Wiiliamj. Baroody,Sr
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Winter 2009 Licata Lecture: Michael Novak Calls for Conversation About God
WINTER 2009 LICATA LECTURE: MICHAEL NOVAK CALLS FOR CONVERSATION ABOUT GOD And yet, he told his Pepperdine audi- ence faith is a “real knowledge—a practi- cal kind of knowledge worth trusting one’s life to.” Faith was the sustaining hope of those who struggled against totalitarian- ism in the 20th century. It is the basis for a compassionate society. Rather than con- tradicting the sciences, faith is a firm sup- Victor Davis Hanson port on which reason may flourish. 2009 William E. Simon As men and women continue to ask ques- Distinguished Visiting Professor tions about faith and secularism, people in both camps may become more tolerant of Scholar of classical civilizations, author, each other. Novak echoed the prediction columnist, and historian Victor Davis Hanson of the German philosopher Habermas that is serving as the Spring 2009 William E. we are at the “end of the secular age.” Simon Distinguished Visiting Professor at the Now, “believers and unbelievers will have School of Public Policy. He is teaching the to take each other much more seriously seminar in international relations: Global Rule than they did before.” of Western Civilization? In an era when our public discourse Hanson is a Senior Fellow in Residence in “VIRTUALLY ALL THE WORLD seems to lack civility, Novak foresees “the Classics and Military History at the Hoover end of the period of condescension” and Institution at Stanford University and IS IN THE GRIP OF QUESTIONS “the beginning of a conversation that rec- Professor Emeritus of Classics at California ABOUT GOD,”… ognizes each others’ inherent dignity.” State University, Fresno. -
Periodicalspov.Pdf
“Consider the Source” A Resource Guide to Liberal, Conservative and Nonpartisan Periodicals 30 East Lake Street ∙ Chicago, IL 60601 HWC Library – Room 501 312.553.5760 ver heard the saying “consider the source” in response to something that was questioned? Well, the same advice applies to what you read – consider the source. When conducting research, bear in mind that periodicals (journals, magazines, newspapers) may have varying points-of-view, biases, and/or E political leanings. Here are some questions to ask when considering using a periodical source: Is there a bias in the publication or is it non-partisan? Who is the sponsor (publisher or benefactor) of the publication? What is the agenda of the sponsor – to simply share information or to influence social or political change? Some publications have specific political perspectives and outright state what they are, as in Dissent Magazine (self-described as “a magazine of the left”) or National Review’s boost of, “we give you the right view and back it up.” Still, there are other publications that do not clearly state their political leanings; but over time have been deemed as left- or right-leaning based on such factors as the points- of-view of their opinion columnists, the make-up of their editorial staff, and/or their endorsements of politicians. Many newspapers fall into this rather opaque category. A good rule of thumb to use in determining whether a publication is liberal or conservative has been provided by Media Research Center’s L. Brent Bozell III: “if the paper never met a conservative cause it didn’t like, it’s conservative, and if it never met a liberal cause it didn’t like, it’s liberal.” Outlined in the following pages is an annotated listing of publications that have been categorized as conservative, liberal, non-partisan and religious. -
The Jewish Idea: Morality, Politics, and Theology Tikvah Summer Fellowship for College Students
THE TIKVAH FUND 165 E. 56th Street New York, New York 10022 The Jewish Idea: Morality, Politics, and Theology Tikvah Summer Fellowship for College Students June 18–July 31, 2015 Calendar The Jewish Idea: Morality, Politics, and Theology June 18–21, 2015 THE MODERN JEWISH CONDITION: A CONVERSATION Thursday, June 18 Friday, June 19 Saturday, June 20 Sunday, June 21 Candle lighting at 8:12 PM Breakfast Breakfast Breakfast 9:30 AM – 10:00 AM 8:30 AM – 9:30 AM 8:45 AM – 9:30 AM Travel to Glen Cove, NY Shacharit Nationhood and Vulnerability William Kristol 10:00 AM – 12:00 PM 9:30 AM – 12:00 PM 9:30 AM – 12:00 PM Lunch Lunch Lunch and Callings and Careers III: Abe Socher 12:00 PM – 1:00 PM 12:00 PM – 1:00 PM 12:30 PM – 2:00 PM Tradition and Progress Authority and Interpretation Back to NYC Ruth Wisse Abe Socher 2:15 PM 1:00 PM – 3:30 PM 1:00 PM – 3:30 PM Callings and Careers I: Mincha William Kristol 4:00 PM – 5:30 PM 6:00 PM Welcome Dinner and Mincha, Kabbalat Shabbat, Dinner Introductions Maariv 6:30 PM Callings and Careers II: Ruth Wisse 7:00 PM – 8:15 PM 7:45 PM – 9:15 PM Dinner Havdalah 6:00 PM – 8:30 PM 8:15 PM 9:21 PM The Jewish Idea: Morality, Politics, and Theology June 22–26, 2015 REASON, REVELATION , AND MODERNITY Monday, June 22 Tuesday, June 23 Wednesday, June 24 Thursday, June 25 Friday, June 26 Candle lighting at 8:13 PM Breakfast Breakfast Breakfast Breakfast Writing (Tikvah is open for study and writing) 8:30 AM – 9:45 AM 8:30 AM – 9:45 AM 8:30 AM – 9:45 AM 8:30 AM – 9:45 AM “Why We Remain “Progress or Return?” I Preceptorial -
On Liberal and Democratic Nationhood
On Liberal and Democratic Nationhood by Paul Gottfried* The consubstantiality of liberalism and democracy has become a modem religious dogma. It is a doctrine transcending established political divisions, and ever since the de-Sovietization of Eastern Europe that began last year American journalists of otherwise differing ideological persuasions-Jeanne Kirkpatrick, Robert Novak, Ben Wattenberg, Michael Kinsley, Charles Krauthammer, Richard Cohen, and Jim Hoagland, for example-have urged the American government to nume the seeds of liberal democracy in Eastem Europe.' The synthesis for export should consist of democratic elections, the availability of equal citizenship to all residents of a country, the separa- tion of church and state, markets open to foreign investment, the introduc- tion of at least limited market economies, and enthusiastic concern for the steadily expanding list of what are styled "human rights" Distinctions between "liberalism" and "democracy" have obviously grown pass;, so much so that usually intelligent political theorists blur them without hesitation. In the May 1990 issue of Society, the Polish scholar Leszek Kolakowski, who holds professorships at both Oxford and Chicago, warns against nationalism's alliance with "spurious and fraudulent" con- cepts of democracy. Among the concepts Kolakowski fears nationalists may stray into are democratic socialism and theocracy. He thus seeks to remind his readers that democracy is incompatible with these phenomena. Rather it finds its essence in the erection of a "legal system, to guarantee both the equality in law of all citizens and the basic personal rights which include . freedom of movement, freedom of speech, freedom of associa- tion, religious freedom, and freedom to acquire property."* It may be argued that Kolakowski confounds democracy with liberalism, concepts traditionally viewed as at least discrete and possibly contradictory. -
Mrs. Thatcher's Return to Victorian Values
proceedings of the British Academy, 78, 9-29 Mrs. Thatcher’s Return to Victorian Values RAPHAEL SAMUEL University of Oxford I ‘VICTORIAN’was still being used as a routine term of opprobrium when, in the run-up to the 1983 election, Mrs. Thatcher annexed ‘Victorian values’ to her Party’s platform and turned them into a talisman for lost stabilities. It is still commonly used today as a byword for the repressive just as (a strange neologism of the 1940s) ‘Dickensian’ is used as a short-hand expression to describe conditions of squalor and want. In Mrs. Thatcher’s lexicon, ‘Victorian’ seems to have been an interchangeable term for the traditional and the old-fashioned, though when the occasion demanded she was not averse to using it in a perjorative sense. Marxism, she liked to say, was a Victorian, (or mid-Victorian) ideo1ogy;l and she criticised ninetenth-century paternalism as propounded by Disraeli as anachronistic.2 Read 12 December 1990. 0 The British Academy 1992. Thanks are due to Jonathan Clark and Christopher Smout for a critical reading of the first draft of this piece; to Fran Bennett of Child Poverty Action for advice on the ‘Scroungermania’ scare of 1975-6; and to the historians taking part in the ‘History Workshop’ symposium on ‘Victorian Values’ in 1983: Gareth Stedman Jones; Michael Ignatieff; Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Margaret Thatcher, Address to the Bow Group, 6 May 1978, reprinted in Bow Group, The Right Angle, London, 1979. ‘The Healthy State’, address to a Social Services Conference at Liverpool, 3 December 1976, in Margaret Thatcher, Let Our Children Grow Tall, London, 1977, p. -
Dissident Knowledge in Higher Education
Advance Praise for Dissident Knowledge in Higher Education “The space for dissent and real democratic debate is quickly shrinking both in public life and academic institutions in western democracies. Today, the cries of ‘fake news’ make the loudest (though rarely the best informed) voices the site of authority and truth. This volume helps readers in higher education ask critical and conscious questions about what it means to con- tend for truth. It is an important and significant read for those who want the intellectual space to remain a terrain for thinkers.” —Gloria Ladson-Billings, author of The Dreamkeepers “This deep and layered book maps the path toward a university based on eth- ics and justice rather than corporate needs and military standards. It reaches anyone who wants to understand the social, political, and economic trends that define our times. It is an outstanding contribution to the scholarship on higher education.” —William Ayers, author of Teaching with Conscience in an Imperfect World “Dissident Knowledge in Higher Education is a rich and multi-layered examina- tion of the impact of corporatization on our universities, as well as how they can be reclaimed. Highly recommended.” —James Turk, editor of Academic Freedom in Conflict dissident knowledge in higher education edited with an introduction by marc spooner & James MCNinch © 2018 University of Regina Press “An Interview with Noam Chomsky” © 2016 Noam Chomsky, Marc Spooner, and James McNinch This publication is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommerical- NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. See www.creativecommons.org. The text may be reproduced for non-commercial purposes, provided that credit is given to the original author. -
WHY COMPETITION in the POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA a Strategy for Reinvigorating Our Democracy
SEPTEMBER 2017 WHY COMPETITION IN THE POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA A strategy for reinvigorating our democracy Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katherine M. Gehl, a business leader and former CEO with experience in government, began, in the last decade, to participate actively in politics—first in traditional partisan politics. As she deepened her understanding of how politics actually worked—and didn’t work—for the public interest, she realized that even the best candidates and elected officials were severely limited by a dysfunctional system, and that the political system was the single greatest challenge facing our country. She turned her focus to political system reform and innovation and has made this her mission. Michael E. Porter, an expert on competition and strategy in industries and nations, encountered politics in trying to advise governments and advocate sensible and proven reforms. As co-chair of the multiyear, non-partisan U.S. Competitiveness Project at Harvard Business School over the past five years, it became clear to him that the political system was actually the major constraint in America’s inability to restore economic prosperity and address many of the other problems our nation faces. Working with Katherine to understand the root causes of the failure of political competition, and what to do about it, has become an obsession. DISCLOSURE This work was funded by Harvard Business School, including the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness and the Division of Research and Faculty Development. No external funding was received. Katherine and Michael are both involved in supporting the work they advocate in this report. -
Not Much Left
UC_Waldman (B1J).qxd 11/19/2007 3:33 PM Page 18 Chapter One In Locke’s Step Disheartened liberals and disgruntled ex-liberals in the early twenty- Wrst century should take some comfort in the fact that liberalism in America has a longer and more glorious history than the competition. It is older than socialism and conservatism—the beginnings of which are often traced to the Anglo-Irish statesman Edmund Burke’s classic work ReXections on the Revolution in France (1790)—and has outlasted fascism and communism. One could argue that liberalism’s protean qualities as much as its inherent appeal account for its longevity and signiWcance and explain the constant fear of conservatives that at any moment liberalism will reemerge as a powerful force in American politics. After all, the ability of liberalism (and leading liberals in the United States) to respond eVectively and forcefully to changing times and national crises, espe- cially during the 1930s and the early 1960s, is among its most notable characteristics. Many historians and political scientists trace the origins of liberalism or liberal thought to the English physician and philosopher John Locke (1632–1704). Locke’s ideas on liberty, tolerance, and the rights of the individual exerted a profound inXuence on, among others, Thomas JeVerson and James Madison. Madison read Locke and various Enlight- enment thinkers while a student at Princeton University in the early 18 Copyrighted Material UC_Waldman (B1J).qxd 11/19/2007 3:33 PM Page 19 In Locke’s Step / 19 1770s. In the words of the scholar -
Conservative Movement
Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul. -
Britain in Psychological Distress: the EU Referendum and the Psychological Operations of the Two Opposing Sides
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, HUMANITIES AND ARTS DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL AND EUROPEAN STUDIES MASTER’S DEGREE OF INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Britain in psychological distress: The EU referendum and the psychological operations of the two opposing sides By: Eleni Mokka Professor: Spyridon Litsas MIPA Thessaloniki, 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS Summary ……………………………………………………………………………… 5 INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………………. 6 CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF PSYCHOLOGICAL OPERATIONS ………….. 7 A. Definition and Analysis …………………………………………………………… 7 B. Propaganda: Techniques involving Language Manipulation …………………….. 11 1. Basic Propaganda Devices ……………………………………………………... 11 2. Logical Fallacies ……………………………………………………………….. 20 C. Propaganda: Non-Verbal Techniques …………………………………………… 25 1. Opinion Polls …………………………………………………………………… 25 2. Statistics ………………………………………………………………………… 32 CHAPTER TWO: BRITAIN‟S EU REFERENDUM ………………………………. 34 A. Euroscepticism in Britain since 70‟s ……………………………………………... 34 B. Brexit vs. Bremain: Methods, Techniques and Rhetoric …………………………. 43 1. Membership, Designation and Campaigns‟ Strategy …………………………… 44 1.a. „Leave‟ Campaign …………………………………………………………… 44 1.b. „Remain‟ Campaign …………………………………………………………. 50 1.c. Labour In for Britain ………………………………………………………… 52 1.d. Conservatives for Britain ……………………………………………………. 52 2. The Deal ………………………………………………………………………… 55 3. Project Fear …………………………………………………………………..…. 57 4. Trade and Security; Barack Obama‟s visit ……………………………………... 59 3 5. Budget and Economic Arguments ……………………………………………… 62 6. Ad Hominem -
Michael Novak and the Catholic
Mickael Novak ou la légitimation catholique du capitalisme Blandine Chelini-Pont To cite this version: Blandine Chelini-Pont. Mickael Novak ou la légitimation catholique du capitalisme. Marché des religions et religions du marché aux Etats-Unis, ENS Lyon, Laboratoire TRIANGLE UMR 5206, Oct 2014, LYON, France. hal-02271339 HAL Id: hal-02271339 https://hal-amu.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02271339 Submitted on 26 Aug 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Journée d’études Marché des religions et religions du marché aux Etats- Unis ENS Lyon, Laboratoire TRIANGLE UMR 5206 26 octobre 2014 organisée par Sabine REMANOWSKY et GILLES CHRISTOPH COMMUNICATION MICHAEL NOVAK OU LA LÉGITIMATION CATHOLIQUE DU CAPITALISME Blandine CHELINI-PONT LID2MS- Université d’Aix-Marseille Michaël Novak est un auteur néo-conservateur parmi d’autres de la droite républicaine américaine : Peter Steinfels dans une des premières recherches consacrées à la famille néo-conservatrice le cite comme un de ses penseurs majeurs, avec Nathan Glazer, Irving Kristol, Pat Moynihan ou Daniel Bell.1 De même Garry Dorrien lui consacre un chapitre entier de son ouvrage The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture and the War of Ideology2. -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER