years the intelligence community has taken some positive steps toward increasing transparency, such as the significant declassifications prompted by PCLOB’s reports on the telephony bulk collection program and Section 702 of FISA. Increased intelligence community transparency occurred in response to the explosive disclosures made by Edward Snowden and the public outcry and condemnation of surveillance activities by Congress and courts that followed, a motivation that has waned even as the need for increased public awareness remains.2 The limited reforms to increase transparency have been insufficient to answer critical questions concerning how much and in what ways FISA surveillance impacts individuals. And in some areas, we have seen a troubling backslide toward improper secrecy. For example, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) reneged on an explicit commitment to Congress to provide an estimate of the number of U.S. persons affected by Section 702 surveillance3; this decision left both Congress and the public in the dark during the most recent reauthorization debate of that surveillance authority as to how many individuals Section 702 impacted. The intelligence community also delayed the release of a significant FISA Court opinion that was highly critical of government surveillance practices for almost a full year absent any justification or apparent need.4 This was a clear breach of the requirements Congress had established in the USA FREEDOM Act of 2015 for prompt declassification of significant opinions, a breach that led both the House and Senate earlier this year to pass stricter disclosure requirements to prevent a recurrence of this failure.5 And 2 Jack Goldsmith, "Three Years Later: How Snowden Helped the U.S. Intelligence Community,” Lawfare, June 6, 2016. https://www.lawfareblog.com/three-years-later-how-snowden-helped-us-intelligence-community 3 Dustin Volz, “NSA backtracks on sharing number of Americans caught in warrant-less spying,” Reuters, June 9, 2017. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-intelligence/nsa-backtracks-on-sharing-number-of-americans-caughtin-warrant-less- spying-idUSKBN19031B 4 Elizabeth Goitein, “How the FBI Violated the Privacy Rights of Tens of Thousands of Americans,” The Brennan Center for Justice, October 22, 2019. https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/how-fbi-violated-privacy-rights-tens-thousands- americans (“... the government sat on the FISA Court’s October 2018 opinion for almost a year, instead of promptly declassifying and releasing it as envisioned by Congress in the 2015 USA FREEDOM Act.”) 5 Although the legislative history of the 2015 USA FREEDOM Act debate makes clear that Congress viewed the law as requiring prompt disclosure of significant opinions, the recent delay led both the House and Senate to pass versions of the USA FREEDOM Reauthorization Act of 2020, H.R.6172, with an identical provision placing a strict 180-day requirement for disclosure. 2 during the recent debate regarding Section 215, the National Security Agency (NSA) repeatedly claimed the now defunct call detail records program had value while refusing to answer the most basic questions as to whether it had contributed to the discovery or disruption of any national security threats.6 PCLOB can and should work to address these issues across many different areas of how FISA operates. Below are a key set of issues we believe PCLOB should prioritize, including recommended transparency goals the board should undertake and policy proposals it should advocate that Congress enact into law. Increase public understanding of how FISA surveillance impacts individuals The scale of FISA surveillance and the number of people whose privacy is harmed by it is massive, yet the public still has far too little knowledge about it. PCLOB should prioritize changing this, and providing increased transparency and public understanding on how FISA surveillance impacts individuals. Lack of information on how many U.S. persons are harmed by warrantless FISA surveillance Probably the most significant form of FISA surveillance in terms of how many U.S. persons— and individuals in general—it impacts is the warrantless surveillance system, Section 702. Not only is the scale of Section 702 surveillance enormous, it also has recently increased significantly. 7 When Congress reauthorized Section 702 in January 2018, the most recently released 8 number of targets was 106,469, for 2016. Since then, that number has nearly doubled to 9 204,968 for 2019. 6 Emily Birnbaum, “Senators press NSA official over shuttered phone surveillance program,” The Hill, November 6, 2019. https://thehill.com/policy/technology/469268-senators-press-nsa-official-over-shuttered-phone-surveillance-program; Reauthorizing the USA FREEDOM Act of 2015: Hearing Before the Senate Committee on the Judiciary, 116th Cong. (November 6, 2019). https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/meetings/reauthorizing-the-usa-freedom-act-of-2015 7 Robyn Greene, “Americans Wanted More Privacy Protections. Congress Gave Them Fewer,” Slate, January 26, 2018. https://slate.com/technology/2018/01/congress-reauthorization-of-section-702-of-the-fisa-is-an-expansion-not-a-reform.html 8 At the time Section 702 was reauthorized, the most recently released data on Section 702 targeting was from April 2017, which disclosed the 2016 calendar year target number of 106,469. Office of the Director of National Intelligence, Office of Civil Liberties, Privacy, and Transparency, Statistical Transparency Report Regarding Use of National Security Authorities Calendar Year 2016 (April 2017). https://www.dni.gov/files/icotr/ic_transparecy_report_cy2016_5_2_17.pdf 9 Office of the Director of National Intelligence, Office of Civil Liberties, Privacy, and Transparency, Statistical Transparency Report Regarding Use of National Security Authorities Calendar Year 2019 (April 2020). https://www.dni.gov/files/CLPT/documents/2020_ASTR_for_CY2019_FINAL.pdf 3 This most recent target number constituted a