FEATURE

EDWARD WILLIAM FOXALL: A CLASSICAL LIBERAL IN A RACIST AGE

The politics of early 20th century Australia defeated classical liberal objections to the White Australia Policy, explains David Kemp

he last years of the nineteenth Foxall deserves to be remembered and century and the early years of honoured, if only for his brilliant polemic the twentieth were tough years against the political leadership that he for those who believed that all men believed had betrayed the fundamental liberal Twere born equal, and had been endowed by principles on which Australia’s democracy was their creator with certain inalienable rights. supposedly based. Nationalism was on the rise, class politics Foxall’s book, Colorphobia: An Exposure of was gaining steam, and racial policies were the White Australia Fallacy (1903), has claims seemingly being endorsed by science. In the to be considered one of Australia’s liberal face of the demands on loyalty by the three classics.1 The fact that we can read it today great collectivities of the age—nation, class over a century later and accept the vast and race—those who believed in the supreme majority of his judgments shows not only the dignity and freedom of the individual person continuing vitality of the political principles were very much on the defensive. At no that moved him, but also the worth of the point was this to be seen in starker relief intellectual framework he brought to bear on in Australia than in the debate on the the new nation’s racial consensus. Immigration Restriction Bill with which the new Foxall’s lonely voice stands as evidence of Commonwealth Parliament in 1901 opened its the survival of the sophisticated liberal legislative program. consciousness in Australia in an age when As Australia’s political leaders, Edmund illiberal ideas were increasingly fashionable. Barton, Alfred Deakin, George Reid, and John As such, it warrants some attention, if only to Christian Watson competed (and did deals) demonstrate that the concept of a universalist with each other in the rush to construct a white and principled liberalism was still alive Australia, few in Parliament stood against the and fighting at a time when Australia was tide of race-based policy. Bruce Smith, author moving sharply in another direction. Foxall’s of Liberty and Liberalism, was one. Another was polemic also demonstrates that the political Edward Pulsford, NSW Senator and founder of the Free Trade and Liberal Association in 1885. Outside Parliament, liberal voices were David Kemp is a former federal minister equally scarce. and recently completed a term as state One whose voice rings down the years with president of the Victorian division of the eloquence, reason and passion was Edward Liberal Party. He is researching 19th and William Foxall, a liberal intellectual and activist early 20th century liberalism in Australia. with literary, musical and political interests.

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leaders made their choices in a context as a white nation, excluding coloured people where alternative polices were available (the Aborigines were excluded from citizenship and articulated. and the enumeration of the population): Colorphobia was written under a pseudonym protection against competition in the labour (Gizen-No-Teki) and subsidised by Foxall’s market, fear of the British character of the new friend Bruce Smith. The term ‘colorphobia’ had nation being submerged, and ideas of racial been used by William Lloyd Garrison in the superiority and fears of racial degradation. It was abolitionist essay ‘American Colorphobia’ in spoken of as an ideal worth pursuing, even by 1847 in the United States. many of those who were conscious of its conflict with the principle of human equality. The Liberal leaders had their own political Establishment of a white motivations in seeking to win the support of Australia was the first major those who held the balance of power, the Labor business considered by the new Party. The internationalists, who included people Commonwealth Parliament in 1901. such as Smith, Pulsford and others (mainly free-traders who had had personal contact with Japan, China, and India), were appalled by the Foxall was born in England, educated at ignorance and prejudice voiced shamelessly in Sydney Grammar, and trained as an accountant the debate. with a business firm. He was an associate of John Farrell, who wrote regularly for The parliamentary debate The Bulletin from 1882.2 Like Farrell, Foxall Throughout the debate, there was overwhelming developed an interest in Henry George’s single support for restricting the immigration of non- tax theories after the publication of George’s Europeans. Most favoured complete exclusion, Progress and Poverty in 1884. In 1886, Foxall some favoured exceptions on economic grounds, compiled and edited a book of poems by and only a few, while supporting exclusion on Hector Stuart titled South Sea Dreamer. From economic or cultural grounds, rejected the racial 1900, he developed a close knowledge and reason. They were prepared to accept limited understanding of Japan through his role as immigration of non-Europeans who had the level English Secretary to the Japanese Consul-General of education and understanding of Australia’s in Sydney. culture to allow them to be participating members The establishment of a white Australia of the new democracy. was the first major business considered by the Neither the economic nor the cultural new Commonwealth Parliament in 1901, and arguments for immigration restriction, such as the debate continued until December that they were, could be used to logically justify the year. Taking up some 600 pages of Hansard, total exclusion of Asians and Pacific Islanders. the debate concerned a central aspect of national Plainly there could be immigrants of Asian identity—who were to be the Australian people and Pacific background who could fit readily in the years ahead? The answer to the question, into Australian society. There were indeed accepted by almost all the parliamentarians, was many Indians already in British schools and that the Australian people were to be simply an universities. The argument that a white Australia expansion and reinforcement of the Australian would reduce competition in the labour market people of the present: the growing numbers contained the logical difficulty that such an of native born were to be supplemented by argument could apply to all immigrants, regardless immigrants from Great Britain and complemented of race, and that governments could regulate by a few from continental Europe (or the wage and working conditions for all workplaces Americas). Not many disagreed. and all employees, whatever the race of workers. There were many reasons why an Ultimately, the total exclusion necessary to build overwhelming majority of the Parliament a white Australia could only be justified on the accepted the idea that Australia should develop basis of race or ethnicity.

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Although all were clear that the real intent of We are guarding the last part of the the legislation was to secure a white Australia, world in which the higher races can the government found itself in a difficult live and increase freely for the higher position because of the attitude of Britain, which civilization. We are denying the yellow had recently concluded a treaty with Japan, and race nothing but what it can find in had made clear to the Australian government the home of its birth, or in countries that it did not want any explicit racial exclusion like the Indian archipelago, where the that would offend the Japanese. Prime Minister white man can never live except as Edmund Barton informed Parliament of the view an exotic.3 of Joseph Chamberlain, then British Secretary of State for the Colonies, that any explicit It was a language that Alfred Deakin felt disqualification on the grounds of race or colour comfortable using. At the 1890 Melbourne would not only be ‘offensive to a friendly power Conference on the Constitution, he had seen [Japan], but contrary to the general conceptions the issue of Asian immigration as one that of equality which have been the guiding principle provided a positive argument for a national of British rule throughout the Empire.’ government. One government could deal with The legislation therefore resorted to the device the matter most efficiently on behalf of all of a dictation test that made no mention of the the colonies: racial background of those to whom it would be administered. United Australia will be called upon The nature of the dictation test, contained to face the largest problems. One has in Clause 4(a) of the Immigration Restriction been in some measure already dealt Bill—and the hypocrisy and subterfuge involved with, but not yet finally solved: that in it, as some members claimed—came to be the of the influx of inferior races into the focus of much of the debate. northern parts of the continent. There Clause 4(a) defined a ‘prohibited are questions arising with the Chinese immigrant’ as: Government which yet remain for final settlement; and in regard to which it Any person who when asked to do so is necessary that the peoples of these by an officer fails to write out and sign colonies should be able, through in the presence of the officer, a passage some recognised body, to speedily of 50 words in length in the English and effectually express their will. They language dictated by the officer. must be prepared to support that will by united action when necessary.4

‘Superior’ and ‘inferior’ races What had eroded the belief In accepting the substance of the racial in human equality among the discrimination intended by the dictation test, the Liberal Protectionists, led by Barton and educated liberals in Australia? Deakin, had been influenced by the views of Charles Henry Pearson, the Victorian Liberal How had this happened? What had eroded intellectual and parliamentarian, and mentor the belief in human equality among the educated of Deakin, who had achieved an international liberals in Australia? The intellectual fashions reputation through his futurist book National were certainly against the equality of all human Life and Character: A Forecast. The authority of beings. By 1901, the world of ideas and science Pearson helped popularise among the Liberals had become fascinated by the idea of race, and the language of ‘superior,’ ‘higher,’ and ‘inferior’ there were active proponents of the concept of races, and a formulation of the issue that was European superiority on purportedly ‘scientific’ to provide the more ‘civilised’ case for a ‘white’ grounds. It was widely believed, though by Australia. Pearson had written: no means universally accepted, that science

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(and the achievements of the century just past) the Labor Party and its union base to win their had demonstrated not only the superiority of support. It seems likely, however, that Reid, like the European races, but even the biological Deakin, was also anxious to avoid in Australia distinctiveness of the large racial groups. the disastrous situation that had developed Backed by Pearson, the pseudo-science of in the United States after the Civil War with racial differences provided convenient arguments Lincoln’s emancipation of the slaves. to wheel out, just as the dictates of parliamentary, The Immigration Restriction Bill was being and the temptations of electoral, politics drove debated not long after the declaration by the US the Protectionist Liberals towards policies based Supreme Court in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) of the on race. ‘separate but equal’ doctrine—the foundation of a policy of racial segregation that was to last The American example in America for more than 50 years. Reid, like At first glance, the support for a white Australia Deakin, did not want to see such a situation in among the Free Trade Liberals seems more Australia. Deakin’s justification of the bill was difficult to understand, for the essence of that it would avoid the situation that had arisen free-trade liberalism was its belief in an economic in the United States, where the freed African system that was open to the world; in general, slave population, despite whatever ‘splendid’ the free-trade leaders prized a principled qualities it may have, was not being assimilated, intellectual consistency. Many of the supporters ‘and apparently is never to be assimilated in of free trade were themselves involved in the nation of which they are politically and international commerce, and knew from nominally a part.’5 personal experience the culture and qualities of the educated Japanese, Chinese and Indians. The influence of the Labor Party This liberal tradition, represented to the world The white Australia policy was ultimately by the British Liberal Party, disowned racism. not determined, however, by the logic of the Moreover, the free trade case shared none of arguments that could be mounted in its favour. the incipient isolationism seen in many of the There were rational arguments that could be, protectionist statements. and were, mounted against it. Bruce Smith made them in Parliament and others like Foxall The support for a white Australia outside it. The policy was driven by the way the among the Free Trade Liberals Australian democratic political system had translated into political power the attitudes seems more difficult to understand. and values of the voters, as interpreted by party leaders. George Reid, leader of the Free Trade The essential feature of the political alignment Liberals, was a believer in immigration. He in 1901 that led to the adoption of the white rejected the ambivalence of the labour movement Australia policy was the positioning of the to growing the nation through immigration. Australian Labor Party, which on the key issue Competition in the labour market was not dividing the free-trade and protectionist Liberals something to be feared. It was a part of the held the balance of power in the House of openness he espoused, and which he believed was Representatives. In their battle with each other necessary to the development of the continent. over the basis of the commercial relationship Yet on the matter of establishing a racial basis for of Australia with the rest of the world, the that immigration, no one was to take a stronger two wings of Australian Liberalism were stand than Reid. He claimed, in fact, to be the desperate for Labor’s support, and in 1901 originator of the idea of a purely ‘white’ Australia, Labor’s support for free trade or protection still and came to the parliamentary debate with his seemed open. Barton, Deakin and Reid were NSW Immigration Act figuratively in his pocket. openly competing for the crucial votes. Some, like Foxall, suspected that this was an Reid was a brilliant political tactician—so example of Reid’s pandering to the prejudices of much so that to some his tactics at times

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seemed to overwhelm his principles, but there intended to include racial equality. was no doubting the sincerity and depth of his There is no racial equality. There dedication to the policy of free trade. He knew is basic inequality. These races are, that Labor’s base was strongly and narrowly in comparison with white nationalistic (including, at least among the races—I think no one wants convincing activists, a heavy dose of anti-English sentiment), of this fact—unequal and inferior. and above all, passionately antagonistic to The doctrine of the quality of man was coloured immigration. never intended to apply to the equality In Reid’s view, a simple exclusion on racial of the Englishman and the Chinaman.6 grounds might be objectionable in terms of strict liberal principle, but it was much the Deakin, Attorney-General in the Barton lesser of two evils, since a failure to exclude government, pointed out in phrases that may could lead to racial conflict within Australia, chill some modern readers what the policy of and an immigration restriction harmed no a ‘white Australia’ meant: individual in itself (other than preventing entry to Australia). Those excluded (mainly Chinese and [It] means the prohibition of all alien Japanese) themselves belonged to nations that coloured immigration, and more, it followed exclusionary policies. The prize Reid means at the earliest time, by reasonable hoped to win by supporting racial exclusion was and just means, the deportation or to detach from Labor its free trade members reduction of the number of aliens now in support of the battle against protection. in our midst. The two things go hand in He ran the risk of splitting his own party, but hand, and are the necessary complement the weight of opinion on the issue was such of a single policy—the policy of securing that, while he angered some, a split was never a ‘white Australia.’7 a real possibility. Reid’s assessment that Labor’s base was The Labor leadership was less generally racist was fully justified by the sensitive to the presentation of contributions of the Labor party leaders to the debate on a white Australia. After the the racial basis of the policy. Immigration Restriction Act had been passed, indeed, Labor’s union base would return again The Labor leadership, knowing the less and again in election campaigns to raise the ambivalent prejudices of its base, was bogey of coloured immigration against the less sensitive than Deakin to the presentation Liberals. Nevertheless, the debate uncovered of the racial basis of the policy. Watson the decisive erosion of universalist liberal confirmed that Labor was perfectly comfortable principles among the Liberals themselves. Their with a straight racist argument. His speech contributions to the debate were awkward, showed that he was influenced by theories embarrassing and worse. of eugenics and racial improvement, or Barton, for example, professing to be a decline, which were believed to be related to believer in the doctrine of human equality, and racial purity: arguing that the bill did not exclude people on grounds of race, but according the dictation test, [T]he objection I have to the mixing of was conscious of the difficulty of reconciling the these coloured people with the white bill’s underlying philosophy of total exclusion people of Australia … lies in the main with this central idea. Quoting Pearson, he with the possibility and probability of explicitly read the doctrine of human equality racial contamination … down on racist grounds: I think we should gauge this matter, I do not think either that the doctrine not alone by the abstract possibilities of the equality of man was really ever of the case, but by those considerations

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which appeal to our ordinary human and China. He repeated this idea in the debate weaknesses and prejudices. on the Immigration Restriction Bill:

[We] should be foolish in the extreme I look upon the whole of the if we did not exhaust every means of inhabitants of Asia as my friends. preventing them from coming to this I am perfectly willing that they should land, which we have made out own. be called my friends, and I hope so The racial aspect of this question, in long as God gives me breath, I shall my opinion, is the larger and more have the courage to stand up for important one; but the industrial what I consider to be right for them, aspect also has to be considered.8 as I shall stand up for what I consider to be right for myself and for any other person.13 Foxall’s book was a scathing criticism of the Liberal leaders Colorphobia for their unwillingness to defend Foxall’s book was a scathing criticism of the basic principles of human Liberal leaders Barton, Deakin and Reid for freedom and equality. their unwillingness to defend basic principles of human freedom and equality, and for their (inevitable) failure to mount reasoned and logical The classical liberal response cases for their positions. He offered a passionate Despite the consensus in favour of racial but rational defence of policies based on the exclusion by one mechanism or another, there characteristics of individual people, not their were members of the parliament who were race, language or nation. deeply uncomfortable with both the bill and Like Bruce Smith, Foxall believed that the racist tone of the debate. Bruce Smith, the arguments for the bill had amounted to stated that he believed that the ‘foundation of nothing more than prejudice. No speaker had the bill is racial prejudice,’ and for many, fear.9 made an attempt to justify the actuality of any The public ‘ought to know how far this threat (indeed, Smith had demonstrated that legislation is founded on hysteria, and how far there had been no significant influx of people it is founded on good sense and good reasons.10 from Asia for some years), and the arguments about excluding the Japanese because of their [T]he whole thing is a bogy, a scarecrow. virtues, Foxall wrote, were laughably illogical I venture to say that a large part of the and humiliating. scare is founded upon a desire to make political capital by appealing to some of Racial prejudice is no more to be the worst instincts of the more credulous excused than national prejudice, or of the people.11 religious prejudice, or class prejudice. If one prejudice may find expression NSW Senator Edward Pulsford, a founder of in our Statute Book, another may, and the Free Trade and Liberal Association in 1885, surely will. It is simply opening the way and organiser of the Intercolonial Free Trade for a saturnalia of degrading sectional Conference in Sydney in 1900, spoke strongly legislation, leading back to the tyranny against the bill. As far back as 1888, he had and ignorance that prevailed in the past objected to Parkes’ prohibitive poll-tax on and disgraced our history.14 Chinese, which he had criticised as ‘a brutal disregard for the susceptibilities of other Freedom is a condition in which the nations.’12 He had objected to Reid’s NSW equal rights of all are equally respected, Immigration Act, principally on the grounds of and any limitation of the doctrine his concern for Australia’s relations with Japan of equal rights is an invasion of the

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principle of liberty, which only requires Caucasian a valuable lesson on the folly of time and circumstance to be productive racial conceit … The Japanese are nationally, of disaster.15 and socially, our equals…’17 Moreover, he strongly asserted that every other racial group, Perhaps with Deakin in mind, Foxall argued including the Australian Aborigines, was the that Australia had imported its ‘colorphobia’ equal of Europeans once provided with equal from the United States, whose prejudice against, opportunities and institutions.18 and treatment of, the freed Negro slaves had A driving emotion of Foxall’s book, however, entered the Australian mind. In drawing a racist was the despair of the radical free trader at the conclusion from the American experience, apostasy of Reid who, in his view, had opened Australians had made a fundamental mistake. the door in NSW to the emergence of the Labor Party and its blatant appeal to prejudice. They have confounded Slavery and Color, for no other reason than because Foxall strongly asserted that every the American slaves were colored; and racial group was the equal of they point to the trouble presented by the negro problem in American as Europeans once provided with equal a thing to be avoided in Australia by opportunities and institutions. keeping all coloured people out of the country. The ignorance displayed by this ‘It is clear,’ Foxall wrote, ‘that the Immigration attitude is as pitiable as its consequences Restriction Act owes its existence to the are likely to be disastrous… triangularity of Australian politics,’ and to the susceptibility of Labor to the appeals of But to take the bald facts that some racial prejudice. Americans hate those whom they Foxall believed, almost certainly unrealistically, (or their forefathers) have injured, that Reid could have successfully achieved and that this hatred has in many a federation that preserved NSW’s policy of free cases led to reprisals … and, ignoring trade, the example of which would ultimately all circumstances, coolly blame the have forced the other colonies to abandon whole resultant trouble on the color protection. This might have delayed federation, of the wronged people, is a piece of but it would have led to a nation that was superlative impudence and ignorance consistent in its internal and external policies. for which it would be hard to find an Reid’s reputation, he thought, hard-earned in historical parallel.16 the 1890s, would not recover from the damage it had suffered, if his future efforts ‘continue to Having drawn the wrong conclusion from be accompanied by such lapses from liberal the American experience, some Australians principle as were displayed in his speech on extended it to all people of colour, whose national the Immigration Restriction Bill.’19 characteristics varied greatly from each other. Reid had described the government’s preferred The fallacy of the arguments used to justify English dictation test as ‘flaunting the whole of a white Australia was especially obvious in the Europe in contemptuous fashion,’ and a test in case of the Japanese. any European language had been suggested. Foxall, who had regular contact with Japanese Foxall asked, logically: officials in Sydney, and spoke from personal knowledge, asserted that the Japanese, who If the English test would flaunt the had been identified as the main target for the whole of Europe in contemptuous legislation by speakers in the debate, ‘are a nation fashion, does not the European test whose progress and development during the flaunt the whole of Asia and Africa in last half-century should teach every thinking contemptuous fashion?20

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And as Reid had voted for Watson’s only national in so far as the legislation amendment that would have explicitly excluded of any particular country may tend people on the basis of their colour, ‘the only to foster or discourage any particular question at issue, according to Mr. Reid, individual proclivities.23 appeared to be one of the manner in which certain people should be insulted and flaunted.’21 In fact, it was policy and circumstances Moreover, ‘no attempt was made to show that produced the so-called national characters the necessity of insulting anyone.’22 of people, not inherent racial differences. Far The reason the Labor Party had emphasised from differences in racial characteristics being the appeal to prejudice to the exclusion of hereditary, human nature is essentially the same almost any other argument, however, was that it the world over. Institutions and laws differ, was keen to get the support of the Free Traders. and it is they that create the differences in If it had relied on the economic claim that behaviour, and in habits, that were often restriction was necessary to protect workers described as ‘national’ character. If Australians against low wages, it knew that it would have were not careful, their exclusionary laws lost the support of the more economically would place them on the same level as other sophisticated free-traders, who would have countries with similar laws. rejected the argument outright. Prejudice based on grouping people into Presciently, Foxall argued that the effort races, classes or religions, Foxall wrote, leads to to reduce wage competition would inexorably the internal corruption of a nation. Ultimately, lead to opposition to immigration itself, just as the only response to such expressions of (in his view) it had led to restrictive laws against prejudice must be an individual one. The the employment of women and children. Low individual must ask ‘whether the liberties immigration was to be a Labor shibboleth he himself enjoys, and for which he may throughout the period between the two feel personally thankful, are shared by the world wars. rest of his countrymen; or whether he is but one of a favoured few, playing a more or less Far from differences in racial involuntary part in the enslavement and characteristics being hereditary, degradation of his fellows. When once this stage is reached, the sense of individual human nature is essentially responsibility is aroused …’24 the same the world over. The logic of Foxall’s argument was clear. Australia needed to be more open, not more A common human nature restrictive and closed; more concerned with Foxall confronted directly the argument its relations with peoples of other nations and attributed to Pearson, which had so influenced cultures, not less; more rational in its policies, Barton and Deakin, that racial groups were not more prejudiced. But he overestimated possessed of some inherent ‘national character.’ the time frame within which the policies of The problem, he said, with arguments exclusion, restriction and group prejudice based on some concept of uniform national would begin to wreak damage on the new character was that no people, not the English, Commonwealth. The first Parliament was to nor any European people, nor any Asian people, show the time frame to be a short one. Walls were uniform: against the world could be erected quickly, and circumstances would soon lead to the [T]he more one thinks upon the exaggeration of internal hatreds as well. The question, the greater the difficulty of overt abandonment of ideas of human equality typifying national character becomes, and acceptance of differences were to have and the nearer one approaches to the severe unintended consequences. conclusion that character is a purely The restrictive and isolationist character of individual and personal attribute, and the white Australia policy came quite quickly

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to be paralleled in attitudes to immigration children, three sons and two daughters. He was more broadly, and in ever more restrictive buried in Rookwood Cemetery, Sydney. Those protectionist policies on trade and commerce. attending his funeral included the Japanese Fueled by the extreme socialists, the intensity of Consul-General and a number of members of class warfare rhetoric mounted, and by the 1920s, the Japanese community.27 religious hatreds had become intensified by the conscription debates. The leading economic historian E.O. Shann felt able to write that Endnotes Australia was becoming a ‘hermit nation.’25 1 Gizen-no-teki (Edward William Foxall), Colorphobia: Internal conflicts justified by class and religious An Exposure of the White Australia Fallacy (Sydney: prejudice were to be of growing significance, R.T. Kelly, 1903). and when the nation faced a military attack 2 B.G. Andrews, ‘John Farrell: Australian Dictionary of Biography 4 (Melbourne: Melbourne University by Japan in 1942, it did so as a nation with Press, 1972), 156. deeply eroded levels of social trust. 3 Charles Henry Pearson, National Life and Character: Foxall was quickly proven right in his A Forecast (London: Macmillan, 1893 (repr. 1913), criticism of the European language test. The final 17. decision of the parliament to have the dictation 4 Melbourne Conference (preceding the First test administered in any European language Constitutional Convention) (10 February 1890). was regarded by Japan as an offensive 5 John Andrew La Nauze, Alfred Deakin: A Biography discrimination, since it distinguished between Vol. 1 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, Japan and the European nations with which 1965), 279. Japan felt it was rightly comparable. Japan 6 Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates (26 September 1901), 5233. would have been less offended by an English 7 Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates (12 test, which applied equally to Europe and Japan. September 1901), 4805–4806. With the concept of Christian equality before 8 Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates (6 September God in his mind, Foxall bitingly concluded: 1901), 4633. 9 Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates (25 [T]here is not a professing Christian September 1901), 5157. anywhere, but must admit the inclusion 10 As above, 5158. of ‘the heathen of every tribe and nation’ 11 As above, 5165. in the gospel plan of salvation. Which 12 W.G. McMinn, ‘Edward Pulsford: Australian brings us to the remarkable position, Dictionary of Biography 11 (Melbourne University Press, 1988), 307. that the alien may enter Heaven, but 13 Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates (13 may not enter Australia! November 1901), 1756. 14 As above, 176–177. Truly, the logic of this wonderful 15 Gizen-No-Teki [Foxhall], Colorphobia, as above, ‘White Australia’ business leads us 96–97. to some strange conclusions! Good 16 As above, 60. enough to dwell for all eternity in 17 As above, 182. Paradise with God Almighty, the 18 As above, 202. archangels, the cherubim and seraphim, 19 As above, 145. the spirits of just men made perfect, 20 As above, 151. 21 As above, 151. the glorious company of the apostles 22 As above, 152. and the noble army of martyrs—but 23 As above, 186. not good enough to dwell on the same 24 As above, 192. continent with Mr. J. C. Watson and 25 Edward Shann, An Economic History of Australia the Australian labor party!26 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1938), viii-xi. Edward Foxall died on 24 May 1926 26 As above, 236. in Sydney, survived by his wife and his five 27 The Sydney Morning Herald (26 May 1926), 12.

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