The State and Shrines in Post- colonial Central Punjab (1947-2007)

NAME Umber Bin Ibad____

SESSION` 2009-2012

Roll No. Reg. 63-GCU-PhD-His-09

DEPARTMENT History

GC University Lahore

The State and Shrines in Post-colonial Central Punjab (1947-2007) Submitted to GC University Lahore In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the award of degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSPHY IN HISTORY

BY Umber Bin Ibad Reg. No. 63-GCU-PhD-His-09

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY GC UNIVERSITY LAHORE

DECLARATION

I, Umber Bin Ibad, Reg. No. 63-GCU-PhD-His-09, student of PhD in the subject of History session 2009-2012 hereby declare that the matter printed in the thesis entitled “The State and Shrines in Post-colonial

Central Punjab (1947-2007)” is my own work and has not been printed, published and submitted as research work, thesis or publication in any form in any University, Research Institution etc. in

Pakistan or abroad.

Signature of Deponent

Dated:

RESEARCH COMPLETION CERTIFICATE

Certified that research work contained in the thesis entitled ''The

State and Shrines in Post-colonial Central Punjab (1947-2007)'' has been carried out and completed by Umber Bin Ibad, Registration No.

63-GCU-PhD-His-09 under my supervision during his PhD (History)

GC University Lahore.

Dated: Supervisor

Submitted Through

Chairperson Department of History

GC University Lahore

Controller of Examination GC University Lahore Acknowledgments

This dissertation was not possible without the help of my family, friends, colleagues and teachers. It is hard to write down all the names, I am thankful to everyone who enabled me carry on higher education and made this dissertation possible. In this regard, I am especially thankful to my late father, and my friend, Bilal Ahmed. These two gave me support and trust when I needed those most.

I am thankful to GC university and the history department that provided me necessary support and ground to work on my dissertation. I owe thanks to the administration of the department, especially the existing chairperson, Dr. Muhammad Ibrahim for keep providing a conducive environment so vital for completing the dissertation. I am also thankful to Dr. Tahir Mahmood, for making easy my thesis submission process.

This environment gave me opportunity to interact and enjoy the company of such persons as those of Dr. Tahir Kamran, Bilal Ahmed (late), Sidra Minhas and Mirza Athar Baig. I learnt many things from these personalities. With some, I was able to develop a long term relationship and enjoyed taking advices and suggestions even when they left the department. I was also able to enjoy wonderful company of Dr. Jamal Malik and Dr. Uzma Rehman when they came as a visiting faculty in the department. Most of my dissertation present what Dr. Jamal Malik has already achieved through his work. His encouragement made me confident for moving on the path.

It is not without the support and guidance of my supervisor, Dr. Farhat Mahmud, and my co- supervisor, Dr. Tahir Kamran, I could carry on my dissertation. Dr. Farhat gave me full liberty to develop my ideas. His liberal and frank mode of discussions encouraged me a lot to make headway. Dr. Tahir Kamran provided me with equal guidance and support. My dissertation is an idea came out of the discussion taking place in his office with Dr. Varinder Kalra. After his departure to Cambridge, he kept sending me important readings and never lessened his guidance.

I was lucky to go and stay for six months in Manchester University, UK with Dr. Virinder Kalra. His wonderful hospitality and intellectually stimulating company made my stay not only productive but also enjoyable. Several ideas discussed in this dissertation are outcome of discussion with Dr. Virinder. His emphasis on shrines as a pluralistic and syncretic space, often transcends articulated religious boundaries keeps me cautious in finding my way to understand the site of shrine. He never showed reluctance to engage in discussion and always there to push me to improve my position. He was also kind enough to read my drafts and criticized them to make me improve my writing.

I am thankful to my friends and colleagues, especially, Dr. Ali Qasmi, Dr. Hussain Ahmed, Tahir Jamil, Ishfaq Ahmed Lone, Muhammad Afzal Khan, Noor Rehman, Faiza Wain, Muhammad Riaz, Muhammad Usman, Rehan Mughal and Tanveer Rehmat Qureshi. Dr. Ali Qasmi and Muhammad Afzal Khan always provided me with the new researches related with my topic. Both were also kind enough to read some part of my work. My friend, Dr. Hussain Ahmed made me shape this thesis in its present form. His diligence and editing skills made me revise and edit the dissertation many a times. His PhD thesis, Artisans, Sufis and Colonial Art Institutions in

I

Nineteenth Century Punjab, itself remained a guide to me. It is not without his patience and help, I could make a presentable dissertation. My friends, Noor Rehman and Tahir Jamil always facilitated and supported me. Ishfaq Ahmed Lone and Rehan Mughal accompanied me to my visit to shrines. Without the support of Rehan Mughal, I could not write and publish my research paper needed to submit my thesis. I am especially thankful to my friend Tanveer Rehmat Qureshi, a practicing lawyer of Lahore High Court. It is due to his guidance that I was able to access important documents from Lahore High Court Library. He also helped me to understand legal documents.

My friends, Faiza Wain, Muhammad Riaz and Muhammad Usman accompanied me during my visits to the shrines, Punjab Archive and Auqaf department. Muhammad Usman guided my visits, especially in and around the shrine of Data Sahib, Lahore and helped me taking many valuable interviews. I am thankful to Muhammad Riaz, who accompanied me to many shrines outside Lahore and always there for any help. Faiza Wain was kind enough to provide me access in Punjab Assembly library and Punjab Archive. Her help made me read important assembly reports and notifications. I am especially thankful to my friends, Ghair Alam, Ali Shair, Muhammad Owais, Muhammad Khurram and Umair Ayyub for listening my views patiently.

I am highly indebted to Higher Education Commission of Pakistan for providing me funding for my stay in Manchester. My stay remained invaluable for me and provided me opportunity to access important documents from British Library and Manchester University Library. The stay also enabled me to enjoy the company of brilliant scholars and shared with them my thoughts. My presentation and the feedback in Punjab Research Group conference was vital. It was thrilling to present a chapter of the dissertation in the presence of Ian Talbot, Younas Samad, Tahir Kamran, Pippa Virdee and Iftikhar Malik.

It is not easy to extract information from a state department in Pakistan. To facilitate my task, I am thankful to the staff of the concerned state departments, especially that of Auqaf department, Punjab Public Library and Punjab Secretariat Library. The staff not only bore my presence patiently but some of them also guided me to important information. I am thankful to Tariq Mahmood Pasha, the Secretary of the Auqaf department, Qazi Abdur Razzak a kind-hearted officer from Auqaf head office, Ghafir Shahzad, Deputy Director Projects, managers of the shrines, staff of Data Darbar library and Ulema Academy. I can't forget the hospitality of Dr. Babar, who not only provided me with important data but also facilitated my visit of Data Darbar hospital.

In the end, I deeply acknowledge my family, especially my mother, wife, brother and sister. My wife, Nadia, helped me in designing images and managing my data. Without her constant encouragement, patience and trust in me, I could not carry on the tedious task of working on the dissertation.

II

Contents

Acknowledgements I

Contents III

Summary VI

A Note on Transliteration VIII

List of Abbreviations IX

List of Maps X

List of Tables XIV

INTRODUCTION 1

0.1. Literature Review 10

0.2 Methodology 17

0.3 Theory of Post-Colonial State 18

CHAPTER 1. Colonial State And Shrines 27 1.1. Shrines, British rule and Central Punjab 27 1.2. Languages and Sufi-Spiritual Writings 33 1.3. Local Historical Imagination: Remembering 37 and Forgetting Shrine-Based form of Life 1.4. Negating Shrine-Based Practices: Muslim Revivalist Movements and Spiritual space 43

III

1.5. Islamized Sufistic Spirits as the Closest Voices and Defenders of Shrine Based Practices 47 1.5.1. Urban Shrines and Central Punjab 53 1.6. Conclusion 57

CHAPTER 2. Double Re-Territorialization: Trailing Towards The Nationalization Of Shrines 60 2.1. Communal Politics and Emergence of Re-territorialized Muslim Identity 61 2.1.1. Ahrar, Iqbal and Anti-Ahmedi Politics: Consolidating Muslim Identity through Exclusion 64 2.1.2. Allama Iqbal's Articulation of the Singular Muslim Identity and Sufism 66 2.2. The Prevalence of Re-territoriality 68 2.3. Emergence of Muslim Politics and Jinnah's Muslim League 71 2.4. Double Re-territorializing: A Renewed Search for Identity on a New Soil 74 2.4.1. Objectives Resolutions: The Politics of Double-re-territorialization 76 2.4.2. Punjab Assembly and Auqaf 79 2.4.3. Post-Colonial Politics, Shrine-Based Practices and High-Morality 81 2.5.The Islamic Ideology and the Ground for Auqaf Ordinance 1959 84 2.6. Conclusion 90

CHAPTER 3. Transition from Moral to Total Control of Shrines 92

3.1. Muslim Waqf Acts, Communal Identity and Sikh Gurdwara Act, 1925 93 3.2. Punjab Auqaf Act,1952 and The Auqaf Board: From Moral to Public Control of Shrines 100 3.3. Controlling Sacred Spaces through Auqaf Ordinances: Post-Colonial Coloniality or Double re-territorialization 105 3.4. Defining Auqaf Laws through Judicial Decisions 119 3.4.1. Difference between Possessory Rights and Private Ownership 123 3.4.2. Public as Common People or Community, or Public as State 127 3.4.3. Rasoomat, State and Traditional Care Takers 127 3.5. Conclusion 130

IV

CHAPTER 4. Post-Colonial State, Shrines and Auqaf Department 132 4.1. Auqaf Department and the Rule of Ayyub Khan: Initiating Control for Reforms 132 4.2.Yahya Khan: Modernizing Islamic Traditions 143 4.3.Bhutto Government and the Working of Auqaf 146 4.4. Zia ul Haq Regime and Auqaf 153 4.5. Conclusion 158

CHAPTER 5. Developing and Re-defining Shrines in Post-Zia Period 160 5.1 Democratic Decade, Auqaf Department and Shrines 160 5.2 The Rule of General Musharraf and the Working of Auqaf 164 5.3. Economics of Auqaf : Income and Expenditure 169 5.3.1. Major Income Heads and Accounts of Auqaf 172 5.3.2. Zones and Income-Expenditure Details 175 5.3.3. Data Sahib Hospital and Income-Expenditure analysis 179 5.3.4. Head Office, Administration and Non-Development Spending 181 5.3.5. Badshahi Mosque 182 5.3.6. Zones and Expenditures 183 5.3.7. Religious Affairs: Administrative Appropriation of Shrines through Religious Disguise 185 5.3.8. Social Welfare and Accounts 188 5.4. Conclusion 189 6. Conclusion 191 Illustrations 197 Bibliography 208 Appendix 1 222 Appendix 2 223 Glossary 230

V

Summary

My thesis examines the relationship between the state and shrines in the post-colonial Central Punjab. The engagement of the state with the shrines resulted not only into developing new laws but also institutionalizing new department for controlling shrines. The mode of engagement however was unique not only in that before 1959, when the ordinance for controlling the Waqf (endowment) properties was promulgated first time, the shrines were not under the direct state control but also in the way the post-colonial state institutionalized its historically appropriated conception of religion. It seems that something significant had taken place in 1959 that initiated a new impulse for the otherwise modern state to control completely the traditional local-sacred sites of shrines.

The first chapter tries to bring forward the environment of colonial Punjab within which pluralistic shrine-based life found it within contesting discourses. The chapter proposes changes in shrine-based life world because of the colonial administrative insertions within lingual and religious life.

The Second chapter suggests that the religio-political development after 1920s engendered a sort of consensual structure for a new but singular Muslim identity. The chapter shows that the common ground emerging out of the efforts for singular identity develop a unique disposition towards the spiritual world as well. The chapter shows that Singular Islam, developed its identity transcending the soil, finds its position dominating over the voices attached to the soil or customs, a kind of re-territorialization. The chapter shows further that in a new political situation after 1947, a process of double-reterritorialization taken place in the situation when the Singular identity found itself with the newly acquired land to administer.

The third chapter examines the legalization process around the concept of Waqf, the religious legal concept with which the colonial and post-colonial state captures the existence of shrines. The chapter shows that the legalization process started to make shrines accountable. With the emergence of Singular Islam, the Muslim elite started developing reformative rules. However, in post-colonial situation the legalization turned into complete control of shrines.

VI

The fourth chapter discusses the policies and disposition of governments, started with the rule of Ayub Khan and ended with the Zia Ul Haq period. The chapter highlights the way Ayub Khan’s policies introduced the institutional structure to control shrines through Auqaf Department, and while providing glimpses of leftist leanings of early Bhutto period, ends explaining the Zia Ul Haq’s policies within controlled capitalistic economic framework.

The fifth chapter provides a final shift in imagining shrines while discussing Democratic and General Musharraf’s rule. During Musharraf period the development on many significant shrines taken place and shrines were imagined again as an Islamic Cultural Heritage site. The chapter also brings forward the monetary performance of the Auqaf department and analyzes its income and expenditure ratios during that period.

VII

A NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION

For the terms and names in Urdu, Punjabi and Siraiki, I follow the Oxford University Press Style Guide and popular usage of spellings in contemporary English publications. For easier reading, I omit diacritics.

VIII

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ABA Auqaf Board Act

APLD All Pakistan Legal Decisions

Bom Bombay

Cal Calcutta

EIC East India Company

FSP Female Singers' Prohibiting Act of 1943

FWPA Federal Waqf Properties Act, 1976

ILP Indian Law Reports

MWA Mussalman Waqf Act, 1923

MWVA Mussalman Wakf Validating Act, 1913

SGA Sikh Gurdwara Act, 1925

PWPO Punjab Waqf Properties Ordinance

PWP Punjab Waqf Properties

SC Supreme Court

SCMR Supreme Court Monthly Report

WPWPO West Pakistan Waqf properties Ordinance

IX

Maps

Map of Pakistan

Source: http://2012books.lardbucket.org/

X

Province of Punjab in 2007

The area of the Punjab is shown divided among Districts. Lahore is the capital of the Punjab. Source: Explore Pakistan, http://www.findpk.com

XI

Central Punjab

The area comprises of Districts, Lahore, Kasur, Narowal, Sheikhupura, Gujranwala, Gujrat, Sialkot, Hafizabad may be considered as Central Punjab. The present thesis focuses its research on this light grey areas of the province of the Punjab.

XII

Punjab During Colonial Period

The colours suggest division of Punjab on religious basis in 1947. Muslim area comprises of the left side of the river Sutlej. This area became part of Pakistan, the rest, along with the districts of Amritsar and Gurdaspur went with India.

Source: Punjab Census map of 1941. http://www.sasnet.lu.se/sasnet/sasnet-seminar-1947-partition-and-ethnic- cleansing-punjab

XIII

Tables

Table 1: Decade wise Income, Expenditures and Surplus relationship 171 Table II: The Break-up of the Structure of Major Heads of Income in 1996 and 2006 173 Table II-A: Income from major heads In 1986 174 Table: III-A-Z 175 Table: V(A)-DD: Income of Data Darbar 177 Table: V(B)-DD: Income increase in Volume 177 Table: III-I-Z: Zone wise Break up of Income 1996 and 2006 178 Table: III-A: Zone wise Income for 1986 179 Table: V-DH-IE: Expenditure on Data Darbar hospital in ratio with the income of Data Darbar shrine 180 Table: V-DH: Data Darbar Sahib Hospital ---2006 180 Table: IX-BM: Badshahi Mosque 183 Table: VII-E : Zone wise Break up of Expenditures 1996 and 2006 184 Table: VIII-MH: Expenses of main heads 1996 and 2006 185 Table: XI-E-RA: Zone wise Break up of Religious Affairs Expenditures 1996 and 2006 186 Table: X-SW: Percentage of Social Welfare Expenditures 188 Table: 1-L, Table: 1-K, Table: 1-S, Table: 1-G, Table: 1-Sk: Shrines Taken Over in the First year of 1960 in Lahore and Gujranwala Zones 198-200 Table: 2.1-DD: Property Details of the shrine of H. Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib taken over by Auqaf Department 200 Table: VIII: Details of Zones and Sectors of Punjab Auqaf in 70s and 80s 201 Table: IX : Zones and Circles under Punjab Auqaf Department after 1993 201

XIV

The State and Shrines in the Post-Colonial Central Punjab (1947-2007)

Introduction

In the context of politico-religio extremism and the prevalence of Militant Islam1, the search for the alternative ideologues within political thinking regarding Islamic society has been taking its hold.2 Pakistan has been under attack, for the last decade or so, of the unique form of militancy.3 Without any hesitation, the militants attacked Sufi-Pir shrines, which they considered un-Islamic. Since 2005, the militants targeted approximately twenty five shrines, including even the most famous and venerated shrines of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib of Lahore, Baba Farid in Pakpattan and Abdullah Shah Ghazi in Karachi, across the country.4 The attacks where uncovered the religious-tilt of the militants there at the same time highlighted further the shrine-based spiritual practices as a hurdle to the growth of Militant mode of Islam.5 As the state controls almost all of these significant shrines, even the state found it necessary to highlight shrines, and the attached Sufism, as the peaceful remnant of Islam which closely connected with Muslim culture.6

1 The current wave of terrorism, especially in Pakistan, embedded within religious extremist ideas has been largely political. The extremist ideas found their expressions in order to promote not only a certain form of militant struggle against political forces but also to propagate certain form of religious views, closely associated with Deoband and Wahhabi sects of Muslims. 2 Events, since the September 11 attacks have caused Western Analysts to look at Sufism more closely as a counter-weight to militant Islam. RAND corporation recommended "encouraging Sufism, since it is an 'open,' intellectual interpretation of Islam." Amitabh Pal, Islam Means Peace: Understanding The Muslim Principle of Nonviolence Today (California: Greenwood Publications, 2011). Ron Geaves, Who Defines Moderate Islam 'post'-September 11?, in Ron Geaves (ed.), Islam and the West: Post 9/11, (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2004) p.67. 3 “Ideology is an instance of imposing a pattern—some form of structure or organization—on how we read (and misread) political facts, events, occurrences, actions, on how we see images and hear voices”. In this way, ideology is a “set of beliefs characteristic of a social group or individual”. See chapter 1., in Michael Freeden, Ideology: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p3. Also, Oxford Dictionaries, http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/ideology (27 November 2012). 4 Friday Times, Attacks on Sufi shrines signify new conflict in Pashtun lands, February 03-09, 2012 - Vol. XXIII, No. 50. Source: http://www.thefridaytimes.com/beta2/tft/article.php?issue=20120203&page=3#sthash.pyFLqeJl.dpuf. 5 One of the banned militant organization criticizes Sufism because of its ability to dampen the jihad spirit. Hassan Abbas, Pakistan's Drift into Extremism (New Delhi: Pentagon Press, 2007) p.215 6 Since the first speech of Ayyub Khan at the shrine of Bhattai, one finds portrayal of Sufi-Pir as an emblem of peace and humanity. However, in recent times, Musharraf government stressed its focus upon showing Sufistic ideas as pacifist version of Islam against the increasing militancy. More lately, the government officials denounced attacks on the shrines with the emphasis that terrorist activities can't reduce the popularity of peace-loving devotees of Sufi shrines.

1

This position however ignores the historical development and the complex but over- lapping relations between Sufism7 and shrines-based practices,8 on the one hand, and their relationship with colonial-post-colonial state, on the other hand. Before 1959, the shrines were not under the state control and there was no state department of Auqaf responsible for taking care of shrines. Even during colonial period the state did not try to control shrines directly through its bureaucracy. It seems that something significant had taken place in 1959 that initiated a new impulse for the otherwise modern state,9 supposed to further institutional development, to control cultural and traditional sites of shrines and attached Sufistic practices. After taking over, the state not only controlled the functions of the shrines through its officials, but also seems to be involved in religious ceremonies.10 The state activities seem to be encoding new sort of relationship between religious and political authorities at the site of shrine.11 There seems to be a need to trace

7 Sufism may be differentiated from scholarly and judicial tradition. In this sense it is understood as the Islamic emotional discourse opposed to the ‘cold’ and ‘technical’ constructions put forward by theologians and judicial scholars (Schimmel 1975:130–148, 287). However, for Ewing, Sufism as a Colonial Construct becomes equivalent to religion through colonial oriental studies and administrative policies. Ewing not only considers Sufism as a Colonial Construct but also understands the term Sufi Pir as a Colonial Construct. Katherine Pratt Ewing, Arguing Sainthood: Modernity, Psychoanalysis and Islam (London: Duke University press, 1997) pp.41-64. However, the term Sufi has a long history and a long tradition of Muslim Saints kept on identifying themselves with this tradition. One can trace this term as much back as to the writings of Hajweri in India. Hussain Ahmed Khan, Artisans, Sufis and Colonial Art Institutions In Nineteenth-Century Punjba, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Singapore, 2012, p.7. Even Carl Ernst, though shows no sign to make distinction between a Sufi tradition and a Muslim saint, yet writes his observation as: ''There is no Sufism in general. All that we describe as Sufism is firmly rooted in particular local contexts, often anchored to the very tangible tombs of deceased saints, and it is deployed in relation to lineages and personalities with a distinctively local sacrality. Individual Sufi groups or traditions in one place may be completely oblivious of what Sufis do or say in other regions”. Carl W. Ernst, “Situating Sufism and Yoga”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, Vol. 15, No. 1 (2005), p. 22. 8 The study of Geertz moves away from the research of Trimingham and disassociate Sufsitic practices from organizational aspect. The delinking brings out on the one hand the possibility of seeing Sufi in multiple forms, and on the other hand it makes shrines distinct from the necessary connection with Sufi mysticism. Clifford Geertz, Islam Observed: Religious Development in Morocco and Indonesia (Chicago: University of Chicago press, 1968), pp.18-19. 9 The rule of Ayyub Khan, at-least for its initial period was antithetical to superstition, irrationality, corrupt and backward traditional social practices. Ewing writes that, '' this effort to redefine the Sufi saints and shrines... was one strategy for attempting to put some positive content into the empty vessel that was Islam as it had been articulated secular, post-colonial Western educated political elite.'' Katherine Pratt Ewing, Arguing Sainthood: Modernity, Psychoanalysis and Islam (London: Duke University press, 1997) p.89. 10 It is quite common to see state officials go to Data Sahib and make Chadar Charrhai (cover the tomb with Chadar).

11 See, Katherine Pratt Ewing, The Politics of Sufism: Redefining the Saints of Pakistan , Journal of

2 the politico-religio formulation of the state that ensued the new form of relationship between shrines and the Postcolonial state.

This dissertation intends to understand the relationship between the state and shrines, with its focus upon the districts comprising central areas of Pakistani Punjab, also popularly termed as Central Punjab, which include districts of Lahore, Qasur, Sheikhupura, Sialkot, Gujranwala and Narowal. In the colonial period, the term of Central Punjab was officially used for the region comprising Lahore division that further included districts of Amritsar, Lahore, Gujranwala, Montgomery, Sialkot and Gurdaspur. However, as after the partition of 1947, the Amritsar and Gurdaspur districts became part of Indian Punjab, and many Tehsil or sub-districts grew to become themselves district, the area under the colonial Lahore Division became central area of Pakistani Punjab. The term Central Punjab also stood for a zone comprising the region almost similar to that of colonial Lahore division, excluding Montgomery, after the establishing and starting of the working of Auqaf Department in 1959. As the Auqaf department divided its activities into different zones, the Central Punjab became an important zone comprising the area of the Lahore and Gujranwala Division. However, the Auqaf department restructured its working in 1993-94 and, because of the huge growth of the sites and income of shrines, dissolved the zone of Central Punjab into five further zones of Lahore, Gujranwala, Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib Lahore, Badshahi Mosque Lahore and Data Sahib Hospital Lahore.

The zones of central districts of Punjab not only comprising the most thriving urban areas of Punjab, these areas also comprise the most famous shrines. Often, the shrines were perceived as attached with agricultural life-form,12 irrational and archaic in character,13

Asian Studies, 42:2 (1983:Feb.) pp.251-268. 12 Many of the historical studies focussed upon shrines, highlighted shrines or saints from the rural areas. For example, Richard Eaton studies the shrine of Baba Farid and its impact on agricultural life-form. Most of the Sufi-Saints, as discussed by David Gilmartin in his significant work on Punjab belonged to rural areas. In many of the memories, biographies and anthropological work, we find the study of shrines and their natural relationship with the rural life-form. Gurdit Singh. Mera Pind. Chandigarh: Sahit Prakashan, 1965. Many of the Orientalist studies also understood shrines as a rural phenomenon attached with the agricultural life-form of Punjab. Denzil Ibbetson, Edward Mclagan and H. A, Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North West Frontier Province (Lahore Superintendent, Government Printing Punjab, 1919). 13 Almost all forms of colonial scriptural streams of Islamic thought considered pluralistic shrine-based practices as irrational and superstitious.

3 and only to be a stretched out existence in urban areas.14 However, the most famous, central and thriving shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib is situated in Lahore, the biggest urban area of Punjab. The area also has shrines of such famous saints as that of Mian Mir, Madhu Laal, and Shah Jamal in Lahore, Bullai Shah in Qasur and Shah Daula Daryai in Gujrat. Other than the shrines of these historical figures within the urban areas, the zones also have lot of shrines of such contemporary saints as that of Mian Sher Muhammad Sharakpuri, Jamat Ali Shah Saani and Jamat Ali Shah Ameer e Millat in semi-urban areas. It seems the phenomenon of shrines is wider than can be located within urban and rural boundaries.

Shrines, though termed as irrational and superstitious by rational urban Islamic thought,15 yet, mostly, shrines are considered as ''sacred,''16 and associated with Muslim Sufi-Saints in Pakistan.17 Shrines are taken as the sacred site of the Sufi-Saints still able to have power to provide help to the devotees.18 Shrines are also considered to be popular expression of religion19 embedded in the spirit and practices of Islamic Sufism and pluralistic mystic practices around the tombs of Sufi-Saints.20 Islamic Sufism has its long

14 When Nile Green discusses about the shrine of a Padro Shah, a Portugese converted to Islam, in seventeenth and eighteenth century Bombay, he is intrigued by the emergence of a shrine at the threshold of the modern-urban life. Nile Green, The Bombay Islam: The Religious Economy of the West Indian Ocean, 1840-1915 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011) 15 Richard Kurin, The Structure of Blessedness in Muslim Shrine of Pakistan, Middle Eastern Studies, p.312-313, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Jul., 1983), pp. 312-325, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4282949, Accessed 23/06/2010 16 This term may be aligned with the lose usage of Muslim, Hindu or Sikh where identities are not clearly demarcated through well-defined religious ideology. Scholars such as Cohen, Dirk, Kozlowsky, Ayesha Jalal and Ewing emphasize that colonial rule generated a competing and hardened phenomenon of communal identities. 17 Modern Scholars have the tendency to locate different forms of religious type into rural and urban regions. Both Francis and Gilmartin, while making difference between Sufi and Ulema, locates Ulema in urban area and Sufi in rural region. Francis Robinson, Islam South Asia and the West (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 59-98; David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (Berkeley: California University Press, 1988), pp.52-56. 18 Field study of Ewing reveals that even a person dislikes living pir, does not stop going to shrines. Katherine Pratt Ewing, Arguing Sainthood: Modernity, Psychoanalysis and Islam,pp. 112-116. 19 David Gilmartin, Tribe, Land and Religion in the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan, Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Berkley, 1979. 20 This dissertation will use the term Sufi-Saint in order to bring forward plurality of the spiritual life-forms. The word Sufi relates with a long tradition of Islamic spiritual life, and sometimes even use as synonym with Sufism. However, Saint, although an English word it is only to be used here for the lack of any other word for connoting multiple variations of similar vernacular life-phenomenon. One can find words, like

4 tradition and often stretches as far back as into the early years of the emergence and prevalence of Islam. The tradition of Sufism has a well articulated form of its own metaphysics and organizational structure divided into orders (Silsilai) and sub-orders. The tradition also carries a continuous development and kept on manifesting multiple organizational forms.21 The strong spiritual tradition of Islamic Sufism has been conceived as singularly prevailed upon shrines in Pakistan. This position also correlates with the state policies 22 and in its stronger version refuses to accept that the tradition of Sufis received influence from the local traditions.23

Without contending that Muslim Sufis make a dominant part of this space, and makes it easy for the rulers to appropriate many such spaces as intermediary cultural posts,24 the dissertation however argues that the taking over of the shrines made easy because of the ideological development during later colonial period. Since 1930s the major ideological development within reformist rural-Sufi tradition and urban religious scholarship such as that of Allama Iqbal converge on a singular conception of Islam in order to redefine the Muslim identity. The dissertation understands this situation as a re-territorialization process that delinks the customary ties by re-linking identity with certain Islamic teachings and symbolic ethos. The re-territorialization process also highlighted a unique thread of Sufistic ideas and denigrated all those practices embedded within pluralistic customary traditions. The new form of identity furthered the process of reforming activities at the site of shrine and initiated imagining the site in the gaze of mosque.

Darvesh, Baba jee, Saain, Faqir, etc. in local imaginations and recollections, especially in nineteenth century works like that of Maulvi Noor Ahmed. See, Maulvi Noor Ahmed, Tahqeeqat e Chishti. 21 The works of Trimingham and Jamal Malik brings this development into light. Spencer J.Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971. Jamal Malik and John Hinnells (eds.). Introduction to Sufism in the West, (Routledge, 2006). 22 ''Muslim shrines and tombs of Sufi Saints represent Muslim Culture and Traditions...These Sufi Saints still rule over the hearts of Pakistanis and Muslims of other countries. With the passage of time the number of devotees has increased. The visit to shrines by millions of people every year is an abiding testimony of their absolute and undisputed sway over their followers and of their divine blessings emanating from their hallowed graves.'' Pakistan Tourism Development Brochure, 1985. 23 The strong version of Sufism maintains that Sufism has not received influence from any mystical tradition of sub-continent. 24 David Gilmartin maintains this position while discussing Rural Islam in Punjab. David Gilmartin, Tribe, Land and Religion in the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan, Ph.D. Dissertation, pp54-61.

5

The re-territorialization process entered into a new phase when the politics of Muslim League, after 1940s, employed the consensual ideology in order to take a new land for the Muslims of India. The success of the Muslim League, not only gained a sovereign control on a new piece of land, but also triggered a new re-territorialization process or double-re-territorialization. In the presence of a control of a new land, the Muslim identity had to redefine itself. Its delinked identity opened up a new horizon for a re- emphasized linkage with religion on a newly acquired land. The process of the redefining as double re-territorializing took place at multiple levels with the common theme of re-re- territorializing and de-de-territorializing. The process of double or re-re-territorializing process initiated a kind of consistent engagement with Islamic principles and opening up the possibility of implementing Shariat during the process of re-locating in the new geographical boundaries.25 The process provided a ground for multiple negotiated perspectives to play on the common ground of locating Muslim identity while refusing to be rooted in the soil.

The process engendered a new kind of politics, which Ali Qasmi terms as Politics of Islam.26 The Politics remained grounded within the search for new identity in the post- colonial state while retaining the identity largely shaped from the 1920s onwards. However, the Politics was not that smooth a process and contrasted severely with the inherited colonial state structures. The Politics opened up the process of "disputative negotiation" among contrasting revivalist religious articulations, "sectional interests" and

25 During debates of first constitution in early part of 1950s in Pakistan, Binder writes, "Most of the members from Bengal used up a large part of their time in excusing the long delay in constitution making, in recalling the struggle for Pakistan, in thanking God that an agreed formula had been worked out, in hailing the millenium when all the ideals of Islam would be realized through an Islamic constitution, and in praising the virtues of Islam. But when all this was said only six members specifically demanded that the Head of the State be a Muslim, only two specifically demanded that Islam be declared the state religion, and only eight specifically demanded that Pakistan be declared an Islamic republic." Leonard Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan (University of California Press, 1961), p. 323. 26 Ali Usman Qasmi considers the advantage of using this phrase is that at the very same time we can discuss the '' disputative negotiation of contrasting religious traditions, sectional interests and ideological worldview of key actors, and the imperatives of populist decision-making. It is the interplay of such variables and their relative strengths and weakness during different sets of socio-political, economic and, even, geostrategic compulsions, that has determined the course of Islam's role in the State of Pakistan.'' Ali Usman Qasmi, God's Kingdom on Earth? Politics of Islam in Pakistan, 1947-1969, Modern Asian Studies / Volume 44 / Issue 06 / November 2010, pp 1197 1253 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X09000134, Published online: 04 May 2010.

6

" politico-religious worldview."27 These interplay of interests and politico-discursive engagements not only kept the question for the role of Islam alive but also kept the ground of deep seated urge to search for identity, in the form of double-re- territorialization, intact in the post-colonial State of Pakistan.

For the post-colonial state, the process of double re-territorialization soon turned into a process of excluding Others completely from the context of singular Muslim identity. As the political elite refused to relate with the soil of the acquired land and insisted on maintaining its identification with Umma or universal-common-religious-group, the double re-territorializing stood upon de-territorializing the pluralistic traces embedded within soil and customs.28 Within the circles of political elite, the effort of re-identifying process concluded in forming Objectives Resolution in 1949. At another level, the process concluded in establishing non-state and, little later, state institutionalization of Anti-Ahmediyya movement. However, more than any other level, the process of double- re-territorialization redefined and institutionalized the concept of shrines and Sufism through excluding the deviant mystic and spiritual practices and identifying these sites with Islamized Shari practices.

Soon after Ayub Khan in power, his government took a step for taking over shrines through an urgently developed ordinance in early months of 1959.29 The West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1959 was to "consolidate and amend the law relating to management of Waqf properties in the province of West Pakistan."30 The apparently secular and modern rule of Ayub Khan31 promulgated the West Pakistan Waqf Properties

27 Ibid. 28 From the speeches of Objectives resolution, to both revivalists and Modern intelligentsia, and from Sajjada Nahsin to modern elite, one can have an echo of such process of identification. On one level, such conception even went to create a larger Islamized block, including all Muslim worlds, on which Khaliq uz Zaman, the president of Muslim League, even started serious working. Daily Imroze, Lahore, 11 January 1950. 29 The Ordinance of West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance was promulgated by the Governor of West Pakistan, on 15th April, 1959, and was published for general information in the Gazette. Ordinance XXI of 1959. P.L.D. Vol. XI-1959, p.202. 30 Ibid. 31 Such writers as, Jamal Malik and Vali Nasr, considered the policies of Ayub Khan as an extension of colonial state structure through secular policies. Jamal Malik, Colonialization of Islam: Dissolution of

7

Ordinance, in order to implement modern Islamic ideology of Pakistan.32 Dr. Javed Iqbal, the major brain-child behind the Ordinance and the son of Allama Iqbal, provided a justification for such an ordinance through his unique interpretation of the ideas of Allama Iqbal in a book published during the very same year.33 He re-invoked meticulously the consensual ideology, earlier employed by Muslim League during freedom movement, and the detailed criticism of all those Sufistic streams embedded within pluralistic traditions. Ayub Khan, by providing a foreword of the book, also chipped in his version of Islam and supported the efforts for taking over shrines from the control of traditional and customary care takers through the promulgation of a legal ordinance.

The universal legalization regarding taking over the shrines, that started taking place since 1959, reduced the multiplicity around Muslim shrines and turned them into singular conceptual entity. The legalization process took place not only through government ordinances but also through judicial process. On the one hand the legalization employs the concept of Islamic Waqf under which shrines have been conceptualized. On the other hand the shrines have been conceptualized as the deviant forms turned away from the right path paved by the original Sufi-Saint. The Muslim saint of the shrine was conceived either as the preacher of Islam or the social activist. The legalization process authorized the state to take over shrines in order to mend the deviant path by introducing Islamic reforms on the shrines. Supporting the legalization process, the judicial process reduced the hidden ambiguities and vagueness regarding nationalization of the shrines. The judicial process facilitates through its unique interpretation of many important concepts such as Shrine, Religion and Waqf, the "justified" prevalence of the state control.

Traditional Institutions in Pakistan (Lahore: Vanguard Books, 1996), p.35. ; and Vali Reza Nasr, Islamic Leviathan: Islam and the making of State Power (New York: OUP, 2001), p.64. 32 “Such an ideology with us is obviously that of Islam. It was on that basis that we fought for and got Pakistan, but having got that we failed to order our lives in accordance with it. Also in our ignorance we began to regard the Islamic ideology as synonymous with bigotry and theocracy, and subconsciously began to fight shy of it.” Ayub Khan, a foreword in Javed Iqbal, The Ideology of Pakistan and its Implementation, with a foreword by Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan (Lahore: Sheikh Ghulam Ali and Sons, 1959). pp. x-xi. 33 Ibid.

8

However more than anything, it seems it is the monetary position of the shrines that made them significant enough for the post-colonial state. The state started its operations through a legal Ordinance, terming these sites as "Waqf Property".34 The Ordinance reduced their sacred position into a religious monetary concept already developed through colonial legal-judicial processes. However, the colonial rulers, though homogenized the religious tradition did not try to demystify completely the sacred nature of these sites. The post-colonial state moved further than colonial rulers in a sense colonize more completely the hitherto local sacred sites. However, the selectivity with which the state took over Waqf properties, with an emphasis upon monetary position, reflected its projective directions. During the changed situation, the post-colonial state invested a large amount on some of the "significant" shrines and by doing so turn them into a large site for visitation.

For taking over significant shrines, the state not only employed the inherited structure of colonial state along with the universal religious ideologue but also interfered within the organizational structure of the shrines. The state-managers replaced the traditional care takers, such as Sajjada Nashin or Mujawaran, on many present day significant shrines of Pakistan. The traditional care takers of shrines increasingly found their position short of being justified for appropriating the monetary gains coming out of shrines. Ensuring the distancing of the traditional care-takers from the shrine, the state-managers also started interfering in the customary religious practices. Gradually, managing the religious activities seems to be over-shadowing all other administrative activities of the Auqaf department. With the growth of Religious Affairs section, within Auqaf department, many other activities, traditionally considered to be dominant part of a shrine, such as langar-khana (space for donating free food) and customary supportive social relation seem to be losing their centrality.

It seems, after the direct control of the state, the shrines can be seen divided into two broad categories, that is Auqaf controlled shrines and non-Auqaf controlled shrines. There is also a suggestion that many non-Auqaf controlled shrines follow the already

34 West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance of 1959 conceives shrines as a Waqf Property.

9 encoded imagery of the Auqaf controlled shrines.35 The state policies seem to be redefining the concept of Sufi altogether along with the site of shrine. The magical and esoteric practices already gave place either for the stress on social welfare activities or Islamization of shrines and the politics of Sufism redefine the saints of Pakistan.36 The state policies seem to be creating a significant impact upon the sites of shrine and this dissertation feels the need to understand little more the working of the state and its relationship with the shrines controlled by the state and the way the post-colonial state devised laws, rules and organization for engaging with shrines.

Literature review

My work deals with the discipline of political history by taking help from insights of historical, anthropological and sociological works. The work takes help from the studies of religious, legal and judicial history. The work focuses on the relationship between post-colonial state and Sufi-Saint shrines, and, whenever feels needed also employs the works only upon shrines and the colonial or post-colonial state. The work also moves closely those writers examine the religio-politico history of later colonial period. The work engages with the writers interested in the structure of the post-colonial state. The work also places the working of Auqaf department into political context, and for this follows the analysis of the post-colonial political historian.

For the relationship between shrine-based practices and the colonial-post-colonial state, many important texts are available. However for the purpose of this thesis, the works of David Gilmartin, Ewing, Malik, Rozehnal, Sara Ansari, Troll, Frembgen and Pnina Werbner are important.37 The works of Sara Ansari and Gilmartin examines the

35 Katherine Pratt Ewing, The Politics of Sufism: Redefining the saints of Pakistan, Journal of Asian Studies, Vol.XL II, No.2, 1983 pp. 251-268. 36 Ibid. 37 David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989); David Gilmartin, Tribe, Land and Religion in the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan, Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Berkley, 1979; Sarah F. D. Ansari, Sufi Saints and State Power; The Pirs of Sind, 1843-1947 (Cambridge University Press, 1992); Frembgen, Jurgen Wasim. Journey to God: Sufis and Dervishes in Islam, trans. Jane Ripken (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2009); Pnina Werbner and Helene Basu, ed. Embodying Charisma: Modernity, Locality and Performance of Emotion in

10 relationship of Sufi-Pir and colonial state. Sara Ansari highlights the role of influential Sajjada Nashin or Pirs of Sindh as a collaborator of colonial rule. However, the work of Gilmartin is more significant as it remains focused on Punjab. Other than them, the works of Nile Green and Appadurai are also important to understand relationship between sacred site and the colonial state.38 The works of Kozlowsky, Nicholas Dirk and Erik Stokes are important to understand colonial judicial process and the colonial legal development.39 The thesis moves closely the way Kozlowsky treats the early colonial judicial process and shows the emergence of singular Muslim or Shariat Law. However, my work moves further to link itself with the development in later colonial period. The works of Jamal Malik and Ewing are significant for highlighting relationship between shrine-based practices and the post-colonial state. The work of Jamal Malik is important for relating the working of Auqaf department with the state controlled shrines and other related affairs.

The work of David Gilmartin,40 is significant to understand shrine-based Sufistic culture, both politically and historically in twentieth century colonial Punjab. His focus on Chishti revivalists and Naqshbandi protagonists brings out in sharp relief the activities of Sufi- Pirs and their countering with the hierarchical administrative structure of the state. The work places shrine based Sufism into rural settings and scriptural Ulema based Islam into urban setting of late nineteenth and early twentieth century India. The work also brings forward the conflicting relation between rural-Pirs embedded within shrine based Sufism, and urban Ulemas; where both seems to be toying with the Islamic symbolisms, the first one contains itself, or felt bound itself within the imperial hierarchical order in the

Sufi Cults (London: Routledge, 1998); Christian W. Troll (ed.), Muslim Shrines in India: Their Character, History and Significance. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989. 38 Appadurai, Worship and Conflict Under Colonial Rule: A South Indian Case, (Cambridge University Press, 2007) ; Nile Green, The Bombay Islam: The Religious Economy of the West Indian Ocean, 1840-1915 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011) 38 Richard Kurin, The Structure of Blessedness in Muslim Shrine of Pakistan 39 Gregory C. Kozlowsky, Muslim Endowments and Society in British India (Cambridge : Cambridge University press, 1980); Nicholas B. Dirks, From Little King to Landlord: Property, Law, and the Gift under the Madras Permanent Settlement, California Institute of Technology ; Eric Stokes, The English Utilitarians and India (London: Oxford University Press, 1959). 40 David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989)

11 position of an intermediary, there the second one tries to move away from the bounds of imperial order or searches for the alternative boundaries. This work significantly differentiates between Brelvi Ulema’s efforts as sympathizers of mediatory Islam of Sufism and the activities of Sufis themselves. The Brelvi Ulemas though sympathize with Sufistic Islam yet at the same time employ the very Islamic symbolism used by Deobandi and other urban revivalist Madrasas. The structural historical analysis, as this work mainly is, unearths significance of Sajjada Nishins as a landed “agricultural tribe” for the Colonial administration. The other forms of sajjada nishin such as Pir Jamat Ali Shah of Ali Pur Syeda or Pir Mahr Ali Shah of Golra Sharif appears as protagonists of reformist scriptural Islam. The work, however, does not concern itself with urban shrine-based Sufism.

In her work, Sarah Ansari places Sufi saints of Sind in a role of “local collaborators” for British Empire to establish and sustain its rule. This work, while setting the stage after describing the settlement of “major” Sufi-Saints in Sind from Sukkhar to Thatta, brings forward the antinomian ideology and policy of colonial power. The colonial rule negated the very existence of the institution of Sufi-Saints, as an abode of eastern superstition and archaic local knowledge, though at the same time initiated policy of engaging them as a collaborator for administrative rule. The relationship between Pirs and colonial administrators though faced upheavals especially during the Hur rebellion and Khilafat movement (1919-1923), the power of the Pirs persists and their position as social elites remained intact. The work enables to understand Pirs, and with it Sufism as such in Sind. The work, though, presents Pirs as social elite yet substantiate its arguments by considering social elites as Pirs. The force of the work conceals the fact that elite Pirs in Sind, like Pir Pagaro and Hala families gathers their force as collaborators because of their being as social elite possessing large number of lands. The study does not include the narration of Qalandari Pirs of Lal Shahbaz Qalandar, for example, in order to present relationship of state and Pirs. Such Pirs, obviously, remains out of the study of Ansari who focuses attention on those Pirs-Zamindars became collaborators for colonial administrators.

12

Such writers, as that of Gilmartin, Ernst, Eaton, Nile Green though focus on shrines yet remain bound with the tradition of equating Muslim saints as Sufi, and in a sense equate shrines with Muslim Sufis.41 Sororova however moves away from their position and while admitting that making graves is a Muslim phenomenon, highlights that gradually the accession of the Hindus to the Islamic cult of saints and to the rites of the veneration of tombs started taking place quite early. There are some rare works as that of Frembgen on Mama jee, highlights the individual presence of a Malang, in Rawalpindi, and the interviews of Ewing from a Qalandar, in Lahore, in later half of twentieth century, highlighted the plurality of religious expressions and showed the possibility of trans- religious mystical grounds. The work of Dominique and Khan highlights the inter- religious character of sites of shrine through the study of Muslim Baba Rattan in Bhatinda and Pir Ratannath (a Nath jogi) in Peshawar.42 The study also highlights a related Dargah Mandir Pir Baba Ratannath of Delhi, shows a conjunction of Hindu and Muslim religious worlds. The work understands the figure of Baba Ratan or Rattan Nath as the bridge between Hindus and Muslim. 43 In another work, Marianne Elizabeth highlights the intermixture of Sufi teachings and Hinduisation of Sai Baba, a nineteenth century Muslim saint and shrine of Maharashtra. The shrine soon emerged more like a Hindu Temple than a Muslim shrine.44

41 Later works of Gilmartin also brings forward the sites of over-lapping religious saint figures. '' Individual religious differences between Muslims and Hindus (as between other generic religious categories, like Saiva and Vaisnava, Sunni and Sh‘ia) were framed by their operation within a pervasive structure of personalized religious authority [. . .] This is not to say that marks of generic Hindu or Muslim identity were insignificant. But since religious virtue and spiritual power were embodied preeminently in holy individuals, religious identity was defined primarily in relation to individual teachers, masters, or Sufi exemplars.'' Gilmartin and Lawrence, Beyond Turk and Hindu. Rethinking religious identities in Islamicate South Asia (New Delhi: India Research Press, 2000), p.18. Many sacred figures of North India are endowed with a dual or even more complex identity. Among them Satya Pı¯r, the Bengali saint also worshipped as Satya Na¯ra¯yan. T.K. Stewart, Alternate structures of authority: Satya pı¯r on the frontiers of Bengal. In D. Gilmartin & B. B. Lawrence (Eds.), Beyond Turk and Hindu. Rethinking religious identities in Islamicate South Asia (pp. 21–54), (New Delhi: India Research Press, 2000) 42 Rose writes about Pir Ratan Nath, as ‘‘The chief saint of the Jogı¯s in the north-west is Pı¯r Ratn Na¯th of Pesha¯war, in which district as well as throughout Ka¯bul and Khora¯sa¯n, a kabit is said to be current which describes his power.’’ He adds in a footnote ‘‘Even the fanatical Muhammadans of these parts reverence Pı¯r Ratn Na¯th’’. H. A. Rose, Ibbetson, E.D. MacLagan, A glossary of the tribes and castes of the Punjab and North-West frontier provinces, Vol.II, (Lahore: Government Printing, 1919) p.407. 43 Veonique Bouillier and Dominique-Sila Khan, Haji Ratan or Baba Ratan`s Multiple Identities, Springer Science and Business Media, Vol. 37 (559–595), 2009. 44 Marianne Elizabeth Warren, The Maharashtrian Sufi Context of Hazrat Sri Sai Baba of Shirdi (1838- 1918), PhD Dissertation, University of Toronto, Center for South Asian Studies, 1996.

13

The vernacular works of later half of nineteenth century Punjab also moves away from understanding shrines as only the site of Sufi, and though emphasized upon Muslim-ness of the saints, never hesitated to bring forward the ''deviant'' or pluralistic practices and the visitation of the shrines through trans-religious communities. Writers such as Maulvi Noor Ahmed, Sir Syed Ahmed, Abdul Latif describe the story of Muslim saints without shying for Ghair-Shari (non-Shariat) shrine-based practices and visiting on their shrines of non-muslim communities in a large number. Along with these writers, such a work as that of S.M Ikram shows the presence of Panj Pir or Five saints comprising of Hindu, Sikh and Muslim background and venerated by all. These works correlated with the work of Rose, showing trans-religious figures as that of Gugga Pir, sometimes even considered to be engraved figure of Hindu king, Pirthvi Raj Chauhan,45 and some other times a saint for keeping safe from snake biting. A Tazkara (a biographical account of a Sufi-Saint) of Syed Jamat Ali Shah, in order to highlight the struggle for Islamization in early twentieth century tells us that it was not unconventional to give a similar status to Guru Hargobindh, sixth of the Sikhs Guru, as that of a Muslim saint and Muslims did not feel hesitant to write his name even on a mosque.

The works as that of Purewal and Kalra, Mir and Oberoi argues that the ''spiritual practices or acts of piety do not fit neatly into existing frameworks of religious syncretism or heresy.''46 Purewal and Kalra emphasizes that shrine-based practices may also be understood as the expression of coercive hegemonic relationships.47 These works insist on linking spiritual practices with cultural life-form, a shared notion of piety and devotion. My work finds itself aligned with their perspective but employed this position as a critical perspective in order to understand the development of the relationship in the

45 Ibid.,p.562. 46 N.K. Purewal and V.S. Kalra, Women's ‘popular’ practices as critique: Vernacular religion in Indian and Pakistani Punjab Women's Studies International Forum 33 (2010) 383–389, p.385; Mir, Farina (2006).Genre and Devotion in Punjabi popular Narratives: Rethinking Cultural and Religious Syncretism’. Comparative Studies in Society and History, 48(3), 727−758; Harjot, Oberoi, Popular Saints, Goddesses, and Village Sacred Sites: Rereading Sikh Experience in the Nineteenth Century, History of Religions, 31:4 (1992), University of Chicago Press, pp. 363-384; Harjot Oberoi, The construction of religious boundaries: Culture, identity and diversity in the Sikh tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994. 47 Ibid.

14 last decades of colonial rule. It is not that certain sort of religious emphasis has not always been there for saint-development, but the space always remains ready to keep it open across religious boundaries. My work understands this perspective as ''pluralistic practices'' and traces the reduction of these practices in the face of gradually increasing and clearly defining communal identities and the colonial-post-colonial judicial process that kept on defining rules for the segregating identities.

In order to move through political-communal situation of twentieth century Punjab, within which communal segregation and communally segregated sites of devotion had taken place, the dissertation finds works of Ayesha Jalal, Younas Samad, David Gilmartin, Ian Talbot, Gail Minault, K.B Saeed and Khushwant Singh48 very important. Ayesha Jalal provides an incisive analysis of the decade of 1920s and 1930s to highlight the communal politics in Punjab. The political analysis of Younas Samad shows that in the context of tension between the centrifugal and centripetal political forces, a brief moment of Muslim identity appeared during the decade of 1940s in India. However, as soon as the politics in the post-colonial state was again gripped within the centrifugal and centripetal political tensions, the brief period of identity started disappearing. Zafar Baloch49 and Janbaz Mirza50 are also important in showing events from their own perspective. Zafar Baloch provides important biographical sketches of Allama Iqbal and Zafar Ali Khan, while Janbaz Mirza provides perspective of Ahrar, a religious political party remained significant during the fast changing political environment of Punjab since 1930. The perspective balances some aspects of the communal and anti-Qadiani politics, remained dominated during that period.

48 Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II (New Delhi: OUP, 1999); Ayesha Jalal, Self and Sovereignty:Individual and Communiy in South Asian Islam Since 1850 (London: Routledge Publications, 2000); Younas Samad, A Nation in Turmoil: Nationalism and Ethnicity in Pakistan, 1937-1958 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1995); K.B. Saeed, Pakistan: The Formative Phase, 1857-1948 (New York: Oxford university Press, 1968); Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982). 49 Jafar Baloch, Iqbal aur Zafar Ali Khan (Lahore: Iqbal Academy Pakistan, 1995). 50 Janbaz Mirza, Karwan e Ahrar (Lahore: Idara Maktaba Tabsara, 1979).

15

For the post-colonial environment, and especially regarding the Politics of Islam,51 the works of Leonard Binder, C.W. Smith, Aziz Ahmed, Vali Nasr, and Justice Dr. Tanzil ur Rehman are significant.52 Binder, Smith, Ahmed, and Rehman are important in highlighting the politics for Islamization during first two decades of the post-colonial state of Pakistan. Binder, Smith and Rehman focus on the politics with an emphasis on the tension between religious and modernists. Qasmi, however, considers the Politics of Islam, as a continuous process without any break. For him the concept is important because it denotes the ''disputative negotiation of contrasting religious traditions, sectional interests and ideological worldview of key actors, and the imperatives of populist decision-making. It is the interplay of such variables and their relative strengths and weakness during different sets of socio-political, economic and, even, geostrategic compulsions that has determined the course of Islam's role in the State of Pakistan." For Qasmi the concept makes us stay on the making of continuous Islamic character, may be considered divided between modernist and conservative religious scholars within the post-colonial state.

The works of Jamal Malik and Ewing examines the relationship of post-colonial state and the changes taken place on the shrines-based life-form because of the pervasive ideological implementation. For Ewing, under the impact of the state ideologues the process of re-defining saints has already started taking place.53 However, Jamal Malik shows through the working of Auqaf department the post-colonial state integrate the traditional religio-cultural spaces into its own framework to enjoy monetary gains and make these spaces develop within colonial-bureaucratized control.54 The work of Jamal Malik is an interesting reflection on the extension of colonial state into post-colonial

51 Ali Usman Qasmi, God's Kingdom on Earth? Politics of Islam in Pakistan, 1947-1969, Modern Asian Studies / Volume 44 / Issue 06 / November 2010, pp 1197 1253 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X09000134, Published online: 04 May 2010. 52 Aziz Ahmed, Islamic Modernity in Sub-continent: from 1857 to 1964 (Oxford University Press, 1967); Justice Dr. Tanzil ur Rehman, Objectives Resolution and Its Impact on Pakistan Constitution and Law (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1996); Vali Reza Nasr, Islamic Leviathan: Islam and the making of State Power (New York: OUP, 2001). 53 Katherine Pratt Ewing, The Politics of Sufism: Redefining the Saints of Pakistan, Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XLII, No.2, 1983,pp. 251-268. 54 Jamal Malik, Waqf in Pakistan: Change in Traditional Institution, p. 97, Die Welt des Islams, New Series, Brill, Bd. 30, Nr. 1/4 (1990), pp. 63-97. Stable Resource: Jstor.

16 situation. He shows that the state remained successful in absorbing the Islamic institutions, however while doing it, reduced the interest of devotees from visiting them. He shows, however, that the state policies remained selective and they dissolved the traditional organizational structures without completely absorbed them. Malik thinks that the post-colonial state "enriches itself, pushes through its ideology and legitimizes it religiously."55

However, Jamal Malik understands post-colonial state in a secular way and considers its absorbing of the autochthonous institutions, which he also understands as Islamic, as providing the religious legitimacy to the state.56 This dissertation, however understands that the post-colonial state was not completely secular in its character. In order to present its position, this work tries to bring forward the formulation of politico-religious streams making bases for the post-colonial state. The work highlights the religious ideologue developing, appropriating and taking control of shrines by the Colonial Urban Sector 57 and Colonial Elites. The dissertation further shows that the gradual developing of universal religious ideologues and controlling techniques for organizing shrines, made the state carried on consolidating institutionalized Islamization.

Methodology

In order to bring out my argument, I employed reading of administrative and judicial reports. The thesis finds important material from the University of Manchester Library and British Library, London. From these sites, the thesis not only remains able to find some important information regarding colonial administrative reports, but also able to locate old but valuable texts. The library of High Court of Lahore remained helpful in providing reports of the court decisions and along with published laws. The thesis largely retrieved newspaper reports and notifications from Punjab Archives Lahore, GCU Archives Lahore, and the Punjab Public Library Lahore. These reports though provided

55 Ibid. 56 Ibid. 57 A term used by Jamal Malik for denoting the developed section of the colonial society. Jamal Malik, Colonialization of Islam: Dissolution of Traditional Institutions in Pakistan (Lahore: Vanguard Books, 1996).

17 the decisions taken by the state, however could not provide the reason behind them. It is hard to dig out argumentation behind the Ordinances however for the bills passed through assembly the situation is different. From Punjab Assembly, the thesis finds discussion of the parliamentarians. The discussion on Auqaf Board, 1952 and prohibition of female dancing Act of 1943 provided instance of argumentation of the ruling elites. I was also able to have access of the Internal Report of Auqaf department and its budgets. These reports and budgets helped me a lot in making financial analyses of the shrines.

However, another type of source that is also termed as, hagiographical remains very important to give first hand information and imaginative understanding of the shrines and Sufi-Saints. In studying shrines, it is common to face problems to find contemporary texts explaining the biographical or historical narration. One has to follow and interpret hagiographical material for reconstructing the historical facticity. The hagiographical material can be segregated into three categories: Malfuzat, Tazkirah and Maktubat. This thesis uses some of the Tazkirah for gaining insight into the biographies of Sufi-Saints and their works. The thesis has employed the work on Jamat Ali Shah, Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, Chishti Revivalists, Bugwiya saints and Mian Sher Muhammad Sharakpuri. Almost all of these works are in Urdu, and also remained filled with extra ordinary stories of Karamat (the super-natural ability of a Sufi-Saint). This thesis does not attempt to negate the existence of Karamat. Instead, this proposal tries to make sense, wherever possible, of such Karamat in the light of social reality. The reductionist approach will be avoided. However, it will be presumed that underlying social effects help producing and popularizing the super-natural narratives. On other occasions, the attempt will be made to historicize the stories related with certain shrine in order to emphasize how mythological understanding remains attached with the social beliefs and emerged out in certain socio- historical setting.

One of the most important ways to know shrines is to visit them. For a historian, it may seem strange to work in a way like that of a sociologist or an anthropologist, as this may keep him away from the archival resources. However, it seems pertinent that one should have a clear sense of one's living, and the phenomenon to which one is about to study

18 historically. As Edward Said writes while employing the tools of "historical, humanistic and cultural research," that, ''have I ever lost hold of the cultural reality of, the personal involvement in having been constituted as Oriental.''58 Therefore to visit and conduct interviews at shrines becomes very important, not only for adding, here and there, some historical insights, but also for keep reflecting upon one's condition. Shrines are many, even Auqaf department hardly have the complete record of their own controlled shrines. New shrines emerged out and only become known within the circle of their own followers or devotees. Further, practices at different shrines may vary. One may find multiple and diverse practices those may appear for others as non-religious. The important thing however for this work is to see whether the state develops and enforces coercive techniques to re-shape them or let them exist in their own way.

In order to add a little in the debate on the question of shrines, Waqf and the role of the post-colonial state, the present thesis put forward its questions in three directions. The promulgation of the Ordinance of 1959 remains the historical moment from which the directions of study see themselves emerging out. Topographically speaking, this moment becomes a point to wonder and a point of departure in different directions, both further back into Colonial history and in later post-colonial history. The Waqf Ordinance of 1959, in a sense, made a break in the history of shrines, mosques and Waqf. The moment brought out the merging of many different streams into one whole. The Waqf Ordinance was not only a legal act but it was also an amalgamation of a legal position into a religious conception for imagining shrines and other sacred spaces of Muslims. The ordinance also brought forward a political strand that not only provided justification but also furthered a unique political agenda. All these strands, however, merge together to form an institutional setting, a department of a post-colonial state with the authority to take over shrines, mosques and other sacred spaces in order to implement a unique form of religio-political ideologue.

58 David Kopf, Orientalism by Edward W. Said: a review, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 39, No.3 (May, 1980), pp. 495-506. 16-06-2013. p. 495.

19

The moment, therefore, becomes unique and translates into the possibility of historical tracing into multiple directions. The first direction shows the tracing of ideological formulations developed within Colonial State and provided Muslim community with a unique form of identity, or a re-territorialized space, having certain conception of shrine- based practices. The re-territorialized space faced a renewed attempt of forming Muslim identity in the post-colonial state and developed a rigidified coding for the shrine-based practices. The tracing ended on the attempt of the post-colonial state to have a justification for the Waqf Ordinance. The second direction is to trace legal history in a way that highlights the development of laws related to Waqf properties and shrines in both colonial and post-colonial period. The third direction is to show the working of the department of Auqaf in order to show the nature of state institution and its selective focus on shrines. While accepting that the post-colonial state has been secular in many of its colours, and remained engaged in a kind of Politics of Islam,59 without institutionalizing religion, this study, however would highlight that the post-colonial state seems to lose its secular character through appropriating and institutionalizing unique religious ideologues. The post-colonial state seems to have its unique character with a blending of secular and religious streams.

Theory of Post-Colonial State

This thesis understands its context Post-Colonial and it seems pertinent to discuss some important literature making the theoretical assumptions of the State. It was Edward Said who opened up the ways for understanding colonial epistemological hegemony emphasizing the relationship of knowledge and power. His “Orientalism”, employing the concepts of power-networks developed through the writings of Michel Foucault, helped

59 Ali Usman Qasmi considers the advantage of using this phrase is that at the very same time we can discuss the '' disputative negotiation of contrasting religious traditions, sectional interests and ideological worldview of key actors, and the imperatives of populist decision-making. It is the interplay of such variables and their relative strengths and weakness during different sets of socio-political, economic and, even, geostrategic compulsions, that has determined the course of Islam's role in the State of Pakistan.'' Ali Usman Qasmi, God's Kingdom on Earth? Politics of Islam in Pakistan, 1947-1969, Modern Asian Studies / Volume 44 / Issue 06 / November 2010, pp 1197 1253 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X09000134, Published online: 04 May 2010.

20 generating historiographies focussing upon the instrumental projective understanding of Europeans as colonizers. These historiographies emphasized the way European scholars understood the locals, largely as devoid of “civilized spirit”. These European scholars, or Orientalists as they understood themselves, though appreciated the development in the past life of the locals, they always negated the local‟s present from the elements of development and progress. For the Orientalist scholars, the autochthonous traditional structures, either already has been collapsed due to historical antiquity or never existed that could move along the progressive spirit of the Europeans.60 The locals therefore had to learn a new the whole civilizational process and for that must learn the European ways of life.

The historians like William Glover61, Washbrook and Rosalind O‟Hanlond,62 Richard Fox,63 Partha Chatterjee,64 Peter Van Der Veer65 and Ranajit Guha66explored the colonial India from the perspective of native subjects. They did it because of four reasons: first, they believed that rigid grid of modern state system was absent in colonial India; second, discourses of marginalized or subaltern classes could not be overlooked while understanding the colonial India; third, passive subject-position does not provide any clue to the origins and continuities of pre-colonial structures and ignores the „forces at work‟ and the crisis management strategies adopted by the British government. They considered the context of colony more complex because of local traditions/influences, local resistance, and limited interest of empire in the colony. Thus in these works they considered locals as an active agency which negotiated the colonizers. However, their

60 Umber Bin Ibad, The End of History: Interpreting Hegelian and Heideggerian conception of “Ground” and “Being” Towards Their Way to Truth, The Historian, Vol.7, No.2, 2009. 61 William J. Glover, Making Lahore Modern: Constructing and Imagining a Colonial City (London: University of Minnesota Press, 2008.p.xxi. 62 O’Hanlon and Washbrook, “After Orientalism: Culture, Criticism, and Politics in the Third World”, Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Jan., 1992), pp. 141-167, Jstore: http://www.jstor.org/stable/178988. 63 Richard G Fox, Lions of the Punjab: Culture in the Making (New Delhi: Archives Publishers, 1987) 64 Ranjit Guha (ed) Subaltern Studies IV: Writings on South Asian History and Society (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985), p.348-349. Also See Aijaz Ahmed, “Postmodernism in History”, in K N Panikkar, Terence J Byres and Utsa Patnaik (eds.), The Making of History: Essays Presented to Irfan Habib (New Delhi: Tulika, 2000), p.471. 65Carol A. Breckenridges and Peter van deer Veer (eds.), Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament: Perspectives on South Asia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993), pp.4-5. 66 Ranjit Guha (ed) Subaltern Studies IV: Writings on South Asian History and Society (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985)

21 overall trajectory assigns state more power than the locals, and treats locals as an active subordinate agent of the colonizer.

William Glover highlights the importance of recognizing active subject in colonial India. While discussing the role of the colonial state in the making of modern Lahore, he argues that the colonial discourses did not “habituate their (native‟s) body to particular behaviours”, but were meant to mould their sentiments and reasoning through persuasive methodologies.67 While highlighting the division of rural and urban living, he suggests that the very use of persuasive methodologies points to the British acceptance of active subjects in the colonies, especially in cities. To Glover, Foucault‟s “disciplinary” notion is “a modern form of control that identifies the docile body (rather than reflecting mind) as a site” that can be “subjected, used, transformed and improved” through a process of “uninterrupted, constant coercion”.68 Similarly, Rosalind O‟Hanlond and Washbrook, strongly criticize the passive subject representation in explaining the colonial histories.

Focussing upon colonial history, the subaltern theorists did not develop the character of the negotiated ground which they remain so enthusiastic to bring forward. For the theorists focussed upon post-colonial environment especially, the task remains open to formulate the conception of the “negotiated” ground. Two trends remain important in this effort: one Marxist and the other Post-Structuralist. Both of these trends, extracting the conceptual tools from their own theoretical traditions, analyze the post-colonial reality. The theorists like Hamza Alavi and Comaroff, developing upon Marxist tradition, understands post-colonial society by analyzing it into classes and economic patterns. Hamza Alavi‟s analysis stresses upon the unique post-colonial condition of the state emerged as a harbinger of colonial modernity though as a “periphery” within the compulsion of world-economy. His analysis identifies classes developed uniquely, though under the logic of peripheral capitalism, in the post-colonial world. His analysis of the post-colonial state makes him move away from conventional Marxist analysis and

67 William J. Glover, Making Lahore Modern: Constructing and Imagining a Colonial City (London: University of Minnesota Press), 2008.p.xxi. Also see William J. Glover, “ Objects, Models, and Exemplary Works: Educating Sentiment in Colonial India”. The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 64, No. 3 (Aug., 2005), pp. 541, 553. 68 William J. Glover, Making Lahore Modern: Constructing and Imagining a Colonial City (London: University of Minnesota Press), 2008.p.xxi.

22 brings forward the structure of post-colonial state as a kind of autonomous organism with a mediatory role for the propertied classes. The organism of the state, during the explicit domination of military-bureaucratic oligarchy remained focussed towards developing peculiar authoritarian order showing continuity of colonial authority.

Aligning with Hamza Alavi, Muhammad Waseem and Jamal Malik stress upon the continuity of colonial pattern of authoritarian order in the post-colonial society. Their historical analysis establish continuity of colonial rule and show how long the traces of past carried forward even within the history of liberated state. Jamal Malik stresses that it is the state, in both colonial and post-colonial world that introduces modernity. The introduction and prevalence of modernity not only remains in the infrastructural domain for reaping economic benefits but also in the traditional patterns of autochthonous life- forms. For him it is the state of Pakistan, in its secular form that introduced modernity, within traditional religious educational domain, the modern organizational rationality for pursuing the goal of Islamization. However, these positions couldn't see the intervention of religious streams within the ''secular'' state of Pakistan.

Hamza Alavi while highlighting the development of the structures of power-institutions stresses upon the existence and continuity of colonial hegemony and the pre-colonial traditional patterns side by side. The analysis of Hamza Alavi brings into relief the role of militant-bureaucratic oligarchy as a mediatory space among multiple interest classes. As his focus remained upon the inter-relationship of controlling classes, including metropolitan bourgeoisie, local bourgeoisie and landed classes, Hamza Alavi was able to highlight the possibility of negotiating ground and the compromising moment. He showed that the relationship between militant-bureaucratic oligarchy and metropolitan bourgeoisie is hierarchical and though changed a bit but not much to get disturbed. His analysis showed that the relationship among multiple interest classes always remained burdened by the inherent tensions of interest and therefore mediating ground always remained troubled. The mediating ground or the post-colonial state gradually found itself supporting religious ideologies for balancing the inter-classes tensions.

23

Hamza Alavi though moved away from classical Marxist position for finding the structure of post-colonial state, yet he did not see the role of post-colonial state as becoming religious. The changes in the later years of his theorizing, brings forward changes in the role for metropolitan bourgeoisie, with the inclusion of many characters, and of opening up the possibility of militant economy. The mediational-role, as he gives to the post-colonial state, however can be coercive and appropriative, as in the case of shrines where the state took control of them in order to negate the low-moral practices prevalent on them. His analysis ignore that an income generating class, as these shrines were, can be taken into control by the post-colonial state as a whole and throw away their entrepreneurs out of their traditional seats. The economy in post-colonial state is not only the opening up of the possibilities for already established economic groups, rather, the gradual infusion of religious streams also directed the mode of investment and use of force. Instead of becoming their voice, the post-colonial state launched its inherent religio-political agenda on the sites of shrines and let the supported ideologues prevail upon the sites. The post-colonial state, as the thesis shows, able to run its symbolic religious ideology, and able to develop its supported religious ideologues, from the income of shrines while at the same time manipulated, controlled and managed them through gradually evolving institutional religious streams.

This dissertation is divided into five chapters. First chapter traces the working of Colonial State and its relationship with practices around shrines with the focus on Central Punjab. The chapter highlights the interference of the colonial state into many social aspects of the social life however finds out that the state largely ignored the urban-shrine-based practices. The chapter explores the Colonial policies making shrine-life alien to even movements emerging out of them. The second chapter traces the condition and development of shrines within the changing context. The chapter brings forward the common ground of singular religious identity emerging out of the works of different streams of Muslim intellectuals after 1920s. The chapter shows that the common ground emerging out of the efforts for singular identity develop a unique disposition towards the spiritual world as well. The chapter shows that Singular Islam, developed its identity transcending the soil, finds its position dominating over the voices attached to the soil or

24 customs. The chapter shows that a process of double-reterritorialization took place in the situation when the Singular identity found itself with the separate land to administer. The process generated puritan politico-religio streams and total exclusion of pluralistic shrine- based practices.

The third chapter of the dissertation is the tracing and analyses of the legal development and judicial process for defining and justifying laws regarding Waqf. The third chapter started its tracing from the colonial period discussing the legal acts, such as Mussalman Waqf Act (MWA) of 1923, Sikh Gurdwara Act, 1925 and Female Dancing Act of 1943, passed against dancing of women on shrines. The tracing then continued into post- colonial period and, while discussing different attempts for controlling Waqf Properties ended on the discussion on the judicial process reducing the ambiguities of the legal acts. However, the MWA of 1923 seemed to be a legislative effort distanced from the community struggle. A change can be seen by analyzing the structure and context of other two acts, FDA (Female Dancing Act of 1943) and ABA (Auqaf Board Act) of 1952. Standing upon the re-territorialized identity, both of the Acts highlights the urge of the colonial and post-colonial elite to identify with the site of shrine only in reformative mood. With a little difference of emphasis, the former legalizing effort shows the urge of the members of the legislative council to have a moral control on the site of shrine. However, though the latter legalizing activity presented itself to have better control of the income and the site of shrine, the discussions in the Punjab legislative assembly during endorsing the Bill expressed the readiness of the members to take shrines under state's direct control.

The fourth chapter explores the working of the Auqaf department since 1959 when the department found its existence for introducing reforms on the local sites of devotion. The chapter starts its discussion with Ayyub period, and discussed major emphases of different governments steering directions of the Auqaf working. The chapter ended with the end of the rule of Zia ul Haq and the enlarged Islamized policies. The fifth chapter moves further ahead and explores the working of Auqaf department within the changed political situation. The chapter highlights that the changed political situation carried on

25 working within the already ideologically developed situation. The chapter further discusses budgets and accounts of the department to show the nature of income and expenditures. The accounts show that the direction of the department is towards making huge spending upon secular and religious administrative heads while there have been only scarce spending on social welfare.

26

Chapter 1 Colonial State And Shrines

This chapter will explore the working of Colonial State and its relationship with practices around shrines in Central, largely urban areas of Punjab. This chapter accepts the position of writers such as David Gilmartin and Sarah Ansari who maintain that Colonial administration, on the one hand prevailed its rule through objective rules-following bureaucratization,1 and on the other hand stretched co-opting policies to attach influential Sajjada Nashin (the spiritual inheritor and caretaker of shrines).2 The chapter, however, focuses its study on urban areas of Central Punjab, and reckons that scarcely colonial authorities extended their policy of co-opting with Sajjada Nashin of such areas. The colonial state operated in urban areas through its reformative tendencies and also inserted changes, directly or indirectly at the socio-religio level. The chapter brings to light that the implementation of these policies produced a unique conception of religio- spiritual understanding and practices around shrines. The colonial gaze makes the developing religious intellectual elites consider them standing at a distance from the shrines, especially from the pluralistic shrine-based practices: thus abstracted the conception of shrine by cutting off its connection with the larger spiritual practices. Not only religious revivalists but also Sufi reformers felt the need to purify religious practices from archaic and non-religious impurities. Within the changed environment, this chapter brings forward, although pluralistic forms of shrines-based practices decreased while some others, having affinity with the re-territorialized identity,3 continued to develop in their own ways.

1.1. Shrines, British rule and the Central Punjab When British army marched into the Punjab in 1849, and took control of the province from Sikh rulers,4 they found shrines and Sufi-Pir practices connected with shrines all around. The Punjab

1 Writers such as Malik, Appadurai and Dirk brings out uniqueness of colonial administration, as an extension of Weberian idea of dis-enchanted, objective, rules-bound bureaucratization. 2 See, David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (Berkley, 1988), and Sarah F.D. Ansari, Sufi Saints and State Power: The Pirs of Sind (1843-1947) (Lahore: Vanguard Books, 1992). 3 The "re-territorialized identity" will be discussed in more detail in next chapters. However, this phrase is meant to denote the changed Muslim identity emerging out during first half of the twentieth century Punjab. 4 Imperial Gazetteer of India - Punjab 1908 (Volume 2), p. 4. Also, Tan Tai Yung, The Garrison State: The Military Government and Society in Colonial Punjab, 1849-1947 (Lahore: Vanguard Books, 2005), p.33

27 looked to be the place where three dominant religions, among many others,5 coexisted with each other, apparently with no anti-pathy,6 and largely owning the views those created within them ascetic and contented living. The religious life revolved around shrines, of Muslims or non- Muslims, and Punjab was “dotted with shrines, tombs of the sainted dead ... and to the shrines of the saints, thousands upon thousands of devotees resort in the hopes of gaining something on the sacred soil.”7 To a pragmatic and protestant mind of the modern British authorities intended to release their White-Man‟s burden in order to prevail universal civilizing mission, although through rules and laws and increased bureaucratization,8 Sufistic shrine-based practices were religious expressions of primitive indigenous people.9 These practices were helpful for continuing the pastoral and tribal lives. The British authorities decided to stay away from local religious groups.10 This decision was not only the continuation of their previous policy, as their policy of keeping aloof from local religious communities without interfering local religions,11 but also the pragmatic administrative decision. However, their policy of non-interference could not stay long and the administrative compulsion made them incorporate not only the religious elites into their administrative system but also the acceptance of shrine-based Sufistic ethos.12

5 "It is often exceedingly difficult for a native to say, or for anybody else to discover, what his religion really is." Ibbetson, Punjab Census, 1881. 6 It is interesting the earlier history where witnessed violent conflicts between religious classes there it also showed instances of intertwining and helping of each other. For instance, Malir Kotla, a dominated muslim state remained a sacred state throughout Sikh rule and even later on for Sikhs. Not a single incidence of violence took place when bloody violent clashes were going on between warring-communities during partition in 1947. The reason was a benevolent relation of this state's Muslim Raja with the Guru Gobind, and in return, blessings of Guru Gobind to this state. See, Khushwant Sing, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II (Oxford: OUP, 1999), pp. 131-132. 7 Major Aubrey O'Brien, 'The Mohammadan Saints of the Western Punjab,' Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI (I 9 I), p. 51 I. 8Ian Talbot, Inventing the Nation: India and Pakistan (Oxford university Press, 2000), p.10. 9 Henry Maine reflected the Victorian approach of progress when he put forward his theory of stages of development of societies through their ability to own the form of Law. For the societies who don`t even have Law of Codes written on Tablets as Romans had them, they remained really primitive. See, Karna Matena, Henry Maine and the Theoretical Origins of Indirect Rule, Law and History Current legal Issue, 2003, vol.6. 10 Shah Mahmood, the caretaker of the shrine of Baha ud Din Zakrya helped British forces in winning over Multan in 1849-50. The bombardment on the city also damaged the shrine of Baha ud Din Zakrya. The British high authorities refused to pay any amount for the damages taken place on the ground that it was not appropriate to grant help on religious basis. See, David Gilmartin, Tribe, Land and Religion in the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan. PhD Thesis, submitted to University of California Berkley, 1979. p. 63. 11 Both Warren Hastings' Regulations of 1772 and Victoria's proclamation of 1858 maintained that British rulers of India were bound to respect the '' religious usages '' of Muslims. 12 It is interesting that for the administrative scholars of the Punjab, the shrines became not only important because of Sajjada Nashin and their influence, but also the general Sufistic ethos, as one can find many commendable comments in Ibbetson's report of Punjab census, 1881, for maintaining peace. However, this

28

Largely, in the Central Punjab, as in most of the areas of the Punjab, religion did not mean more than ''going to feasts without fasts'', and was intricately attached with the need of the spiritual intermediary.13 Often for a Muslim, it is enough to know and read Kalma, there is no god but God and Muhammad (PBUH) was his prophet for being a Muslim. For the colonial administrators Punjab appeared as the land where "political power was almost exclusively the prerogative of those who owned land, and society was organized around social groups whose cohesion was based on kinship and their control of land- the tribe, the village community and the family".14 The rural areas populated through castes had their own ways of constituting lives and customary laws.15 Imagining the system of religious belief somewhat that the Deity, like a sovereign, "was a busy person, and that his hall of audience is of limited capacity, only a certain proportion of mankind can hope to attain to the presence of God; but when individuals have got there, they may have opportunities of representing the wishes and desires of other members of the human race. Thus, all human beings require an intervener between them and God..."16 The compulsion for the need of intervener was so intricately attached with shrine-based Sufistic life world.

From the early Colonial administrative point of view, all the religious nations populating Punjab could be considered as one big nation divided within small nations. ''They live side by side as peaceful cultivators, in happy indifference to the petty jealousies which superior knowledge stirs up in the hearts of their Hindu and Musalman brethren in the towns.'' Muslims however are disposed towards puritan movements, especially in towns, the colonial authority imagined, because of superior religious knowledge. There were two such movements one could find in the reports of the colonial administrators in the second half of nineteenth century. One is Faraizi

interest collided with the developmental interest in urban areas necessitated to grow projective understanding through modern economic and educational institutions. 13 Thorburn, Mussalmans and Money Lenders in Punjab (London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1881) p. 2. 14 Gilmartin, Preface to Tribe, Land and Religion in the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan, p.III 15 One can see Orientalist writers like Ibbetson and Maclagan through such writings as A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North West Frontier Province (Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing Punjab, 1919) 16 Major Aubery O`Brien, The Mohammadan Saints of the Western Punjab`, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI (1911), p.511.

29 movement and the other, Wahabbism.17 Of the Faraizi Tehreek (movement), there was almost an insignificant impact on Punjab, however, the Wahabbism or its variant, Ahl-e-Hadith has its impact or sympathisers in some good numbers in the towns of Central Punjab. As a report by Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar shows that 'Wahabis are notoriously numerous, and increasingly so in Amritsar city, and I should estimate their numbers at present at between six and seven thousand. They themselves claim to be even still more numerous.' 18 The puritan movement was also prevalent in other areas of Punjab, as there are a considerable number of Wahabis in the cities of Delhi, Ambala, Jahlam, and Hoshyarpur. With their critical emphasis upon the "saints, angels and spirits," as the census report of 1881 mentions further, the movements were anti-thetical to the shrine-based practices. The Colonial authorities found them ''unsuited to the Musalmans of these parts, who have the greatest belief in saints and shrines, and in the efficacy of pilgrimage to groves and high places.''19

However, as the administrative needs grew for imagining the cultural mapping and topographical representation on a larger and common level, the need for collecting data of the oriental cultures grew. "Orientalist Empiricism" attained its intellectual apogee in the 1870s and 1880s with a

17 Both of these movements carried with them the jihadi and militant sentiments with an emphasis on the revival of austere political Muslim state. However, after a stern action taken by the British government both of these movements reduced their emphasis on militancy and also losing their increasing influence. About the Faraizi movement, the Lieutant Governor of Bengal writes that in the census of 1881 "no persons are returned as Ferazis, although provision was made in the instructions to enumerators for showing them if found. The explanation seems to be that this name is not one which members of the sect use when speaking of themselves, but is an entirely exotic epithet, and the Mahammedan of Eastern Bengal would no more call himself a Ferazi than a Puritan of the Commonwealth would have called himself a Roundhead. The birth-place of the sect is the Furreedpore district, where its founder—an honour which is disputed between one Hadji Sharitulla and his more famous son Dudu Miyan—was a small landowner; thence the tenets of the sect spread throughout the delta of the Ganges and Brahmaputra and into the metropolitan districts of the 24-Pergunnahs and Nuddea. Like the Wahabis, the Ferazis insist on the unity of God, and the uselessness of intercession by all saints, angels, and spirits. Like them also they claim the right of private interpretation of the Koran, and reject all glosses or commentaries by doctors, however learned. They preach the heinousness of infidelity and the all-importance of strictness in life and ritual. Practical considerations have induced them of late to abandon the doctrine of the divinely ordained obligation of religious war; but time was when the Ferazis of Eastern Bengal furnished a continuous stream of money and recruits to the rebel camp on our North-West Frontier. Personally the Ferazi is known by certain tricks of clothing and gesture, and by the ostentatious austerity of his demeanour. They are as a class intensely bigoted, turbulent, and litigious, and with a few exceptions they are as ignorant and intolerant as fanatics have mostly been in the history of the world." See, W.Chichele Plowden, Report on the Census of British India taken on the 17th February 1881 (London ; Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1883), p.166. 18 W.Chichele Plowden, Report on the Census of British India taken on the 17th February 1881 (London ; Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1883), p.28 19 Ibid.

30 series of settlement reports, codification of customary law and census reports by such scholar administrators as S.S. Thorburn (1844-1924), Sir Charles Louis Tupper (1848-1910) and Sir Denzil Charles Jelf Ibbetson (1848-1908).20 The rural population was seen as divided into castes and urban into biraderies (brotherhood) while both into religious categories. However, the division was quite neat, and enumeration into religious categories of Hindu, Muslims and Sikhs should have been completed for administrative purposes despite all odds. "Every native who was unable to define his creed," stated Denzil Ibbetson who supervised the 1881 enumeration in the Punjab, "or described it by any name other than that of some recognized religion, was held to be classed as a Hindu".21 Interestingly, as Talbot mentions, while the British in India essentialized religion for enumeration purposes, it was omitted as a category in the census they conducted back at home. And further, he says, whether or not Indian census was as much a political exercise as a scientific survey, its consequences for self identity and its politicization were immense.22

Along with segregating religious communities, the Punjab was largely considered as pre- eminently an agrarian society without any strong urban centers.23 The British authorities, though, found themselves administratively compelled to develop political relationship with the large shrines and influential Muslim Sajjada Nashin in the “rural” areas of Southern and Western Punjab,24 yet it was not the case in the areas comprised of the Central Punjab. There was very

20 Ian Talbot, Inventing the Nation: India and Pakistan, p.13 21 Census of India report, 1881, vol1, p.19. 22 Ian Talbot, Inventing the Nation: India and Pakistan, p.14 23 Lahore was an exception. However, even Lahore was taken as a "pristine city in some distant past", though in its existing condition a filthy and desolate urban center needs to be rebuilt like writing on a plain paper, palimpset. See, William j. Glover, Introduction to Making Lahore Modern (London: University of Minnesota press, 2008). 24 The caretakers (Sajjada Nashin) of the powerful shrines became important for the authorities thus, a British official noted, “The Sajjada Nashin’s mere presence in our court convinced the people that the most influential man of their own faith is on the side of the order.” Subsequently, the then Lieutenant Governor suggested evading the religious policy of non-interference for political expediency. The Lieutenant Governor while citing the situation in Multan, put forward his general political strategy as, “in no division are there so few chiefs as in that of Mooltan. There is scarcely an individual of territorial influence between the Government officials and a population almost exclusively pastoral and agricultural, and as shown by recent experience very liable to be moved to insurrection by sudden and inadequate causes.” He maintained further that it was in the interest of the British authorities to support the local influential men irrespective of their religious background. As, for the British authorities, the foremost and the most influential person in Multan was Shah Mahmood, the caretaker (Sajjada Nashin) of the shrine of Baha ud Din Zakrya (1170-1262) and Shah Rukn e Alam in Multan. The authorities ensured that Shah Mahmood must join the court of the Lieutenant Governor of the Punjab. Gilmartin discussed this situation in his work, David Gilmartin, Tribe, Land and Religion in the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan. PhD

31 rare engagement with the Sajjada Nashin as there were no big Muslim shrines in the area.25 As the Central Punjab was dominated heavily by Sikhs, 26 the initial oriental writings considered only Sikh shrines as significant. In 1858, while describing the conditions and biography of chiefs of Central Punjab, Lepel Griffin discusses under the category of shrines only ''Sikh shrines'' stretched out in the whole Central Punjab. By reading Griffin it appears that the Central Punjab does not have large or elite Muslim shrines, though there were few Sikh shrines popular because of the linkage with a Muslim saint, such as Mozang's Sikh shrine was famous for its link or a meeting point of Guru Arjun with Mian Mir and Chhajju Bhagat, in Lahore.27 Most of the chiefs of the Central Punjab remained those of Sikhs, and the significant shrines were those of Sikh elites. Lepel writes, "… in the Punjab are numerous Shrines consecrated to the memory of the Sikh Gurus. These are known by the name of Gurdwara, Darbar sahib or Derah, and generally have been built at places associated in some way with the Guru, and commemorating some incident in his life. At all these shrines the several Granths or Sikh Scriptures are daily read aloud by the priests, or Granthis, and many of them support a large number of attendants, musicians and worshippers."28 Most of these shrines were controlled by Udasis, Sodhis, Bedis or other Sikh or Hindu families and many of which ''possess great wealth and large estates.''

The colonial rulers, as could not find urban shrines with having influential Sajjada Nashin, kept a mixed relationship with the Muslim shrines. Urban shrines showed their own unique characteristic, largely over-shadowed by the deceased Sufi-Saint and showed less significance of the caretakers of the shrine. However some of them also showed their rural character such as the shrine of Shah Daula was owned by the Gujjar tribe, and the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib Lahore remained closely attached with Rajput tribesmen. For the colonial authorities, the shrine of Shah Daula became more significant because of giving shelter and using Chuha for deviant

Thesis, submitted to University of California Berkley, 1979. p. 63. Also, Copy of Letter from Secretary, Board of Administration, Punjab to secretary, Government of India, Foreign Deptt., 13 September 1860. Punjab Board of Revenue, File 131/1575. 25 One can reckon, that Jamat Ali Shah, a pir and Sajjada Nashin of a shrine at Ali pur Syyeda, Narowal, a district near Lahore was one of those influential elite had a sort of collaborative relation with colonial authorities. 26 Six out of 104 local chiefs were Muslims, and even among them mostly were Shias. 27 Maulvi Noor Ahmed mentions the same site as "Chhati Badhshahi" of Sikhs. For him the site became famous for the temporary dwelling of Guru Har Gobind Singh when he came back to Lahore after staying sometime in the Darbar (court) of Jahangir. Maulvi Noor Ahmed, Tehqiqaat e Chishti (Lahore: Al-Faisal Publications, 2006)p. 137- 138. First published in 1867 by Koh e Noor Publications, Lahore. 28 Lepel Griffin, p. 607.

32 purposes.29 Authorities almost ignored the activities of Pirzadgan of the shrine, and highlighted the activities of trading through Chuhas of Shah Daula through the beggars of the shrine.30 For some other shrines, the authorities kept on giving Maafian (rent-free holdings):31 such as the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib Lahore gained its Maafi for the attached land on the name of the shrine. However, the authorities never hesitated to take over the land attached to the shrines whenever found feasible. Taking over the land attached with the shrine of Mian Mir for cantonment purposes or shrine of Anarkali, Mir Qasim and Shah Chiragh for setting up administrative facilities are few significant examples.32

However, largely, the engagement was scarce33 and the Central Punjab became focused for the rationalistic articulation emerged out of the Modern Developmental activities initiated by the colonial authorities. The rationalistic articulation disliked if not abhorred the shrine based practices. As the Central Punjab comprised of urban areas such as that of Lahore,34 the area

29 The unique characteristic of the shrine of Shah Daula intrigued the authorities to the point that a special report was written by Lepel Griffin for giving sheltering to Chhuha or small children born with small head and long ears. '' It is said that the first child of any woman who asked him to pray for a child for her is born an idiot with a small head and long ears. Such children are offered to the shrine by the parents. They can eat and lie down but are absolute idiots. The custom of offering these children still prevails; they are called Shah Daula's rats, and one or two are presented every year.'' ''Shah Daula Chuhas,'' No.1382, Lahore: dated 19 April 1879, Home Department File, Proceedings of the Government of the Punjab, (Lahore: Punjab Government Press: 1879), p.186. 30 The report maintained further, ''The faqirs of the shrine trade on them, taking them to different towns and collecting alms by exhibiting them. The ignorant people of the country consider them supernatural beings (Italics mine)." Ibid. 31 By and large the colonial authorities let the traditional Maafian and/or Waqf property in the control of traditional claimants in order to maintain a balance between directly administered land and indirectly administered land. "The maafi or rent free holdings are numerous in this district. The great majority are held on life tenures, and will probably lapse before another settlement is undertaken; but there are large numbers of such holdings that are dependent on the preservation and continuance, for their purposes, of various religious buildings or hospices. The total number of rent free holders (or mafidars) is 2,226 holding 25,521 acres, representing a rent- roll of Rs. 19,211. The number of rent free holdings for life is 1451 with an acreage of 19782, representing an annual revenue of Rs. 13,838. This dependent on the existence of buildings, temples, &c., are 164, of 1464 acres amounting in value to Rs. 1,256; and those held in perpetuity area 263 in number, of 2649 acres, value Rs. 3002; while those held at the pleasure of Government are 362 in number of 1607 acres of land of an annual value of Rs. 1100."See, Leslie S. Saunders, Land Revenue Settlement of Lahore District 1865-1869, p. 36. 32 Colonal H.R. Goulding, Old Lahore: Reminiscence of a Resident (Lahore: Civil and Minitary Gazette Press, 1924), p.1. 33 The colonial authorities kept on providing administrative facilities to the (Mela) fairs and Urs gatherings along with compiling reports regarding strange activities at the shrines. David Gilmartin, The shahid Ganj Mosque Incident: a prelude to Pakistan, in Ira M. Lapidus and Edmund burke, III ed., Islam, Politics and Social Movement (Berkley: University of California Press, 1988) 34 The term Central Punjab became popular with the British administration. The area comprises of Lahore and Amritsar division as the map of early twentieth century Punjab shows. See, Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj,

33 became the zone of remapping and remodeling for the developmental projective activities.35 The new "civil" center soon found its development outside the old city area. From official secretariat to Government House, and from Cantonment area to Railway Station, most of the new buildings and constructions found its existence on the land already attached to the shrines.36 The urban revamping developed then a new mode of thinking and cultural perception arising out of the new colonial constructions, transportation systems, educational systems and increased economic opportunities. The development corresponded with the belief of the British governance that attachment to “immemorial habit,” is the reason of Indians to stick into the quagmire of primitiveness. And education would create new “dispositions” and “knowledges” necessary for Indians to improve their material condition, not least by cultivating Indian taste for the products of British industry.37 This mingling of secular self-interest and religious fervor provided a lasting motivation for liberal reform in India, where “the passionate conviction that the ideals of altruism and the strongest claims of self-interest coincided.”38

1.2. Languages and Sufi-spiritual writings

The land of Punjab was dominated, when British authorities started stretching their rule, by two linguistic expressions; Persian as an official and Punjabi as a common-man language.39 However, soon the British authorities found it more rational to introduce English as an official language while Urdu as a second official language. Almost as soon as the colonial order initiated its rule in the Punjab, the opinion started building to make Urdu as a second official language after English. To follow the already made efforts in the Northern India for promoting and learning Urdu,40 the administrative opinion merged with the reading of the local areas where the

35 For the British authorities Lahore became the most important city in Punjab where they headquartered their activities and kept it as their provincial capital. 36 As was mentioned earlier, that at the land attached with Shah Chiragh and Mian Mir (1550-1635), the Colonial administrators made residences and cantonment. Further, at the shrine of Anarkali and at the shrine of Qasim Khan, the Lahore secretariat and Government houses found their existence. 37 William j. Glover, Introduction to Making Lahore Modern, xxii. 38 Eric Stokes, The English Utilitarians and India (OUP, 1989), p.46. 39 There were multiple different dialects and, in some cases languages other than Punjabi such as, Multani, Riasti, Derawali, Kohistani, Potohari, Jangli, etc. However largely in Central Punjab, Punjabi remained a dominated language. 40 The study of Francis Robinson shows the way Ulema after 1800 emphasized on Urdu even as a scholarly language. Francis Robinson, Islam South Asia and the West (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 59-98

34 administration thinks people were ready to understand Urdu and, even in areas where people don't speak Urdu, they however do understand Urdu.41 This administrative understanding took them to introduce Urdu in the province as a second official language. However after some time, the administration found it convenient to promote Urdu through its own efforts. The administration however remained keen to disentangle this new language with the non-purposive usage already prevalent in the history of Urdu literary tradition. The promotion therefore soon turned into an effort to promote purposive usage of language. The Anjuman e Punjab or Punjab Association, ''an association that included British officials (including the Lieutenant Governor of the Punjab from 1865-1870, Sir Donald Mcleod) as well by many important members of the Punjabi elite drawn from the three major religious communities of the Punjab - Muslim, Hindu, and Sikh. With this diverse membership, the Anjuman became a center for debates about educational and social reform at the time.''42

Parallel to the movement for prevailing Urdu in a purposive mode, we find texts discussing the localized sacred spaces of shrines life in Urdu. Along with Tehqiqat e Chishti by Maulana Noor Ahmed, Mukhzan e Punjab by Mufti Ghulam Sarwar and Hazrat Ali bin usman Hujviri al-maruf Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh: savanih hayat (1914) by Mohammad Afaq, the first ever journal for promoting Tasawwuf also appeared in Urdu. The organization, Anjuman Khaddam Al Sufiya (1901), founded by the efforts of Jamat Ali Shah (Ameer e Millat),43 started publishing magazine, Risalay al Anwar Al Sufiya, in 1904 for promoting the cause of Tsawwuf or Tariqat. The main purposes of the Anjuman, other than promoting the cause of Tariqat and Tasawwuf, were to develop unity among the orders of Tasawwuf, rejection of accusations against Islam and Tasawwuf and rejection of false religion.44 The magazine, Anwar Al Sufiya, was to fulfill the objectives of the organization and for a long time sold at a very economical price. Jamat Ali Shah and the Anjuman not only remained active for this journal he also supported some other

41 Tahir kamran, Urdu Migrant Literati and Lahore’s Culture, p. 192. Punjab Studies, UCS Fall, Vol.19, No.2, 2012, pp. 173-194. 42 Jeffrey M. Diamond, Narratives of Reform and Displacement in Colonial Lahore: The Intikaal of Muhammad Hussain Azad , p.161. 43 For many years, the head office of Anjuman Khaddam al Sufia remained in Lahore. Sahibzada Al Haj Pir Syed Akhtar Hussain Shah, Sirat e Amir e Millat (Karachi: Wahid Press, 1974), p.350. 44 Ibid., p.350.

35 journals on Tasawwuf, almost all of them published in Urdu, like Al-Irfan, Al-Faqih, Al-Jihad, al- Muballagh and al-Lama from Qasur and As Sufiyya from Sialkot.45

The old tradition of scholarly writing in Persian language for higher state officials gradually started dying and gave way to writing in Urdu or English. As, Maulvi Noor Ahmed before producing his work in Urdu, already wrote some of his earlier works in Persian. Same was the case by Mufti Ghulam Sarwar who also assisted Maulvi Noor Ahmed in his research work. Although, both of these personalities belonged to the families deeply immersed within Sufistic orders, their interest in writing Urdu emerged because of their close links with the state officials. Some of the initial administrators became student of Maulvi Noor Ahmed Chishti in order to learn Urdu. It was the increasing interest of the administrators that made Chishti wrote in Urdu his historical and socio-cultural works, despite his earlier interest of writing in Persian. Almost in the same vein, and working closely with the Noor, Mufti Ghulam Sarwar, wrote history of Punjab, Mukhzan e Punjab (1873) in Urdu. However, he wrote Tazkira (bio-graphical history of sufis) of all the four sufi orders in Persian that came into four volumes.46 The effort may be considered as one of the last texts coming out in Persian language in Punjab. Later on, texts kept on appearing either in Urdu or English like Muhammad Fauq (1914) wrote in Urdu and John Subhan (1938) wrote in English language the bio-graphical history of Sufis and Sufi-orders. Interestingly, the book by John A Subhan was an attempt to understand the shrine and saints of Islam, and his project was to inform British scholars about the spiritual and shrine-based practices of Islam. 47

The prevalence of Urdu language made Punjabi not only a subversive language that already held Sufistic-tradition of local spiritual characters and poetic-wisdom, but also turned it into a rural language. Though for Mir, the tradition of writing in Punjabi Language did not die out and showed resilience, yet even she accepts that it gradually lost its prominence. However, Mian

45 Sahibzada Al Haj Pir Syed Akhtar Hussain Shah, Sirat e Amir e Millat (Karachi: Wahid Press, 1974), p.360. Publishing journals on the issue of Tasawwaf was in line with the similar contemporary activities started around the figure of Khwaja Hasan Nizami (1876-1955) in Delhi. He not only himself issued similar journal but also supported many such activties. Rafi ud Din Hashmi, ed., Khatut e Iqbal, (Lahore: Maktaba e Khyaban e Adab, 1976). 46 Mufti Mahmood Alam Hashmi, Mufti Ghulam Sarwar Lahori: a biographical sketch, in Mufti Ghulam Sarwar Lahori, Khazinat ul Asfia: Qadria (Lahore: Maktaba i Nabwiya publishers, 1986), pp 1-18. 47 See Preface of John A. Subhan, Sufism Its Saints and Shrine: An Introduction to the Study of Sufism with Special Reference to India (Luckhnow Publications, 1938).

36

Muhammad Bakhsh, though complained of his being ignored in the changed colonial times, seems to be writing almost at the same time as that of Maulvi Noor Ahmed and Mufti Ghulam Sarwar, did not shy away to express his mystical experiences in Punjabi. The popularity of the poetry of Khawaja Ghulam fareed Mitthan Koti at the beginning of twentieth century and many Manqabat for the sufis, as that of ''Kithai Mahar Ali Kithai Tairi Sana''48 by Pir Mehr Ali Shah of Golra Sharif, though kept the tradition alive yet also produced a schism on the one hand between narration and poetry, and on the other between purposive-urban-Urdu poetry and altruistic rural Punjabi folk-poetry. Although the most famous poet of early twentieth century Lahore, Allama Iqbal, speak Punjabi, did not write in Punjabi and neither dwelt upon that altruistic rural Punjabi folk-poetry. Further, when, in 1938, John Subhan, wrote his history of shrines and sufi orders, he remembered to discuss the Punjabi poetic tradition, though at the end of his book. He discussed two famous musical songs, Dholla and Heer sung by Faqirs on the roads of the cities in the Punjab. It seems the traditional characters of spiritual folk-wisdom, so intricately linked with the shrine culture, started being alienated from the sensibility of urban Muslim population.

The shrines and sufis associated with the tradition of Punjabi poetry and stories, incidentally seemed to be losing their popularity in the first half of the twentieth century. The shrines, like that of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, along with many other reasons found its central place because it was easy to get it associated with new dominating language, that is, Urdu.49 Muhammad Fauq's biography of the shrine of Data Ganj Baksh Sahib, in Urdu and translation of Nicholson of Kashf ul Mahjub into first official language of English, had initiated a new form of writings in remembering this Sufi-Saint, with the emphasis of his Islamic teachings, and lamenting the conditions of the shrine. The Kashmiri journalist, and a close associate of Allama Iqbal, Muhammd Fauq, intended to highlight the greatness of the Sufi-Saint because of his services for

48 It means roughly, ''Who am I (Mahar Ali) to praise you''. 49 Even in later nineteenth century, Maulvi Noor Ahmed had already described that elites of the city go to the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, instead of the fair of Madhu Lal Hussain. Though at the same time he did not seem reluctant to tell his reader that on the fair of Madhu Lal Hussain, the streets of Lahore got empty and many more also came from outside Lahore to participate in the fair. The religious composition however remained mixed up and it shows that, as the social changes made their impact, the shrine of Madhu Lal must have started losing its attraction especially for Muslim elite.

37 the Muslim community for proselytizing Islam. This approach of seeing a Sufi-Saint was in a sense a new effort to situate the Sufi-Saint within contemporary situation.50

1.13. Local Historical imagination: Remembering and Forgetting Pluralistic shrine-based forms of life

Along with changes in society and priority of languages, there also arose a shift in understanding the local socio-spiritual traditions. In order to highlight the changes in the understanding, the following section will take three texts: Tahqeeqat e Chishti (1864), Asar al Sanadid – (1848 and 1854),51 and Lahore; History, Architectural Remains and Antiquities (1892), of later half of nineteenth century. Two of these texts, that is, Tahqeeqat e Chishti (TC) and Lahore; History, architectural Remains and Antiquities were written from Lahore by Maulvi Noor Ahmed and by Syed Latif. However, it was Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, who wrote Asar al Sanadid (AS) from Delhi. Reason for discussing Asar Al -Sanadid is that closer to what Maulvi Noor Ahmed does in Tahqeeqat e Chishti, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan already did in Delhi, the dying centre of the Muslim rule in India. Both writers wrote almost at the same time the history of their respective cities, also with overlapping intentions. These texts describe the condition of their respective area, and through remembering their respective cities, bring forward the shift in the imagination. This section will interpret these texts and highlight the recollection of the portrayal and memories of Sufi-Pir in relation with the larger social life world.

These all texts, though different in their emphasis, style and even content52 initiated the new form of writing historical texts, a form of writing that did not exist in the tradition of Persian and Urdu history.53 For C.M. Naeem, although there does exist a few books in biographical history however there does not exist the tradition of writing history of one's own city with the emphasis

50 The interest in Indian Sufis, for Orientalists correlated with the question of the character of large level Muslim conversion which for many of them was not forcible. 51 For C.M. Naeem, the two edition of Asar al Sanadeed (The Remnant Signs of Ancient Heroes) must be seen as a publication of two different books with the same name. The first edition of Asar al Sanadeed was published in 1847, while the other in 1854. C.M. Naeem, Syed Ahmad and His Two Books Called ‘Asar-al-Sanadid’ Modern Asian Studies: pp. 1-40 Cambridge University Press 2010 52 Tehqeeqat e Chishti (TC) and Lahore: History, architectural Remains and Antiquities (Lahore) are concerned with the history of Lahore while Asar-al-Sanadid (AS) intends to explore the history of Dehli. 53 Irfan Habib, ‘Sar Sayyad Ahmad Khan aur Tarikh-Nawisi’, in Fikr-o-Agahi (Delhi), ‘Aligarh Number’ (2000), p. 123.

38 upon buildings, important sites and important personalities. Not only Asar Al Sanadid (AS) but also the texts Tehqeeqat e Chishti (TC) and Lahore: History, architectural Remains and Antiquities (Lahore) seem to be emerging out of new needs and new expectations. Making large changes within the urban setting, Colonial administration developed a need for having a sense of the urban area. The "studying the city would reveal the intangible qualities of the present— its centers of excellence and disrepute, its promises and pitfalls, and the shape of society‟s relationship to both its future and past. This was a new mode of imagining the city in Indian literature, one that grew out of the practices of urban restructuring that accompanied British rule."54 The new mode however brings into highlight the tensions between the contemporary spiritual world and emergence of new world. The texts appeared in later times expressed more visibly the expectations of the colonial officials by becoming more objective, simple and logical in descriptive narrations.

Contemporary scholarship55 considered large difference between the two editions of the text of Asar al Sanadid (AS), first written in 1847 and the next in 1854. The first edition of AS (Asar al Sanadid) remained a remembering joyfully the remnants of one's life world. Sir Syed considered his city Delhi as still the best of the world, though shorn off many of its jewels. However, after giving details of the building of his city, people and their manners, he also gave details of 117 biographies of those he held "in highest regard and whom he had either personally met or seen." It is interesting to note his categories within which he places his favorite personalities. "The nine categories, and the number of people mentioned in each, are as follows: (1) twenty-one Sufi masters (Masha‟ikh); (2) nine „men of ecstasy‟ (Majzub); (3) twelve physicians (Hukama); (4) twenty nine religious scholars („Ulama); (5) five reciters and preservers of the Qur‟an (Qari aur Haffaz); (6) seventeen poets („nightingales,‟ Bulbulnawayan); (7) eleven calligraphers (Khush- nawisan); (8) four artists (Musawwiran); and (9) nine musicians (Arbab-i-Musiqi)."56 The world of Sir Syed where seems to be filled by the poets and musicians there at the same time he was

54 William J. Glover, Making Lahore Modern : Constructing and Imagining a Colonial City (London: University of Minnesota Press, 2008), p.185. 55 Scholars like, C.M Naeem, Irfan Habeeb, Shahms ur Rehman Faruqi and W. Troll has similar views about Asar al Sanadid. 56 C.M. Naeem, Syed Ahmad and His Two Books Called ‘Asar-al-Sanadid’, pp.6-7.

39 not shy of mentioning about Majzub. Another interesting thing is discussing ''Sufis'' and ''Majzub'' before Ulema with the description of significant Sufis of his own time.57

However, AS-2 shows a different emphasis, style and epistemological direction than the AS-1. While writing in 1854, with the larger influence of British officials in Delhi, and with more willingness to participate within the literary circles of British Royal Asiatic Society, the AS-2 turned out to be a different book, rather than a new edition of an old book for Sir Syed.58 His acknowledgement for many British scholars, and his urge to find readership within the British scholarship made him write this book in bilingual language that is in Urdu and English. It seems that Sir Syed has willingly accepted the British epistemological order and distanced himself from his old city. His emphasis on writing history, as he explains in the preface of the book, makes him consciously engage in the chronological narration and exclusion of any moment of ''participant observer''. The relish with which he wrote his first book, gave place to the distanced position of a writer interested only in explaining facts. The playfulness of both the writer and the characters of the text within Asar-1 had given way to writing an alien land through primary sources.59 However, many details regarding sufis and majzub though found its place even in Asar-2, the mentioning of locals minimized.

As Sir Syed seemed to be distancing himself from his city for writing better history60 as a '' command performance''61, setting almost on the same task, Maulvi Noor Ahmed, though tried,

57 Ibid. 58 Ibid. 59 Arshad Ali, Asaral-Sanadid: Tahqiqi wa Tanqidi Mutala’a (Jehlum, Pakistan: Awaz-i-Alamgir Educational Publishers, 1998). Ali thinks that the two editions should be regarded as separate books. He also points out that while earlier books about important places—he calls them Asariyat (antiquarian)—contains mentioning of the local people, it is not the case with books on religious sites. 60 As Ashish nandy puts it, ''History, as a discipline and form of consciousness, came handy in this exercise. It flattened the pasts of all societies, so that they began to look like so many edited versions of European paganism and/or feudalism. The triumph of the idea of history in the southern world-over other forms of construction or invocation of the past-was ultimately a European triumph. This conquest was not merely over the selves of other societies, but often over Europe's own earlier selves that had stealthily survived into the present, either in Europe or in analogous or parallel forms within other cultures. Europe truly became Europe as we know it today only after it foregrounded the experiences of colonialism and a crypto-Hegelian idea of history within its self-definition. It also then ensured that these became parts of the self-definitions of all defeated civilizations.'' Ashish Nandy, An Ambiguous Journey to the City (Oxford Publication, 2001), p.2 61 C.M Naeem used this phrase to differentiate Asar-1 from Asar-2. C.M. Naeem, Syed Ahmad and His Two Books Called ‘Asar-al-Sanadid’, p.37.

40 yet could not follow the strict standard of objective and chronological historical writing.62 Maulvi Noor Ahmed, as he mentions in his preface of Tehqeeqat e Chishti (1864), started his venture on the command of William Cold Stream, Assistant Commissioner Lahore. He brings forward the history of the politics, tombs, Sufi-Saints, gardens and buildings of Lahore. However, two third of his text remained study of shrines, Sufi-Saints and the practices upon shrines. Though he used many original texts, yet he employed interviews and participant observation in abundance.63 The book however received a mixed response. The criticism remained on giving unnecessary detailed information regarding ''descriptions of very unimportant places, such as tombs of persons long forgotten by most people and insignificant little takias (stands or platforms occupied by a holy person).''64 The book though could not satisfy the standard of British officials yet later on became a standard text for extracting information for shrine-based practices in nineteenth century.

The author of Lahore: History, architectural Remains and Antiquities, Syed Muhammad Latif was an extra judicial Assistant Commissioner, Gurdaspur, when he composed his history of Lahore and its monuments. He also gave special attention to the fact that his writing found favorable response from the British employer, and he seemed to be succeeded a lot. Other than the previous writers he gave special attention to the changes introduced by the Colonial state and the healthy imprint of the administrative changes brought forth by the Colonial order.65 Not only economic activities, he found, revived to its height but also the social coexistence gave society the peace unprecedented. However, his special focus of the benefits of British administrative

62 There is much in Chishti’s book, TC, that suggests he wrote it with an awareness of the kind of criticism Sayyid Khan’s earlier work had received. There is also much in TC that retains some of the earlier work’s “haphazard” features, a sense of a wood “lost into the trees.” 63 ''Chishti often prefaced a description with the clause “it is said that” or “I have heard it told,” substantiating his British reviewer’s suspicion that he compiled many entries by interviewing local residents or the caretakers of shrines.'', William J. Glover, Making Lahore Modern: Constructing and Imagining a Colonial City (London: Minnesota Press, 2008), p.190. 64 Government of Punjab, “Report on Vernacular Books Registered in the Punjab during the year 1867,”Home Department Proceedings (General), no. 131 (September 1870): n.p., from William J. Glover, Making Lahore Modern: Constructing and Imagining a Colonial City, p.189. 65 ''What a marvellous change has the comparatively short period of Brought about!... An age of violence and rapine has given place to one of peace and harmony,'' Syad Muhammad Latif, Lahore: Its history, Architectural Remains and Antiquities (Lahore: New Imperial Press, 1892), Preface VIII.

41 order66 did not detain him from writing the history from his perspective, and showing his re- owning of his city in the capacity of a state official, that the sacredness of the teachings of Guru Nanak and other Gurus almost as important in the region as other Sufi saints.67 Also, interestingly, he maintained that Punjab always acted as a bulwark against the invaded armies, contrary to the popular narration of non-defiance of this region.68 For him the histories like, Khazinat ul Aulya and Sakinat ul Aulya have treated the lives of the saints '' of which very exaggerated accounts have been given'' and many other histories remained focus on wars and political matters. He was determined to give not only history of Lahore but also give the treatment of saints in less exaggerated fashion and for this he tried to go as close as possible to the Tazkiras and views of the saints.

Both of these histories, Tehqeeqat e Chishti and Lahore: History, architectural Remains and Antiquities have some common characteristics and at the same time some important differences. Both native histories imagined the history of their city as governed by different religious dynasties and at the same time linked them with spiritual spirit of all of these three religions, though largely with Muslims, then Sikhs and then Hindus. All these histories did not try to exaggerate the differences among religious conflicts and though provided instances of conflict their treatment maintains the non-violent tone.69 The histories traced the architectural remains with an emphasis of a tracing of permanence that is embedded in the spiritual spirit. However, their differences are significant enough to reveal few important developments and stresses. The TC developed its narration though not only from tazkiras but also from the interviews and from the prevailed oral stories. The emphasis and stress remained of unearthing the prevailed spirit of

66 Over all, Latif did not criticize other religious communities, very rarely he criticized when he had to compare the previous rule of Ranjit Singh with the British authorities, and here one can feel the origin of new form of ''communal conflict'', ''Ranjeet Singh... converted all mosques and places of Muhammadan worship in the Sikh capital into powder-magazines, or workshops for the manufacture of fire-arms and ammunitions. The British Government have most generously and justly restored all such places to their Muhammadan subjects, and thus won their heart-felt gratitude.'' Ibid., Preface (xi). 67 Latif writes as, '' When the reflecting mind of the pious Nanak conceived the amelioration condition and the combination of conflicting creeds...'' and for Ranjeet Singh he terms, ''the lion of the Punjab''. Ibid. 68 ''It (Punjab) is aptly termed the steel-head of the spear of this great empire, the guard room of India on the north... It is pre-eminently the soldier's land, the sword in hands of India..'', Ibid., Preface (ii). 69 For TC, the history of Sikhs did not even unearth lot of conflicts between Muslim and Sikhs. His history even de- phrase the narrations like killing of Guru Arjun Singh from the hands of jahangir. Instead his history brings forward a hindu governor of Lahore, who intended to marry her daughter with the son of Guru but could not get the willingness of the Guru. On failure he carried on inflicting pains and agonies to the Guru and ultimately Guru had to succumb to his life. Maulvi Noor Ahmed, Tehqeeqat e Chishti, pp.130-138.

42

Lahore. His love for Lahore does not make him hesitant to praise a Sajjada Nashin (custodian of the shrine) of the shrine of Madhu Laal Hussain for saving Lahore from the wrath of Ahmed Shah Abdali.70 TC not only provided the historical accounts of the shrines, in its treatment, the shrine life was still animated. Although he did not like different activities at shrines, as his treatment of tactics for earning money at the shrine of Bibian Pakdaman and Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib suggests, but still the Mujawar (custodians of the shrine) were for him spiritual and gentlemen of the city, as his treatment of the Mujawar of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib suggests.71 TC takes pain to bring to light, as much as possible, the saints and spiritual life of Sant, Sadhu, Faqeer, Mujawar, Mutwalli, Sajjada Nishin and Pir along with the narration of their Karamat (miracles) still taking place around him and shrines.

For Latif, in 1890s however, things seem to be changed. Though he could not find himself move away from his linkage of spiritual lineage, his emphasis remained upon tombs or shrines. Through his narration, one finds the absence of Sajjada Nashin, Mutwalli or Faqir, as hardly two or three times he mentions of any Sajjada Nashin or Pir in his work. In order to write good history, he desisted himself from following TC's methodology and focused more closely upon the original and contemporary Tazkiras and Malfuzat. This methodological shift makes him write a better history from TC for giving importance to origins, from the standard of their Colonial patrons at the cost of his own contemporary situation. Although he tries to give the situation of shrine till the time of last rulers, that is of Ranjeet Singh and other Sikh rulers followed him, he remained contented to provide biographical narration of the saint of the tombs and did not try to give glimpses of the shrine-based practices.72 His treatment of the shrines seems as shrines remained that of historical importance due to their architectural remains. Further, though he showed his reverence for Guru Nanak and other Sikh gurus, his treatment of Sikh shrines remained scanty. His treatment of saints also showed that either his emphasis on historical methodology or his linkage with them kept him aloof from prioritizing the description of saints. As TC gives priority to the historical lineage, Latif gives importance to the geographical situation of his city. His narration of saints started with the description of the shrine of Madhu

70 Maulvi Noor Ahmed, Tehqeeqat e Chishti, p. 887. 71 Ibid., pp. 170-171. TC explains in detail the Shajra (list of pedigree) of Majawar of Data Ganj Bakhsh. Maulvi Noor Ahmed, Tehqeeqat e Chishti, pp.170-171. 72 Partly because he made a conscious effort to write proper history, without interviews and ''participatory observation.''

43

Laal/Shah Hussain, suggesting being the most important shrine.73 However, the description of the shrines of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib and Mian Mir also suggested them to be the popular shrines of the city.

1.4. Negating Shrine-Based Practices: Muslim Revivalist Movements and Spiritual Space The shift in historical imagination also correlated with the larger ideologues giving birth to Muslim social revivalist movements. Two of these movements, that is, Aligarh educational reformism and Deoband religious revivalism, remained very important in developing and defining the context of the shrine-based practices within larger Muslim life world. Though it took some time for these movements to have their impact on Central Punjab, yet they spread quite widely in different forms in first half of twentieth century. When the Colonial state seemed to be aligned and supporting the reformist ideas of Sir Syed, the urban areas of the Central Punjab were already infused with the communal reformist movements.74 Arya Samaj, a Hindu reformist movement, started itching Sikhs and Singh Saba was taking its own route for engendering Sikh identity. The Wahhabis, within Muslims were finding their decrease in popularity, along with the militant Sikh Namdhari movement. Largely, the Muslim elite was following the direction of Colonial Order and started re-settling in the major urban centers of Central Punjab. For taking closer relations with urban Muslims, the Colonial authorities had handed over the local Muslims the control of Badshahi mosque, Lahore.75 For promoting Urdu, the Punjab Association, already started working. The appearance of Sir Syed's reformist movement therefore, although did not appear alien to the educated ears of the local elites, however took some time to prevail within the larger Muslim public space in Punjab.

73 Or it may be because he was not sure of his priority and desisted any priority and treated matter only topographically. 74 The Aligarh movement was officially supported by the Colonial Authorities along with the personal liking of many Muslim officials who considered within this movement the potential for the increase of Muslim empowerment. S.M. Ikram, Indian Muslims and Partitions of India (Delhi: Atlantic Publishers, 1992), p.206. 75 The control of the mosque was given by the colonial authorities to Anjuman e Islamiya formed only for this purpose in 1887.

44

The early reception of this movement in Central Punjab was not enthusiastic, and in some senses rather discouraging. Despite the warm hospitality given to Sir Syed by some of the local Muslim elites, the founder of Aligarh movement, who came to Lahore in the second last decade of nineteenth century, found large number of Hindu groups more disposed towards him than Muslims. His emphasis to take modern (British) education and interpret religion in modern form was listened carefully but largely remained unheard of for some time. It is interesting to note that when he had to give lecture on his religious views he had to speak in a closed door meeting as he feared most of the local Muslims wouldn't understand his position.76 His ideas generated a fear as they could deviate Muslims from their tradition and customs. The appearance of Aligarh movement, showing the zest but also forgetting their very rootedness of tradition made it hard for the large population of Central Punjab to digest it, at-least in the last years of nineteenth century and the early years of twentieth century.77 A response from a local writer, Mufti Ghulam Sarwar, who refused to pursue the ways of writing Islamic history in the way Sir Syed emphasized, may suggest how the project of the movement was perceived. For the writer, Mufti Ghulam Sarwar, Sufistic traditions were the real tradition and Muslim identity couldn't be imagined without linking through these father figures (buzarg).78 For Mufti to give emphasis upon religious identity might generate contesting historical writings to which Mufti always showed repulsion.79

The criticism of Mufti Ghulam Sarvar though may seem little conservative yet it had its sense. His criticism was not against Sir Syed, as he kept him in high esteem, but emerged out of a fear of producing contesting religious identities at the cost of religious belongingness. His fears got flared by the projective understanding of the message of Sir Syed, and the prevalent spirit of time that showed many signs of being gripped in the new mode of instrumental rationality. His fears correlated with the responses triggering sharp religious segregation and self reflective rationality. Often these religious reflections, in this case, Muslim religious reflections, remained idealistic and universal, and encountered each other fiercely. Their idealism emerged out of the

76 Ali Syed Iqbal, Sir Syed ka Safarnama e Punjab (Aligarh: Aligarh Institute Gazette Press, 1884), pp.88-89. 77 Till 1905, at-least there was a magazine published regularly against the ideas of Sir Syed and his movement. Arthur F. Beuhler, The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating Sufi Shaykh (California : University of California Press, 1998) p. 197. 78 Mufti Mahmood Alam Hashmi, Mufti Ghulam Sarwar Lahori: a biographical sketch, in Mufti Ghulam Sarwar Lahori, Khazinat ul Asfia: Qadria (Lahore: Maktaba i Nabwiya publishers, 1986), p-17. 79 Ibid.

45 unacceptability of the Colonial State to permit them to own their urban tradition.80 Any effort to own tradition was dissolved and all those efforts celebrating Colonial revamping and remodeling of cities were encouraged.81 The idealism embedded in universalism coupled with the non- acceptance of the other became the spirit of the time. Even such a liberal position, as that of Sir Syed, had to put forward his program in communal terms.82 Even more religiously oriented movements, like Deoband, showed similar signs and participating within the disposition of prevailing spirit.

Both Aligarh and Deoband movements seemed to be emerging out of encountering the British administrative revamping in the urban areas. As Aligarh movement distanced away from tradition and customs from their emphasis upon modern education the Deoband School found going back to basic scriptures of religion the most authentic way to achieve the true Muslim identity. Like Aligarh movement, the Deoband movement grew out of the repulsion and obliviousness of the "irrational" shrine-based life world, and articulated their position through religious identity in order to "challenge" the British political and administrative changes. The Deoband School, the leading Muslim revivalist movement, emerged out of Naqshbandi and Chishti revivalist movement. However their acquired rational articulation and organizational subjectivity, gradually, let them conceal this rootedness and helped them criticizing the archaic practices at shrines, though kept dear piri-muridi relationships for a long time.83 Even many of

80 That tradition was already dismantling, however the love with one's own city never died. A poetic genre ''Shahr e Ashoob'' became popular in late eighteenth and nineteenth century displayed the sense of alienation and self- estrangement in a world in which old city centers are eroding. In a verse by Zauq (d. 1854), ''In dino garchai Dakkan mai hai bari qadr e Sukhan------Kaun Jai Zauq par Dilli ke Galliyan Chor kar'', the love for the city is characteristic of his identity and love for his homeland. 81 See debate of William J. Glover in his chapter, "Thinking with the City: Urban writing in Colonial Lahore" in his book The Making Lahore Modern. He shows that the Colonial authorities did not like the early efforts of local historian to bring forward the history of their city. However, as soon as, the writings started celebrating the constructions and reforms developed by the colonial authorities, they were taken as an accepted form of academic works. 82 During his visit to Punjab, especially Lahore, the local Hindus requested Sir Syed to initiate similar project for Hindu students. Sir Syed replied that he would be quite happy to do this. Rather he was quite estranged to the idea of Hindus and Muslims. It was only out of the compulsion of financial constraints and specialized focus that he started his programme for the Muslim students. See, Ali Syed Iqbal, Safarnama-e- Punjab, p.102. 83 At least till the generation of Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi, Maulana Saulaiman Nadvi and Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni the tradition of piri-muridi was in vogue. Each of them was initiated in certain spiritual order, as Maulana Ahsan Madni was initiated in Chishti-Sabri order by Rasheed Ahmed Gangohi. Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi was initiated into both Sabri-Chishti and Naqshbandi order, and Maulana Saulaiman Nadvi was initiated by Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madni into Chishti-Sabri order. See for the discussion of the similar position, also, B. Ingram, Sufis,

46 the scholars emerged out of the Deoband School kept the piri-muridi tradition quite alive and propagated their own version of the tradition.84 The same was, in certain sense, the case for the movements followed the lead of the Aligarh movement.85 Though Aligarh movement moved more towards developing Colonial educated elites or Colonial Urban Sector, 86 yet a large number of scholars, emerged out of the impact of this movement, did not lose interest in Sufistic tradition, even if that engagement remained that of criticism.87

Largely an urban religious and political movement, both Deoband and Aligarh movements considered shrine based practices as an irrational trace of the Muslim past that has to be wiped out from a Muslim‟s life, and along with the inclusiveness of the spiritual-tradition. Gradually, both of these movements gave birth to religio-political efforts. From both of them, the most significant political expression came out through Khilafat Movement.88 The impact of the movement in Punjab engendered a spirit of already prevailed unity among multiple religious communities. When the movement fizzled out, it gave way to the emergence of such a religio- political party as that of Ahrar, politically a disbanded party from Congress but religiously linked within the religious teachings of Deoband and already had close connections with Jamiat Ulema i Hind. The politics of Ahrar revolved around two main activities: anti-British and anti-Qadiani or anti-mystical. To liberate oppressed Muslims, they made strategy to capture Kashmir cause and

Scholars and Scapegoats: Rashid Ahmad Gangohi (d. 1905) and the Deobandi Critique of Sufism, in the Muslim world : a quarterly review of history, culture, religions & the Christian mission in Islamdom. VOL 99; NUMBER 3, ; 2009, 478-501 -- Blackwell Publishing Ltd -- 2009 84 Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi made a good name in giving rebirth to his own style of piri-muridi relationship. 85 The Aligarh movement impressed a large number of intelligentsia ranging from poet to journalists, and reformist to businessmen. Allama Iqbal, one of the most important scholar of first four decades of twentieth century, considered the death of sufi through shrine-based cultural practices, though himself remained immersed in Sufistic ethos throughout his life. Unlike Syed Ahmad, he puts the ‘Ulama before the Sufis, and subsequently also includes four non-Muslim men of learning— something that Syed Ahmad does not do’ , See, C. M . NAIM, Syed Ahmad and His Two Books Called 'Asar-al-Sanadid', Modern Asian Studies: page 1 of 40, Cambridge University Press 2010. 86 One can understand Khilafat Movement in 1920s as directly emerged out of Aligarh Movement. As the graduates of Aligarh university, Ali Brothers, Shaukat Ali Jauhar and Muhammad Ali Jauhar along with their class- mate, Zafar Ali Khan, the editor of Zamindar, remained the main proponent of the movement. Regarding the movement itself, Gail Minault writes "This was the age of the emergence of the professional politician in India, part journalist, part orator, part holy man." Gail Minault: The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and political Mobilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982). p.3. 87 We can give an example of Zafar Ali Khan, Allama Iqbal and Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz as scholars who kept their constant engagement with Sufistic-practices, though their critical attitude prevailed upon their thoughts. 88 The leaders of the Khilafat movement belonged to both Aligarh and Deoband school of thought. Such as Ali Brothers belonged to Aligarh and Ataullah Shah Bukhari belonged to Deoband school. Gail Minault: The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and political Mobilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982). p.

47 negate the most deviant of mystical expressions of Mirza Ghulam Ahmed Qadiani (1835-1908) and his sect, Ahmadism or Qadianism.

With the emergence of Ahrar some very interesting changes taken place in the politics of Punjab, including the awareness of the force of religious ideas for moving common man, usage of common idioms, sometimes quite vulgar ones, during political speeches and clarity of Muslim identity with considering "Ahmedis" politically non-Muslim entity. Politics of Ahrar took the Deoband theological debates on the street, and encountered the theological opponents politically. From theologically wrapped socialistic stress and emphasis on the rights of small peasants and depressed classes, to the anti-British efforts, standing for the rights of Muslims of Kashmir and at the same time vocal against traditional customs and the shrine-based practices, Ahrar remained active and antagonistic on all sides. Ahar's politics jolted the land-based elites in Punjab at-least for some good years, and its politics also resulted into a kind of developing a platform for the later Muslim League politics after the promulgation of 1935 constitution and the communal franchising.

1.5. Islamized Sufistic Spirits and shrine based practices

Despite all criticisms and breaches the phenomenon of shrine-based Sufistic spirit was finding its own growth during colonial period. The Sufistic practices, in the very beginning of the colonial rule, were already gripped within an elaborated doctrinaire condition associated with a saint-cult, getting routinized and popularized.89 Not only the practices attached with shrine-based Sufistic culture, like Melad, Khatam Sharif and Urs of Ghauspak were prevailed in the society at large, the struggle of individualized Sufistic souls to chart their own ways, though had already waned out and had given ways to the custodian based shrine-practices, yet the spirit to reform hadn‟t died out completely.90 The reformist and revivalist movements during British rule emerged partially from the old streams and partially from the new ones. The old streams remained not only closely attached with and emerged out of shrines, yet some new streams, like that of Ahmed Riza Khan's Brelwism and activism of Bugwi family in Punjab, emerged out of more that of

89 Spencer Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam, p.173. 90 These are the movements did not try to refuse their connection with the religious/Sufistic tradition.

48 scholarly activities. These positions though pushed forward the conservative tradition of Islamic thought, yet they remained distanced from the shrine-based practices and linked themselves more with mosques and madrasa (seminary). These positions grew in fashion of other larger movements like that of Deoband, in developing contesting positions against other school of religious thoughts.

However, the internal Sufistic-pir development can be seen as taking shape in four directions during colonial period: Chishti revivalism,91 Naqshbandi revivalism, Emotional revivalism and Urban-Shari-Sufism.92 However, it is important to keep these revivalist terms soft and fuzzy. Largely the revivalism in the Punjab was the scholarly articulation of sunni orthodoxy closely linked with shrines. The revivalism had its roots in many Naqshbandi and Chishti pirs. In fact most of these Pirs proclaimed to have bait (allegiance) in all of the four Silsilai (orders)93 of Sufism. This revivalism may be understood as, what Beuhler says, giving prominence to mediating-Sufis instead of directing-Sufis that started in the end of the second half of the nineteenth century.94 More than that, the mediating-Sufis became closer to pedagogic-Sufis and turned into scholars while embedded within orthodox Sunnism closely attached with shrine- based practices. Further, in the urban centre, already from 1920s, Barelwism that was pre- dominantly connected with Qadri order started showing its influence.95 This version of Islam, however largely remained non-political in urban areas, although influenced politics in quite a

91 From late eighteenth century, the internal development of Tasawwuf was showing signs of change. Within the order of Chishtis, a revivalist movement emerged through the teachings of “ Shah Kalim Ullah of Dehli (1650- 1729)”. This movement though remained orthodox, helped directing Tasawwuf towards re-creating muslim identity and ethical revivalism. Figures like, Khwaja Suleman of Taunsa (1770-1850), Khwaja Shamsud Din Sialwi (1799-1883) and Syed Mahr Ali Shah of Golra Sharif (1856-1937), owned and pursued this movement. For details see, David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989) 92 Emotional revivalism emerged through the teachings of Mohammad Nausha and popularized in Lahore through Faqir family. The emergence of Naqshbandi and Qadri revival produced gradually urban-shari-based Sufistic practices within or around the urban areas. 93 Pir Jamat Ali Shah, one of the famous Sufi-Pir personality of first half of twentieth century, though being famous as Naqshbandi saint, however also proclaimed to have bait in all of the four salasil (orders), that is, Naqshbandi, Chishti, Qadri and Suharwardi. 94 Arthus F. Beuhler, The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating Sufi Shaykh (California : University of California Press, 1998). For him Naqshbandi Sufistic tradition underwent three forms: Teaching-Shaykh, Directing- Shaykh and Mediating Shaykh. By Mediational-Shaykh he means, ''a perspective which posits Shaykhs, both living and deceased who mediate between individual Muslims and God (via Muhammad), the existence of a spiritual hierarchy which is a function of how one is connected to Muhammad, and a variegated religious topography of tomb-shrines which are potent places to contact God.'' See, Arthur F. Beuhler, The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating Sufi Shaykh, pp. 168-169. 95 In Lahore, Masjid Wazir Khan mosque became a centre for the prevailing of sunni-orthodoxy or Barelwism.

49 different way. The incidence of Ghazi Alam Din Shaheed in 1929 can't be separated from the influence of the preaching of orthodox sunni Sufis.

Chishti and Naqshbandi revivalist movements in Punjab and NWFP struggled to revive the lost spirit of Islam and unleashed orthodox potential of the time. Both revivalist tendencies already created the impulse for ethical revivalism by focusing closely on Muslim identity and for penetrating further deep into the remote areas of Punjab. The Chishti revivalism impressed a large number of Sufis and triggered to develop such important monasteries as that of Sial Sharif, Taunsa Sharif and Golra Sharif. However, this movement couldn‟t penetrate at a large level into the urban centers of Central Punjab. In late nineteenth century and early twentieth century there were few Sufi Chishti personalities of significance in Central Punjab. One of them was Maulana Ghulam Qadir Bhairwi (d. 1908) who also taught Arabic in Oriental college, Lahore and later on settled as a care taker of Baigam Shahi mosque in inner city. He kept his emphasis on Hanafi Shariat and held such a strict attitude towards non-hanafi that he often started fighting with others, and once he even slapped an ahl-e Hadith who did not hold his hands during a prayer as he thought should have been the case. On his grave, one can find written that "As per Anjuman e Hanafia and on the order of Shara Sharif, it is declared that no Wahhabi, Rafzi, Naturi or Mirzai should come within the mosque and should not do anything against Hanafia religion."

Where Chishti revivalist spirit couldn‟t penetrate, the Naqshbandi revivalism filled in the vacuum. Emerged out of rural or semi-urban areas of Punjab, the Naqshbandi revivalist spirit soon succeeded in developing Khankahs around the major urban centers of Central Punjab, especially that of Lahore. From a famous village near Narowal, Pir Syedaan, where a Sherazi Sufi family found settlement since sixteenth century, emerged two very influential personalities along with their Khankahs having the same name of Pir Syed Jamat Ali Shah Ameer e Millat, and Pir Syed Jamat Ali Shah Lasani. Both took their bait (allegiance) from a Naqshbandi Sufi of a remote area of NWFP and enhanced the orthodox religious revivalism. Both got influenced from Naqshbandi lineage however both took different paths to develop their Sufistic urges. For one, Pir Syed Jamat Ali Shah Lasani, the traditional Sufistic ways appeared valuable and he spent most of the time in rural areas seldom appeared as

50 pedagogic and articulated Sufi.96 He also showed less inclination for participating in the formation of new exclusive-religious identity and remained quite open to other religious approaches. However for the other, Pir Syed Jamat Ali Shah, Ameer e Millat, the urban centers and the religious articulated spirit thereof remained important. He not only found new madrasas (religious schools), and religious associations,97 but also remained vehement for developing new mosques. He was also quite exclusivist in its approach and liked to see Muslim identity in its purity.

Another Naqshbandi Khankah also developed in the suburban area of Lahore and soon turned into a famous shrine after the demise of the Master Sufi-Saint. Mian Sher Muhammad Sharakpuri (d. 1928) founded his Khankah, in Sharaqpur, a small town near Lahore that soon attracted a large following. He got famous, besides his spiritual karamat, for his emphasis upon Shariat and following Prophet's way of life. His stress for the love of prophet was exceptional and he seemed to be happy acting as a mediational-space within prophet and a follower. He was also happened to be a cousin of Sir Muhammad Shafi, and also gained popularity when Allama Iqbal went to meet him. Respecting Iqbal for his scholarship, however, he also criticized him for his not following Shariati ways and pointed out that his not having beard is not a right thing for a true Muslim." 98 Mian Sher Muhammad was quite vocal in his stance of taking Shariat as an essential element for creating Muslim identity. He was adamant that if one is Muslim then one needs to look like one in his/her full attire.99 He often compared Muslims from other communities, such as from Sikhs whom, he thought, did not leave their practices of long hair and beard. Although he also wanted them to get converted: "Once he was on a railway station and he

96 Beuhler may place Pir Syed Jamat Ali Shah Lasani between ''directing'' and ''mediational'' Naqshbandi sufi-space. However he considers Pir Syed Jamat Ali Shah Ameer e Millat as mediating -sufi. 97 He was the founding figure of Anjuma al Khaddamia Soophia and Anjuma e Naumania, lahore. He also laid foundation of madrasas in Ali Pir Syyedan and in Lahore. See, Syed Akhtar hussain Shah and Muhammad tahir Farooqi, Amir e Millat (karachi, Wahid Press, 2009), pp.350-364. 98 Muhammad Nazeer Ranjha, Tareekh wa Tazkara Khankah Naqshbandia Mujaddadia Sharakpur Sharif (Islamabad: Purab Academy, 2007), pp.98-99. Pir Mian Mohammad Sher Rabbani though never remained vocal in political matters, as he died nine years before the birth of Pakistan and some years ago the popularity of Muslim League, however during his meetings with Sir Mohammad Shafi who was also his cousin and Iqbal were famous for pointing out his emphasis on Muslim identity. In both those meetings, he lamented them for not having beard. His son, and sajjada nashin of the Khankah Naqshbandia Mujaddadia Mian Mohammad Sher Rabbani, at Sharakpur, took active part in the politics. He successfully arranged the first public meeting of Muslim League in his town and advised Muslims to take side of Jinnah against Unionist party’s politics. 99 Arthus F. Beuhler, The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating Sufi Shaykh, p. 186.

51 saw a very beautiful Sikh lad. The saint kept on looking at him for long and later on said "ah, what a beautiful lad. Its good if he were a Muslim."100

Though Mian Sher Muhammad Sharakpuri had a wide influence, yet he did not take part in the politics.101 However, Pir Jamat Ali Shah brought Sufistic views in the political zone and almost merged his movement with Barelwism.102 The second decade of twentieth century was ripe to provide space for the prevalence of such religious politics. The decade where opened up the horizon for nationalistic themes and an effort of harmonious-political-coexistence, there at the same time, opened up possibilities for constant communal strife, especially in Punjab. The otherwise differentiated positions of orthodox or Sunni stream103 found its integrating moment upon the ground of Punjab within simmering communal conflicts. The efforts of revivalist Hindu movements, like that of Shuddhi and Sangathan made Muslim orthodoxy react strongly and mostly on symbolic differences on the mode of Tabligh and Tanzeem. The incidents like much ''trumped-up conversion of Muslim Malkana Rajputs'' increased the anxiety and fears of many Muslim maulvis in Punjab.104 The communal conflicts generated an interplay of '' obscene and abusive language... to denigrate the social customs and religious beliefs''105 of other communities. The claims started to be coming out in abundance to convert each other into one's own religious fold. Along with the puritan Sufistic figure of Jamat Ali Shah, vowing to convert ''thirty two crore Muslims to Islam'', even, a soft Sufistic figure of Khwaja Hasan Nizami, from Delhi, invited Gandhi to embrace Islam. The Sufi figures like, Jamat Ali Shah not only personally participated within these efforts by using modern ways of publication, communication and funds generation, but also triggered to make associations for contesting other religious communities. Anjuman Hazb ul Ahnaf-e-Hind,

100 Ibid. 101 Muhammad Nazeer Ranjha, Tareekh wa Tazkara Khankah Naqshbandia Mujaddadia Sharakpur Sharif (Islamabad: Purab Academy, 2007), pp.98-99. 102 In an Ahle Sunna conference, son of Ahmed Raza Khan, was elected as a head of the movement. However he left his seat in favour of Jamat Ali Shah. 103 To name it a single stream is quite difficult, at-least in early part of twentieth century. However, as this stream started merging with the Barelwi movement emerging out of the teachings of Ahmed Riza Barelwi (d. 1926) who became famous during early years of twentieth century. In its general emphasis it relates with the many similar variants and emphases emerged during first half of twentieth century in Punjab within orthodox Islam or Jamat Ahl e Sunna, including many sajjada nashin and Islamized pir. However, Sunni orthodoxy gained wider popularity as Barelwi Islam against Deobandi Islam later on. 104 Ayesha Jalal, Self and Sovereignty, p.251 105 Ibid.

52 an Ahl-e Sunna Association emerged in Lahore for promoting the revivalist spirit and for bringing forward the symbolic issues as forcefully as possible through education and preaching. The organization, though started in a humble condition, was linked with the large number of un- organized, semi-urban, shrine-going, following. Maulvi Deedar Ali, the Khateeb and Imam of Masjid Wazeer khan was the first president of Anjuman Hazb ul Ahnaf e Hind and Jamat Ali Shah assisted to re-build a mosque in Lohari Gate, Lahore where the association centered its activities through a Madrasa. The organization, while becoming a central point in Punjab for orthodox Sunni voices, took active part in many communal conflicts during 1920s in Lahore like those of a conflict emerged on teasing a Hindu girl between Muslims and Hindu (1923), Khatam e Nabuwwat, or the issue of ''Ghazi Ilm ud Din Shaheed'', a young man killed a publisher who published a book against the Prophet (PBUH), and Sarda Case (1929), a legal bill, passed by the Colonial government regarding the age for woman marriage that increased the age from 12 to 14 years. However, the orthodoxy was not alone in its protest, the newspapers papers like Inqilab and Deoband organizations like Jamiat Ulema i Hind showed their anger on the Act, and considered the Act as '' a flagrant interference within the Muhammadan Religion.''106 The interesting thing about the working of the Anjuman and the scholarly sunni orthodoxy was that most of their leaders, though justified traditions of shrines yet almost all of them tried to move away from the customary pluralistic shrine-based practices. Embedded in traditionalist religious scholarship, most of them never remained hesitant to label other groups, like the followers of Sir Syed, Deoband, Ahl e Hadeeth, Qadiani, Wahhabi, Shia, etc., as Kafir (infidel). In the first few years of 1920, a stream of this orthodoxy even started labeling Allama Iqbal and Zafar ali Khan, Kafir (infidel) on different grounds; to the earlier for his anti-Sufistic positions; and to the latter for his engagement with Khilafat movement. However, Sunni orthodoxy found them aligned on the cause of saving Muslim identity.107 Non-anti-colonial in their political disposition, the main focus of sunni orthodoxy remained on highlighting the importance of religious symbols, like mosque, certain form of prayers, beard, costumes, etc.108 The focus also remained on emphasizing the symbolic difference between Muslim and other religions. Sufi personalities, like Jamat Ali Shah Quaid-e-Millat, Bugwi family scholars and Mian Sher Muhammad Sharakpuri brought forward similar form of rational articulation regarding Muslim

106 Ibid., 312. 107 Jafar Baloch, Iqbal aur Zafar Ali Khan (Lahore: Iqbal Academy Pakistan, 1995), pp. 35-36. 108 Mohammad Sadiq Qasuri, Tareekh e Mashaikh Qadria Rizwia (Lahore: Zavia Publishers, 2004), p.327.

53 and Islamic identity. However, these teachings strengthened with the admixture of disciples arriving from Barelwi schools and started finding places in the mosques attached with shrines, opening up or getting attached with the madrasas (religious schools) and religious practices in Central Punjab.109

Believing though still in showing Karamat and Taweez (amulets), they turned toward a kind of re and de-territorialization process. They stressed on establishing mosques and madrasa, engaged on organized activities around the concept of Shariati Tasawwuf, emphasized on preaching through visiting different places, focused on converting other religious communities, and disposed of towards clearing the Muslim sacred site from the remnants of pluralistic ethos. Once in Faisalabad, Jamat Ali Shah almost through his self-justified rogue behavior pushed back the other group adamant to write on the face of the mosque name of Guru Har Goband along with Allah. However, he ensured through his full force that such thing wouldn't take place and the name of Muhammad (PBUH) appears along with Allah on the face of mosque.110 He assured that the purity of Muslim identity did not get polluted from the traditional pluralistic over-lapping religious streams.

1.5.1. Urban Shrines and Shari-Revivalism

The urban centers though got influenced through Naqshbandi Revivalistic spirit, yet a large number of shrines either carried forward the spirit of emotional and traditional-mediational belonging to the shrines, or moved towards urban-shari mediational practices. TC describes many such sects, like Naushahi, Rasul Shahi, Madari, Jalali, along with Majzub and Faqir attached with the shrine-based traditions of Madhu Laal Hussain in Lahore. Leaving Maadhu Laal, however, the Naushahi, a Qadri sub-order, that took its birth in the teachings of Sheikh Haji Muhammad Nausha Ganj (d.1692 A.D.) in a small village near the bank of Chinab in

109 The mosque of Data Sahib got re-constructed around 1923-24. Syedana Shah Abul Barkat Syed Ahmed Lahori (1901-1978), a disciple and Khalifa (a spiritual disciple) of Imam Ahmed Riza Khan came as a Khateeb and Imam Masjid in that mosque around 1923. After few years, he also joined Madrasa of Masjid Wazir Khan but soon had to leave it because of the conflict between him and the care taker of the mosque, Mirza Zafar Ali Judge, on the mode of teaching. Mohammad Sadiq Qasuri, Tareekh e Mashaikh Qadria Rizwia (Lahore: Zavia Publishers, 2004) p.314 110 Syed Akhtar hussain Shah and Muhammad Tahir Farooqi, Amir e Millat (karachi, Wahid Press, 2009), pp.450- 451.

54

Gujranwala district, took lead in the emotional revivalist movements.111 Lot of small groups and shrines were associated with this emotional revivalism in nineteenth century Lahore112, and other urban centers of Central Punjab. Naushahi sub-order was associated in its emotional overtones with Malamati or Qalandri disposition very similar to the frenzied activities displayed at Mela Chiragha (Festival of Lights) at Madhu Lal Hussain‟s shrine or Kadam Mela (Foot Festive) at Sakhi Sarwar‟s abode in Anarkali. Even Subhan while writing in 1938, though termed these sub- orders and shrines as Be-Shari (without Shariat),113 yet showed them as widely prevalent practices.

The shrine-based practices of the shrine of Madhu Laal Hussain, and many of its affiliated shrines were quite prevalent in Lahore. There were numerous Faqirs, Majzub and even Sajjada Nashin attached with those shrines and takias (a dwelling of a faqir) in Lahore and most of them remained engaged in pluralistic religious practices. The Sajjada Nashin of the shrine, even in the time of TC drinks and accepts liquor as Nazrana (offers) and put red turban on urs days.114 Two great fairs of Lahore, called Basant and Chiraghan, were annually held at that shrine. Lahore got empty during the Mela Chiraghan and one found hardly any place to walk in Shalamar Bagh and all the adjacent areas to the shrine of Madhu Lal Hussain on that day. The shrine of Madhu Lal Hussain kept its syncretic tradition alive due to the famous biographical narration of the love of Lal Hussain (the Muslim Saint) for Madhu Lal (the Hindu boy) and the supporting political conditions. Even for Latif the shrine of Madhu Lal stands as one of the most important shrine of Lahore, despite its being connected closely with Sikh community. ''The people still retain a recollection of the festivities and gaities that took place at this spot during the time of Ranjit Singh in honor of the Basant which simply means spring, when the luxurious Maharaja, all his chiefs and troops and everybody else were dressed in yellow attire. The Maharaja when paying

111 '' When subject to religious frenzy they hang themselves on trees with head down-wards and sway their bodies violently backward and forwards shouting Illa llah till they faint from exhaustion. They explain this custom by a story about Pak Rehman ascending to heaven, and on being recalled by Naushah, thinking it respectful to his tutor to descend with his head foremost." Rose, Vol III, p.199. 112 In Lahore, near Masti Gate, a Naushahi shrine of Fazal Shah (d.1854 A.D.) was famous. In Gujranwala the shrine of Pak Rahman (d.1740) was attracting hundreds of thousands of visitors at Urs. TC, pp.476-478. 113See John A. Subhan who differentiated between Shari and Be-Shari sufi saints while narrating the history of sufis, especially discussing the Lal Shahbazi and Rasul Shahi sections of Suhrawardi order. John A. Subhan, Sufism its Saints and Shrines (Lukhnow: Lukhnow Publishers, 1926), pp.236-253. 114 Maulvi Noor Ahmed, Tehkeeqat e Chishti, p. 325.

55 his respect to the shrine made an offer of Rs. 1100 and pair of shawls of yellow colour.''115 People, irrespective of their religion participate in the Mela (Festivity) and celebrate with liquor and other drugs. TC observed in late nineteenth century that the Muslim elite avoided visiting Lal Hussain‟s shrine on Urs or Mela days.116 However, John Subhan, writing in 1938, bracketed this shrine under Be-shari (without Shariat) shrines.

As pluralistic practices kept on taking place at some shrines, on some others the environment gradually became favorable for the singular Islamized voices. More than anywhere, it was the shrine of Makhdoom Ali Hajvery, popularly known as Data Sahib (or Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib) of Lahore that started attracting a large number of Islamic or increasingly urbanized Muslim elites along with the revivalist Sufis during the last decades of nineteenth century. The shrine though did not own large area of land, as that of the shrine of Baba Farid at Pakpattan, and did not relate with a Sufi order, yet still able to attract a large number of followers across all Sufi- orders in nineteenth century. Many significant Sufis, especially the revivalist Naqshbandi Sufis already made the shrine the centre for taking spiritual blessings.117 The oral account of the shrine's attachment with the first Chishti Sufi saint, Muin ud Din Ajmeri, and the continuous practice of Gyarwi Shareef, from at-least last two hundred years already made the shrine popular among the followers of Chishti and Qadri orders.118 The historical perception of the Sufi-Saint as the first Sufi who propagated Islam in this area strengthened further his appeal. The religious gifts such as hand-written Quran presented by the previous rulers added its spiritual attraction for the new urban elites, in general, and revivalist Sufis in particular.119

115 Latif, Lahore: History, p.146. 116 Noor Ahmed Chishti, Yadgar-e-Chishti (Lahore: Nigarashat Publishers, 2007), First published, 1859, pp.130-132. 117 The biographical sources of these sufis suggest that they already made the shrine as a central spiritual centre. Mian Muhammad Sharaqpuri, though did not like travelling a lot, often found time to visit the shrine. The similar position we find that of Jamat Ali Shah Lasani. 118 Rose included the shrine of Data Sahib, during the first decade of twentieth century, within the Chishti order because of the close association between Khwaja Muin ud Din Chishti, the father figure of the Chishti sufi order and the shrine. 119 TC mentions of around seven Quran gifted to the shrine during last three hundred years or so, included the gifts from Ranjeet Singh, the ruler of Punjab in early nineteenth century and Sheikh Ghulam Muhayyud Din, the Subaidar of Kashmir in eighteenth century. Maulvi Noor Ahmed Chishti, Tahqeeqat e Chishti, p.821.

56

Till 1930, the Mujawars of the shrine had declared, in matters of alienation of ancestral property, that it followed Mohammadan or Personal Law120 instead of customary traditions.121 The Mujawar of the shrine, though belonged to the Rajput agricultural tribe, and had elaborated customs of distributing earned income from the shrine among multiple inheritors yet already showed their preference for being considered within the Islamic ambience by owning Sheikh as their family name.122 Earlier in the nineteenth century Maulvi Noor Ahmed Chishti considered 123 the Mujawar of the shrine among the religious elites of the city.

Nicholson's translations and Muhammad Fauq's biographical description of the Sufi and the shrine attracted even an international focus. Two British brothers embraced Islam after reading Nicholson's translation of Kashf al Mahjub in 1936. Both came in India and immersed into the teachings of Sufism and did not go back till they died. One of them died quite early, only after staying another eight years and buried in the shrine of Data Sahib of Makhdoom Ali Hajvery. The other brother, who had his Muslim name as Shaheed ullah died in the year of 1978 and also published a translation of Kashf al Mahjub. Though, in the preface, Shaheed Ullah writes that only few have read Kashf al Mahjub, and the real reason for the popularity of the shrine is its spiritual power, yet the Islamic or Shariati character of the teachings of the Sufi seems to be the appealing factor for the religious elites. Shaheed Ullah contested with the translation of Nicholson and refused to accept the teachings of Makhdoom Ali Hajvery in any sense conflicting with the Shariati position. Shaheed Ullah maintained that Nicholson understood Hajvery's

120 At the same time, however there were other shrines, such as the shrine of Hazrat Khwaja Khawind Mahmud of Lahore, had their preference for customary ways for the succession of the office of Mutwalli or Sajjada nashin. "The succession to the office of mutwalli or sujjada-nashin of the mausoleum known as the shrine of Hazrat Khwaja Khawind Mahmud of Lahore, is governed by customs and not by Muhammadan Law, and by that custom the existing sujjada-nashin nominates his successor in his life-time, and, on his death, the murids and worshippers of the shrine and other mutaqds (believers) assemble and formally recognize the new mutwalli and duly install him into the office in accordance with the wishes of the last sujjada-nashin..."Ibid., http://punjabrevenue.nic.in/fmanu.htm. 121 "In matters of alienation of ancestral property, Majawars of the shrine of Data Gunj Bukhsh at Lahore, who described themselves as Rajput Sheikhs, but whose principal source of livelihood was earnings from service at the shrine, and who had nothing to do with plough or with village communities, are governed by the Mohammedan Law and not by custom. In this case the parties were no doubt Rajputs which is one of dominant agricultural tribes in the villages of Lahore district, but it was not established that the Majawars had anything in common with Mohammedan Rajputs living in rural areas and following agricultural pursuits...". W.H Rattigan, A Digest of Civil Law for the Punjab chiefly based on the Customary Law, http://punjabrevenue.nic.in/cust9.htm. 122 Neither Maulvi Noor Ahmed Chishti nor any other writer of nineteenth century mentioned linking of their name with any other family name than Sheikh. Maulvi Noor Ahmed Chishti, Tahqeeqat e Chishti, pp.170-172. 123 Ibid.

57 position as denying the need of outward prayers once the real meaning of each prayer reveals. For Shaheed Ullah, Nicholson could not see that the Sufi only emphasized the need to understand the real meaning and then offer the outward prayers.124

Amid the multiple stories of receiving respect from almost each Muslim or Sikh Indian ruler, the shrine however showed a meager position, even as late as the second decade of twentieth century when Muhammad Fauq was writing a tazkara of the saint and the shrine. Fauq condoled that despite being the most sacred shrine the shrine keepers hadn‟t got the proper response from the public. He requested people to give more attention to the shrine and give more money to re-build or re-vamp the shrine.125 However, it took another ten years when something concrete took place. A local Muslim building contractor and devotee of the shrine provided funds for re- constructing the already existed small mosque. The existed mosque at the shrine built in the early part of the nineteenth century, along with the renovations at the tomb.126 The new mosque was built again in 1924127 on the same place of the earlier mosque. However, it was a Hindu judge who made efforts to provide electricity to the shrine. The construction of the new mosque however helped attracting larger number of Muslim elites to pay visit and offer Nazranai (the monetary rewards) to the saint‟s shrine.

1.6. Conclusion

The Colonial policies of ignoring shrine-based practices in the urban world triggered breach in the spiritual life world. Though, the Colonial policy of co-opting with elite Sajjada Nashin carried on in rural areas, the policies remained distanced from even giving attention to Muslim shrines in urban areas. The Colonial policies pushed locals to grow within their defined developmental framework. The religio-communal rational voices emerging out of urban areas moved away from their customary origins. They created a universal idealistic understanding with

124 Maulana Captain Wahid Bakhsh Siyal (trans.), Sharah Kashf ul Mahjub (Lahore: Al-Faisal Publishers, 2009), pp.33-35. 125 Mohammad Din Fauq, Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh, pp.136-137. 126 Syed Muhammad Latif mentions the date 1861 for renovating took place at the shrine. See, Syed Muhammad Latif, p. 181. Also, Mohammad Din Fauq, Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh (Lahore: Gauhar Publications, 2008), p.140.

127 Ghafir Shahzad, Data Sahib Complex: Tameer sai Takmeel Tak (Lahore: Book Home, 2004), p.27.

58 little space for pluralistic shrine-based religious life form. The pluralistic shrine-based practices, found themselves caught within the increasing religious boundaries owned and appropriated by the modern Muslim articulations. The change in socio-linguistic mapping, and imagining past through standard historical writings provided new space for the prevalence of modern movements standing upon the obliviousness of their own customary rootedness. These changes started putting emphasis upon origin instead of customs, or Sufi-Saints, instead of shrines. The shift of memories from custom to origins, made oblivious to over-lapping pluralistic spaces while sharpened communal religious identities and the increase of religious articulation appropriating religious identities into singular form threw the traditional pluralistic shrine-based practices into disrepute.

The spirit of development and prevalence of colonial modern rationality even started transforming the shrine-based practices and life thereupon. Most of the Sajjada Nashin, in order to pursue Muslim identity had to follow the Islamized teaching. In that way, they found themselves aligned with the already prevailing spirit of Brelwism that developed as contesting articulations for the conservative religious tradition of Ahl e Sunna. Though inverted, that is largely non-political these contesting articulations helped defining the Muslim communal identity against other religious communal groups. However even within the changed environment, most of the shrines continued to develop though in a little different way. The shrines of those saints showing more inclined towards Sharia and singular identity carried on developing more than those embedded within the pluralistic shrine-based practices. The shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib in Lahore, for an example, although kept on attracting non-Muslim devotees started gaining central position for the emerging urban Muslim elite, among many other reasons, because of the lesser disposition of the Sufi-Saint towards pluralistic practices.

59

Chapter 2 Double Re-Territorialization: Trailing Towards The Nationalization Of Shrines

This chapter explores the religio-political streams made possible the promulgation of the West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance of 1959 and enabled the nationalization of the shrines. By examining the activities and engagement of the post-colonial state with religious activities, I suggest that the state of Pakistan supported and institutionalized a unique conception of Islam not only within the politics of the state but also in the cultural sphere. Largely, the state appropriated the unique themes of Islamic principles, such as the primacy of the prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and abhorrence for the shrine-based practices emerged out of recent past as consensual or agreed upon points among various religious groups. The consensual ground was built upon a unique sense of identification process had its roots in the colonial period. The ground helped making and establishing the consensus.

This chapter is divided into two sections: in the first section the development of religio-politics within colonial period is traced by discussing the development of conception regarding shrines and mystical practices embedded within the formulation of Muslim religio-politics since the 1920s in the Punjab. The formulation engendered a unique Muslim identity, a kind of re- territorialized Muslim identity; the identity de-linked itself from non-Muslim communities, pluralistic shrine-based positions and Qadiani ''deviance.'' The proponents of this identity such as Allama Iqbal, Zafar Ali Khan, religio-political groups such as Ahrar, the Deoband religious- political party and puritan Sufi-Pirs, a lose group of Sufis and Sajjada Nashin of Ahl e Sunna located its territoriality through mosque and concept of the finality of prophet-hood. The section concludes its argument through contrasting a sole-voice in the assembly of the colonial Punjab for the pluralistic shrine-based practices against the Muslim elites determined to establish singular Islamic identity by appropriating shrines.

The second section argues that the newly established state of Pakistan, while appropriating soil as its territory, was determined to build its soil-less identity on universal Muslim Umma (nation) as popularized by the All India Muslim League during the politics of the 1940s. The contradiction, between having a soil and non-soil based ideological identity, necessitated a

60 process of re-identification that started a process of double re-territorialization. The process of double re-territorialization brings out the process of double exclusion at multiple levels; such as, at a political level, the process excluded all religious Others as a minority; at a puritan religious level, the process resulted into making Ahmadis non-Muslim; and on a spiritual level the process resulted into negating the pluralistic mystical practices and devising techniques to take over and control shrines. The religious-morality of new-urban elite also supported the efforts of the state to extend its control on the shrines. Modern religious scholars while re-appropriating the ideas of Allama Iqbal and remained disposed towards excluding completely pluralistic mystic forms, supported the state to develop itself by completely appropriating shrine-based practices.

2.1. Communal politics and emergence of re-territorialized Muslim Identity

The second decade of twentieth century, where opened up the horizon for nationalistic themes and an effort of harmonious-political-coexistence,1 there at the same time, opened up the possibilities for constant communal strife, especially in the Punjab. The communal strife soon closed down the possibility of national-harmonious themes, instead consolidated the communal voices. The otherwise differentiated positions of orthodox or Sunni stream2 found its integrating moment upon the ground of Punjab within simmering communal conflicts. The efforts of revivalist Hindu movements, such as Shuddhi and Sangathan made Muslim Maulvis react strongly and mostly on symbolic differences on the mode of Tabligh (preaching) and Tanzeem (organization). The incidents like much ''trumped-up conversion of Muslim Malkana Rajputs'' increased the anxiety and fears of many Muslim maulvis in Punjab.3 The communal conflicts generated an interplay of '' obscene and abusive language... to denigrate the social customs and religious beliefs''4 of other communities. The claims started to be coming out in abundance to

1 The second decade saw the emergence of Hindu-Muslim unity through Khilafat Movement of Muslims and Swadesh Movement of Mahatma Gandhi. The collaboration of Muslim groups with Hindu congress leaders remained anti-colonial. 2 To name it a single stream is quite difficult, at-least in early part of twentieth century. However, as this stream started merging with the Barelwi movement emerging out of the teachings of Ahmed Riza Barelwi (d. 1926) who became famous during early years of twentieth century. In its general emphasis it relates with the many similar variants and emphases emerged during first half of the twentieth century in Punjab within orthodox Islam or Jamat Ahl e Sunna, including many sajjada nashin and Islamized pir. However, Sunni orthodoxy gained wider popularity as Barelwi Islam against Deobandi Islam. 3 Ayesha Jalal, Self and Sovereignty, p.251 4 Ibid.

61 convert each other into one's own religious fold. Along with the puritan Sufistic figure of Jamat Ali Shah, vowing to convert ''thirty two crore Hindus to Islam'' even, a soft Sufistic figure of Khwaja Hasan Nizami, from Delhi, invited Gandhi to embrace Islam.5 In the back drop of increased religio-political tension, the voice of Shah and Nizami represents a pressure felt among Muslims of different persuasions.

To promote and contest communal issues, the modern ways of publication, associations and advertisements were used.6 Ahl-e Sunna Associations such as Anjuman Hazb ul Ahnaf-e-Hind established in the 1910s in Lahore. The association actively participated in communal conflicts and tried to bring forward the symbolic issues as forcefully as possible. The organization, though started in a humble condition, was linked with the large number of un-organized, semi-urban, shrine-based, following. Maulvi Deedar Ali, the Khateeb and Imam of Masjid Wazeer khan was the first president of Anjuman Hazb ul Ahnaf e Hind. Jamat Ali Shah assisted to re-build a mosque and a madrasa in Lohari Gate, Lahore, where the association shifted and centered its activities. The organization, while becoming a central point in Punjab for orthodox Sunni voices, took active part in various communal conflicts during 1920s in Lahore such as the incident teasing a Hindu girl (1923), Khatam e Nabuwwat, or the issue of ''Ghazi Ilm ud Din Shaheed'', a young man killed a publisher who published a book against the Prophet (PBUH), and Sarda Case (1929), a bill, passed by the British government for increasing the age for women for marriage. The newspapers such as Inqilab and Zamindar, and Deoband organizations such as Jamiat Ulema i Hind showed their anger on the Act, by calling it as ''a flagrant interference within the Muhammadan Religion.''7

The interesting thing about the working of the Anjuman and the scholarly sunni orthodoxy was that most of their leaders, though justified traditions of shrines yet almost all of them tried to move away from the customary pluralistic shrine-based practices. Embedded in traditionalist religious scholarship, most of them never remained hesitant to label other groups, such as Naturi (the followers of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan), Deoband, Ahl e Hadeeth, Qadiani, Wahhabi, Shia, etc.,

5 Ibid., 259. 6 Francis Robinson, "Technology and Religious Change: Islam and the Impact of Print," Modern Asian Studies Vol. 27, No. 1, Special Issue: How Social, Political and Cultural Information Is Collected, Defined, Used and Analyzed (Feb., 1993), pp. 229-251. 7 Ibid., 312.

62

Kafir (infidel). In the early 1920s, a few Sunni Ulema, such as Maulvi Deedar Ali, Imam of Masjid Wazir Khan, termed even Allama Iqbal and Zafar ali Khan kafir on different grounds; to the earlier for his anti-Sufistic positions; and to the latter for his engagement with Khilafat movement.

However, Sunni orthodoxy found them aligned on the cause of saving Muslim identity.8 Correlated with the Sikh Gurdwara movement and Act of 1925, the sunni or Ahle Sunna position turned toward a kind of re and de-territorialization process for re-establishing the contours of Muslim identity. However, instead of owning shrines like Sikhs, the position linked itself largely with mosque. Along with mosques, the Sunni ulema also focused on a particular way of offering prayer, beard, food, dress and other customs derived from Sunnah as an integral part of the Muslim identity.9 They stressed on establishing mosques and madrasa (seminaries), engaged on organized activities around the concept of Shariati Tasawwuf, emphasized on preaching through visiting different places, focused on converting other religious communities, and disposed towards clearing the Muslim sacred site from the remnants of pluralistic ethos, what they interpreted as un-Islamic practices.

The focus of sunni orthodoxy or Ahle e Sunna also remained on emphasizing the distinct and clear difference between Muslims and other religious communities. Once in Faisalabad, in 1920s, Jamat Ali Shah resisted those who insisted on mentioning the name of Guru Har Goband, a Sikh guru, along with Allah on the wall of the local mosque. He ensured through his full force that such thing wouldn't take place and the name of Muhammad would appear along with Allah on the face of mosque.10 He ensured that the purity of Muslim identity would not get polluted from the pluralistic over-lapping religious streams. Along with Jamat Ali Shah, other Sufistic figures, such as Bugwi family scholars, a family of sunni scholars became famous in nineteenth and twentieth century, from the city of Bhera, Punjab, and Mian Sher Muhammad Sharakpuri (d.1926) brought forward a similar concept of Muslim and Islamic identity. The concept of such Islamic identity became more popular when the disciples arriving from Barelwi schools secured

8 Jafar Baloch, Iqbal aur Zafar Ali Khan (Lahore: Iqbal Academy Pakistan, 1995), pp. 35-36. 9 Mohammad Sadiq Qasuri, Tareekh e Mashaikh Qadria Rizwia (Lahore: Zavia Publishers, 2004), p.327. 10 Syed Akhtar hussain Shah and Muhammad Tahir Farooqi, Amir e Millat (karachi, Wahid Press, 2009), pp.450-451.

63 the position of imam in the mosques attached with shrines, opening up or getting attached with the madaris (religious schools) and religious practices in Central Punjab.11 2.1.1. Ahrar, Iqbal and anti-Ahmedi politics: Consolidating Muslim Identity through Exclusion

In the 1930s, the Ahraris for the first time brought the issue of Qadiani’s deviance in the politics of Indian Muslims.12 Along with many other prominent local Muslim leaders, the famous poet, politician and religious scholar in Lahore, Allama Iqbal (1877-1938) also had some working relations with Qadianis when Ahrar initiated its political onslaught against Qadianis around 1930-31.13 The Ahraris convinced Iqbal for distancing himself from the Qadianis and launched a major political campaign against the government in Kashmir.14 After a few months, Iqbal resigned as president of the Kashmir Committee, that was formed earlier in 1930 in Lahore and was headed by Ahmadi leader, Mirza Bashir ud Din Mahmud (1889-1965). Iqbal also started distancing from the Qadiani religio-political position through published essays and articles declaring Ahmadis as non-muslim after 1934, almost at the same time when Unionists supported Sir Zafar Ullah Khan15 for the Muslim seat of Central Legislative Assembly against Allama Iqbal. Initially challenged the Qadiani presence within Kashmir's politics, Ahrar considered the

11 The mosque of Data Sahib got re-constructed around 1923-24. Syedana Shah Abul Barkat Syed Ahmed Lahori (1901-1978), a disciple and Khalifa (a spiritual disciple) of Imam Ahmed Riza Khan came as a Khateeb and Imam Masjid in that mosque around 1923. After few years, he also joined Madrasa of Masjid Wazir Khan but soon had to leave it because of the conflict between him and the care taker of the mosque, Mirza Zafar Ali Judge, on the mode of teaching. Mohammad Sadiq Qasuri, Tareekh e Mashaikh Qadria Rizwia (Lahore: Zavia Publishers, 2004) p.314 12 As Friedman explains, Ahmadi prophetology is indebted to Ibn al-Arabi's concepts of prophecy. The Ahl e Sunnat denied any concept of the continuity. However, they completed the missing link between God and human being through turning prophet (PBUH) as a God like figure. ''As, Muhammad continues to be, that he continues to intervene in the human affairs, and to guide those who follow him.'' Friedman, Prophecy Continuous: Aspects of Aḥmadī Religious Thought and Its Medieval Background (OUP, 2003), p. 25. 13 Allama Iqbal was part of Kashmir cause from as early as 1909 when he became a general secretary of the already existent Kashmir Anjuman, renamed as "Muslim Conference" was formed to show the solidarity with kahmiris, and Muhammad Fauq, the famous Kashmiri Historian, was part of that committee too. See, Dr. Rattan lal Hanglo, Mohammad ud Din Fauq: Remembering first journalist of Kashmir, 05 July, 2012, < http://www.kashmirdispatch.com/others/05078557-mohammad-ud-din-fauq-remembering-the-first-journalist-of- kashmir.htm> Also see, Ayesha Jalal, Self and Sovereignty: Individual and Community in South Asian Islam since 1850 (Lahore: Sang e Meel Publications, 2001), p.352. 14 Janbaz Mirza, Karwan e Ahrar (Lahore: Idara Maktaba Tabsara), p.347. 15 Sir Zafar Ullah Khan also became president of All India Muslim League in 1931. Ahrar protested against the decision. Janbaz Mirza, Karwan e Ahrar (Lahore: Idara Maktaba Tabsara), p.238.

64 penetration of Qadianis not only as dangerous but also ominous.16 Ahrar fought in with this sect within the politics of Kashmir and throughout Punjab. Ahrar showed such an aggression against the religio-political position of Ahmadis that even the national politics of India had felt its impact.

At the height of the Qadiani controversy in 1934, Jawaharlal Nehru, the leader of the Congress, wrote three articles from the perspective of a liberal Indian politician, in support of Qadianis and criticized Muslims for the latter’s exclusionist attitude towards the Qadianis. Iqbal counter argued that even, from the western-Muslim-scholarly position, Qadianis were not part of a larger Muslim community.17 Iqbal based his counter-argument on historical and political grounds and declared that a sect "arising from the bosom of Islam, which claims a new prophet-hood for its basis, and declares all Muslims who did not recognize the truth of its alleged revelation as Kafirs, must therefore be regarded by every Muslim as a serious danger to the solidarity of Islam."18 Though equating "Muslim" and "Islam", for Iqbal, the threat which such views as those of Qadianism posed to the political existence of Muslim society within British India where the politics was based on religio-communal lines, stood as a grave threat for the collective political power of Muslims in India. Almost aligning his views with Ahrar's standpoint, saving Mullah- ridden and Orthodox Muslim from the liberal criticism of both Orientalists and non-Muslim politicians like Jawahar Lal Nehru, and becoming precursor of the later politics, Iqbal seems to be opening up the possibilities of new form of political development around "Singular Muslim" identity.

At another place, in a postscript to his essay, "Qadianis and Orthodox Muslims", Allama Iqbal clarified his position further by taking his argument to the complete exclusion of Qadianis from the larger Muslim polity in India. He even suggested the colonial Indian government to use force for suppressing Qadianis. To him, the policy of non-interference was a bad policy, and so far the British-Indian Government carried on this policy further, each religious community would have

16 In a speech of Sheikh Abdullah published in 1933 in Inqilab, he said, '' I dont have the right to stop them because of their religious views. Because this is the age of Ahmadism (Italics mine)." Mirza Janbaz, vol.1, p.368 17 The response of Allama Iqbal was published by many organizations. It may be found in, Shamloo (ed.), Speeches and Statements of Iqbal (Lahore: Al-manar Academy, 1944), pp. 93-111. and A. R Tariq (ed.), Speeches and Statements of Iqbal (Lahore: Sheikh Ghulam Ali, 1973), pp.109-139. 18 Shamloo (ed.), Speeches and Statements of Iqbal, p.94

65 the right to resort to safeguard their interests by using suitable means.19 In his enthusiasm Iqbal appreciated the "Orthodox Hindus'" demand for protection against religious reformers in the new constitution.20 Iqbal maintained further that the demand ought to have been first made by the Muslims who unlike Hindus, entirely eliminate the race idea from their social structure.21 Iqbal advised the British Government to declare Qadianis as a separate community within British India.22 However, without daring to answer these questions, one can safely infers that Iqbal had developed a consensus with Ahrar on the question of Qadiani for Muslim identity the contours of which Iqbal had already developed.

2.1.2. Allama Iqbal's Articulation of the Singular Muslim Identity and Sufism

Before distancing himself from Qadianis, Allama Iqbal had already developed a concept of a unique identity for the Indian Muslims.23 His conception was a sort of de-territorialization, a de- linking from the customs and soil identity, and providing an idealism of unitary Muslim-ness without any internal differences. His conception of Muslim identity was not only ideal but also simple.24 He not only ignored the relationship from the soil for identifying a Muslim with his community but also ignored the internal religious differences. As Iqbal delinked Muslim identity from territory, so he criticized those cultural and religious streams locating identity with the customary manners and habits. His was the effort to de-territorialize in a way that old coded relationship of Muslim religious articulation, without changing a lot, could find a singular

19 Ibid. 20 Iqbal writes these essays in 1934 when the new constitution of 1935 was about to come. The constitution had already accepted the issue of separate electorate and hoped to be incorporating the Communal Award already came in 1932. 21 Shamloo (ed.), Speeches and Statements of Iqbal, p.59 22 His theorizing, however, seems to be providing sufficient justification to many events later in the post-colonial state, and his recommendation to the British State was taken over by the Post-colonial state and termed this community non-Muslims in 1974. It is interesting that the publisher of the essay in the rejoinder of this essay, considers it necessary to publish the decision of the Legislative assembly of Pakistan, in 1974, terming Qadianis non-Muslims, while republishing these writings of Iqbal. Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, Ashraf Printing Press, (Lahore: 1980), 23 Allama Iqbal's articulated ideas appeared most clearly in his lectures dcelievered in late 1920s and published later on as The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam. In order to chalk out the identity of Muslim culture, Iqbal gave emphasis on the conception of the '' finality of institution of prophethood''. Allama Muhammad Iqbal, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, chapter V (Lahore: Sheikh Muhammad Ashraf, 2007), p.129. 24 David Gilmartin, The Shahid Ganj Mosque Incident: A Prelude to Pakistan," in Ira M. Lapidus and Edmund Burke III, eds., Islam, Politics, and Social Movements, p.154 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988) pp. 146-168.

66 moment to re-territorialize. For him, the singular moment was the personality of prophet Muhammad (PBUH) with which every Muslim had to link itself. His intention though was to find a communal identity transcending colonial-sovereignty, yet at the same time he opened up the dream imageries for a pan-Islamic community with the possible territorializing with trans- geographical boundaries.

Iqbal's criticism on Ahmadis not only brings forward his political understanding but also his Sufistic approach. Earlier in his works, he followed a Sufistic line, such as delving upon the works of Maulan Rumi and Mujaddad Alif Saani in order to develop his thought.25 However in his later writings, especially after 1930s, Iqbal became critical of a certain form of Tasawwuf, may be termed as Wahdat ul Wajud (Unity of Being), along with prevailing form of shrine based culture and Sajjada Nashin attached with such places.26 In his poem, Punjab kai Pirzado Sai (To the sons of Pir of Punjab), Iqbal emphasized that Sajjada Nashins in Punjab were not sufi-faqir because of their close relationships with the colonial state. This relationship brought Sajjada Nashins compromised the responsibility of mystical pursuits in favor of worldly powers. Similarly, in his another poem Punjabi Mulsalman (A Muslim from Punjab) he presented a Punjabi Muslim with the natural orientation of becoming Murid (disciple) of a Pir (local-saint), but does not give attention to thought.27 Iqbal idealized a Sufi-figure, through his spiritual meeting with Mujaddad Alif Sani, as the one who has the "passion for Rightfulness (Kalmai Haq)." As Iqbal was unable to find it within the Sajjada Nashin of Punjab, the spiritual voice of Mujaddad Alif Sani damned the death of Sufistic spirit in the land of Punjab. Iqbal's position shows his disliking for the Sajjada Nashin of the Punjab but also his admiration for the spirit of Mujaddad Alif Sani who, as he thinks in the poem, did not surrender before Jahangir, the Mughal king.

25 In Allama Iqbal's philosophical writings in prose, published as, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought In Islam (1929), clearly positioned his Sufistic thoughts and his sympathies with the specific spiritual tradition, especially those of Mujaddad Alif Sani. 26 Allama Iqbal severely criticized on the form of Tasawwuf that dwells and promotes the idea of Wahdat al Wajud (Unity of Being). For him this form, as an Ajami (Persian) ideas creep into the otherwise Arabic Islamic teachings. His efforts remained to disentangle Ajami influences on the original Arabic Teachings in order to revive and liberate the true spirit of Islamic teachings. See, Preface, Ijaz ul Haq Qaddusi, Iqbal Kai Mahboob Soofia (Iqbal Academy Pakistan: Lahore, 1976), And also Dr. Abul Lais Siddiqi, Iqbal Aur maslak e Tasawwaf (Iqbal Academy Pakistan: Lahore, 1977). 27 His poems published in the collection named as, Zarb e Kaleem in 1936.

67

Iqbal's critique of shrine based practices however was selective. Where he disapproved of what was taking place in Punjab,28 there he eulogized medieval Sufis (such as Nizam ud Din Aulya, Khwaja Muin ud Din Ajmer Sharif and Syed Ali Hajvery Data Ganj Bakhsh).29 He not only often visited these shrines but also said verses in the praise of these Sufi-Saints and shrines.30 Some of Iqbal’s biographers suggest that he remained in search of a Pir e Kamil (the perfect Pir). Even in his criticism of Qadianis he seems to be standing perplexed on the question of "spiritual elevation" of the Movement's founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmed of Qadian. Though he thinks the founder's psychological level during his spiritual experience was not up to the mark, yet the ability to have such an experience was not a question. Until the experience wouldn't violate the supreme principle of the Finality of the prophet-hood of Muhammad (PBUH) the spiritual elevation remains the most significant aspect of Sufistic world. He provided the spiritual teaching of Mujaddad Alif Saani as a model for the same account.31

2.2. The Prevalence of Re-territoriality

The religio-politics around a singular Muslim identity prevailed further and seems to be shaping the perception of Muslim elite during 1930s and 40s. The debates of the Punjab Legislative Assembly, after the elections of 1937, especially the discussion on a Female singers' Prohibiting Act (1943) reflects the changing attitude of Muslim elites regarding Islam and shrines. The Members of the legislative assembly viewed the local site of shrine in the image of a mosque. The mosque seems to become the standard sight for the territoriality of the religion of Islam. The discussion makes it clear that all those religious sites, customarily allowed pluralistic practices, should be transformed into the Islamic site. It seems the concept of territoriality that already got

28 In a letter to Akbar Ala Abadi, Iqbal says, yaha Lahore mai Zaruriat e Islami sai Aik Mutnaffas Bhe Agah Nahi... Sufiia Ke Dukanai Hai Magar Waha Seerat e Islami Ke Mata nahi Bikti (Here in Lahore, not a single person is acquainted with the necessities of Islam. There are shops of Sufis but no one sells there the mannerism of Islamic life.) Ijaz ul Haq Qaddusi, Iqbal Kai Mahboob Soofia (Iqbal Academy Pakistan: Lahore, 1976), p.Yai. 29 For his praises one can find verses as written in Ijaz ul Haq Quddusi's Iqbal Kai Mahboob Sufia. See, Ijaz ul Haq Quddusi, Iqbal Kai Mahboob Sufia (Lahore: Iqbal Academy Pakistan, 1976), pp. 242-245, p.119, p.52, 30 Allama Iqbal seemed to communicate sufis more intimately than can be suggested through many of his published works. Once his brother got suffered with a severe problem, Allama Iqbal sent a written poem to the shrine of Nizam ud Din Aulya. See, Ijaz ul Haq Quddusi, Iqbal Kai Mahboob Sufia, p.245. 31 Not only his poem, Punjab kai Pirzado sai, rather his essays, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam displayed his interest in Mujaddad Alif Sani and in an essay, Culture ..., he rather only discuss him as the spiritual figure who can be considered as the model for the spiritual experiences.

68 attached with the mosque, and all other religious sites should have come closer to the high morality of the site of Islamic-mosque. The discussion emerges on putting restriction on the singing and dancing of a female on the site of shrine and started to be moving around the sole voice supporting the pluralistic practices at the site of shrines. The sole voice however soon found itself in unfavorable conditions and opted for the silence.

The Female Singers' Prohibiting Bill was moved to introduce social reform within society in general32 and especially Muslim society in particular.33 However, for this purpose, the Bill chose the site of shrine where it found ''immoral practices'' of dancing and singing of female singers took place.34 The Bill, though did not show clearly its intention as taking control of the site of shrine, yet the effort can be seen as linked with earlier similar attempts in 1924 and 1937 of the Unionist government.35 However, this effort seems more to release the pressure to curb archaic and ''non-religious'' practices from Muslim Society in order to realign policies of Punjab Government with the already introduced Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act (1937). The Muslim Personal Law (1937) already created pressure on the Punjab government to reform the Family, Inheritance, Customs and Marriage affairs, along with Waqf or Shrines, according to the rules of Muslim community.36 The pressure found its release through the introduction of such bills as Muslim Musawat Bill, 1939, Anti Dowry Bill, 1942, and female Singers' Prohibiting Bill, 1943, passed for preventing female dancing on the shrine sites, while avoiding to promulgate MPL (1937).37

32 The Unionists kept on making effort to get control of shrines and Waqf, yet the pressure to curb archaic practices from Muslim Society, in general, and within Muslim shrines, increased with the prevalence of State policies as introducing Muslim Personal Law or Shariat Bill (1937) and the gradually prevailing ideology of Muslim League. The pressure found its release through the introduction of such bills as Muslim Musawat Bill, 1939, Anti Dowry Bill, 1942, and female Singers' Prohibiting Bill, 1943, passed for preventing female dancing on the shrine sites. 33 "The Bill does not seek to interfere with religion at all. It is merely a Social Reform measure." Malik Khizar Hyat Tiwana, The Minister for Public Works concluded at the end of debate on the Bill. The PLA Debates, Vol. XIV, 1940, printed by Superintendent Govt. Printing Punjab, 1942, p.789. 34 35 The Unionist government made two significant efforts to control shrines earlier, in 1924 and 1937. David Gilmartin, Tribe, Land and Religion in the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan,p.230. 36 The Muslim Personal Law was also a transition from the emphasis upon customary traditions to communal laws during colonial period. The law promulgated through Center and created a pressure on provinces for making them transforming their laws accordingly. However the Shariat Law could not become the provincial law till quite late, in fact till 1948. 37 The Unionist government seemed to be avoiding implementing this law in the province, most probably because of the fear of introducing Muslim inheritance laws. See discussion of the members, such as Malik Feroz Khan Noon

69

The members from the ruling benches38 saw this Bill largely as an implementation of Shariat and of Islamic principles in order to purify the religious practices. The emphasis of the ruling members was that the State had the right to act as a purifier, and correct degraded and immoral practices. The singing and dancing considered to be an immoral act and should not have been allowed to take place on the shrines of Sufi-Saints who remained active during their lifetime to preach and promulgate Islam. Interestingly, the Mela and festivities on Urs were denied their cultural and traditional existence. Instead the activities, such as, Mela and Urs of the Sufi-Saint were seen as an immoral remnant of the old puritan practices. As Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan maintained, on "the various shrines of Muslim saints, for instance Dargah Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, Dargah Ajmer sharif and Dargah Kaliar sharif where on the occasion of "Urs" sermons were preached openly and religious speeches were made in public gathering with a view to improve the morals of the people. But later on the celebration of these anniversaries went on demoralizing gradually and now they have degenerated into 'Melas' which are lacking all those good things of good olden days."39

Amidst the urge of the Punjab Government to introduce social reforms on Muslim religious sites and of the revivalist consciousness of the ruling benches to introduce Shariat, there was a voice of a member, Pir Akbar Ali, from Fazilka, who opposed this Bill on quite the opposite grounds. Pir Akbar Ali considered this Bill as interference in the religious matter. Though he could not differentiate between puritan religious stream and pluralistic cultural-sacred practices, yet he insisted that dominating one stream of ideas on other may generate strange results. He maintained that what if another government came and put a restriction on Azan. He held that Mutwallis controlled the shrines and they must handle this matter too (interestingly, at least till that time we find no objection on controlling shrine by Mutwallis or Mutwallis as the legitimate care taker of the shrines). "It is up to the Mutwalli of that shrine to permit or prohibit her from

and Begum Shahnawaz in the Punjab Legislative Assembly. The PLA Debates, Vol. XIV, 1940, printed by Superintendent Govt. Printing Punjab, 1942, p.789. Also for avoiding to introduce MPL, see discussion in, The PLA Debates, Vol. XIV, 1940, printed by Superintendent Govt. Printing Punjab, 1942, p.789. 38 Some of the significant members who participated in the discussions were: Malik Khizar Hayat Khan Tiwana, Syed Mohy-ud Din Lal Badshah, Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan, Mian Abdul Rab, Sheikh Faiz Muhammad, Pir Akbar Ali. The PLA Debates, Vol. XIV, 1940, printed by Superintendent Govt. Printing Punjab, 1942, p.782-789. 39 Ibid., p.786.

70 doing so, but you want to take upon yourself the duties of a Mutwalli and want to prohibit such singing."40 For him, this Bill ''attempts to apply a corrective to the morals of the people by compulsion which in itself is an effort of very doubtful value.''41

Interestingly, to the surprise of many ruling members, Pir Akbar Ali quoted a Hadith, ''He who does not recite the Quran with Ghana (in melodious voice) is not from among us,'' in order to put forward his case that what ''if a female singer were to recite the Holy Quran with Ghana would you permit her to do so?"42 Also "even a prostitute can have an idea of salvation and may go to the places where she finds her peace."43 For many members it is unimaginable to perceive that even a prostitute can have a religious idea of salvation and can go to shrine for finding her peace. Putting forward the question of Ghana, coupled with the permission to the prostitute going to the shrine invited a strong opposition. For many members this was as immoral to think that way as to permit female singers to sing on the shrines. However, when one member said, that Pir Akbar Ali was saying that '' to sing hymns of Holy Quran, God forbid me is Zina (Adultery),'' and even after repeatedly clarifying by Pir Akbar Ali that he was saying Ghana not Zina (adultery), the member couldn't understand the meaning of Ghana, as he again understood this word as "Gunah (sin)". For Pir Akbar Ali it was enough to stop giving his argument as he understood the religious understanding of the members who were so ready to give fatwas against immoral practices and to implement Shariat at the site of shrines. However they did not understand the meaning of an Arabic word. The Bill prohibiting Female Singers to sing at the site of shrine however got passed in 1943 and paved the way for implementing high-moral reformative agenda of colonial urban elites.

2.3. Emergence of Muslim politics and Jinnah's Muslim League

As the movement of Muslim League gained its momentum in the 1940s, and appropriated the singular Muslim identity closer to Allama Iqbal’s ideas, dissenting voices such as that of Pir

40 The Debates of PLA, p.784. It is also interesting that the reply from a member of ruling bench did not say that he was in favour of taking role of Mutwalli, instead he said that people on the day of Urs do not remain in control of a Mutwalli. p.787. 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid.

71

Akbar Ali’s gradually faded away. Gaining tremendously in reputation after staying even less than modest in the elections of 1937, the Jinnah's Muslim League attracted many Muslim organizations and leaders to merge with it after 1940.44 Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, though won a seat for Central Assembly and two seats from Lahore, Punjab in 1937 elections from his newly formed party, Majlis-i-Ittehad-i-Millat,45 yet, felt disillusioned from the pro-Congress politics and made his party merge into Muslim League in 1940. Along with Majlis-i-Ittehad-i-Millat party, the Muslim League found the support of some of the reformist Pirs, Sajjada Nashins and Sunni scholars. The association, Jamat Ahl e Sunnat,46 found its religious ideal of distinct Muslim closer to the political ideal of Jinnah's Muslim League. The workers of the organization, such as Abdu Sattar Niazi, who was president of Muslim Student Federation and, after 1947, became a prominent figure of JUP (Jamiat Ulema e Pakistan, a political organization of Barelwi school of thought),47 worked hard in the hope to build a new state on the conception of singular Islam. These efforts found it very convenient to use Allama Iqbal's poetry of religious revivalism in rural areas, aligning it with the tradition of those reformist Sufi-personalities struggled to prevail Islam in the region, in order to stir hope for the complete prevalence of Islam.48

As the struggle for Pakistan intensified, some other influential Pirs and Sajjada Nashin who were standing with the politics and policies of Unionist party, till then, and providing support to the ruling system devised by the British authorities, also started shifting to the cause of Muslim League.49 A large number of Sufi-Pirs started favoring the struggle of Pakistan, thus taking the

44 Ayesha Jalal, The Sole spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan, (Cambridge: 1987), pp. 260-287. 45 Younas Samad, A Nation in Turmoil: Nationalism and Ethnicity in Pakistan, 1937-1958 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1995), p.43. Little later, even Shias and Ahl e Hadith, two other Muslim sects, shwoed their political unity though for opposite reasons. In 1934, Shia Conference decided and appealed all shias to vote only for those candidates standing upon joint electorate. In 1934, Ahl e Hadith League appealed the Governor General to reserve special seats for them. Janbaz Mirza, Karwan e Ahrar, Vol.1, p.466-467. 46 Ibid., p. 15. 47 Abdus Sattar Khan Niazi was member of Punjab Muslim Students Federation that accepted the idea of Paksitan as early as in 1939. Samad, The Nation in Turmoil, p.64. 48 As Gilmartin highlights the text of Niazi and Shafi, "The flag of Islam... which Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh planted in Lahore in the eleventh century, with which Khwaja Muin ud din Chishti encompassed the corners of India, and which Khwaja Bakhtiyar Kaki, Baba Farid Shakkarganj, Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya, and Khwaja Nasiruddin Mahmud Chiragh e Delhi had in their own times raised high, has by the misfortune of India for the last two hundred and fifty years awaited a standard bearer." David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989), p.210. 49 Ibid., pp.505-508.

72 cause of a Muslim independent state to the village.50 In 1946, the League itself made an organization of Mahsaikh and Ulema as Mashaikh Committee in which such reformist figures as Jamat Ali Shah and Pir of Manki Sharif found the prominent place. However, interestingly some famous politicians, "like Khan Iftikhar Husain Khan of Mamdot, Sirdar Shaukat Hayat Khan, Malik Feroz Khan Noon and Nawab Muhammad Hayat Qureshi, who were not much known for their religiosity till then, were also included in this Committee with assigned religious designations."51 The appointment of politicians within Masha’ikh Committee mixed up ''important political leaders of the Province with religious leaders of recognized status and to hold them out as spokesmen of religion so that if occasion arose they could sway the masses more easily.''52

The policy of Muslim League to have a close relationship with Pir and Sajjada Nashin was a continuity of Unionist party's strategy. But the Muslim League completely appropriated the religious space of reformist popular devotion, a step ahead of the Unionists who only developed working relationship with those Pir and Mashaikh those were largely embedded in customary traditions.53 Gilmartin shows the anxiety of many Unionist candidates during 1945-46 elections against the political preaching of reformist Sufis, such as M. Hussain Shah, the son of Jamat Ali Shah who ensured the rural community that voting for any non-Muslim leaguer would lead to infidelity (kufr).54 In the same vein, Jamat Ali Shah termed Jinnah as Wali (friend of God), thus aligning him with the long tradition of Sufi-Saints and saved him from the lethal criticism of religious leaders from Ahrar and Deoband.55 It seems, the ability of Muslim league to re-frame urban religious ideology within the Sufistic Muslim identity consolidated the position of Muslim League and provided that very political weight needed to win the separatist centripetal politics.

50 Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj, trans. Tahir Kamran, pp.214-215. 51 Khan Iftikhar Husain Khan of Mamdot was described as Pir Mamdot Sharif, Sirdar Shaukat Hayat Khan as Sajjada Nashin of Wah Sharif, Malik Feroz Khan Noon of Darbar Sargodha Sharif and Nawab Muhammad Hayat Qureshi as Sajjada Nashin of Sargodha Sharif and to top all, the Secretary of this Committee, Mr. Ibrahim Ali Chishti, was designated Fazil-i- Hind Sajjada Nashin of Paisa Akhbar Sharif. Munir Inquiry Commission Report, 1953, p.254. 52 Ibid. 53 For Unionists it was enough to have a close relationship with pirs and sajjada nashin of rural areas. They intended to have their cooperation, and if they could not find it, they found themselves satisfied seeing them indifference with the politics. David Gilmartin, Tribe, Land and Religion in Pakistan: Muslim Politics and the making of Pakistan, phd thesis, (university of California, 1979) pp.169-170. 54 David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan, p.218. 55 Ibid., p.216.

73

The struggle for separate homeland for Muslims of India won the day through the support of reformist Sufis and consensual ideas of Allama Iqbal however at the same time made further fragile the link between the newly emerging rationality and the local sacred world Pir Fazal Ali stood for.56 The Muslim League stood for modern religious ideology proclaiming to transform the otherwise backward life by opening up developmental possibilities, especially and only, for Muslims. This religious ideology empowered through its rational-scriptural formation, though imbibed and employed reformist Sufistic ideas, still considered the shrine-based Sufistic practices devoid of modern rationality and part of rural and non-Islamic life. The success in the creation of Pakistan, despite losses of millions of lives, provided a new strength to the political and moral position of urban elite for celebrating their mode of rationality through purifying the archaic sites and practices.

2.4. Double Re-territorializing: A renewed search for identity on a new soil

Soon after the independence from the Colonial rule, a search for redefining identity emerged again for the Colonial Sector.57 Earlier, during the Colonial period, the main stream of religio- political ideologies developed over-lapping consensus and formed the space for re-territorializing singular identity. The re-territorialized space for singular identity was acquired among multiple religious communities. De-territorializing from the customary traditions and soil already provided a sense of detachment with the spaces built on the over-lapping multi-religious memories. The unitary Muslim-ness without any need of belonging to the land58 however

56 It is interesting that the religio-moral principles of Colonial Urban elite remained against the pluralistic shrine- based practices, and the alignment of sufi-pir with Muslim League politics, though strengthened their revivalist spirit yet also reduced the justification for their traditional existence. 57 Jamal Malik has employed the concept ''sector'' for showing paradigm shifts in Indian society after colonization. He analyzes this sector into two forms: Colonial Agricultural Sector and Colonial Urban Sector in order to highlight the section of society aligning with the colonial developmental paradigm. Jamal Malik, Colonialization of Islam: Dissolution of Traditional Institutions in Pakistan (New Delhi: Manohar, 1996), pp. 17-19. 58 For Appadurai, the concept of Re-Territorialization means, regaining identity in a peculiar way, not necessarily linked up with the connection with soil: '' soil needs to be distinguished from territory... where soil is a matter of a spatialized and originary discourse of belonging, territory is concerned with integrity, surveyability, policing, and subsistence. Further, for him, ''De-territorialization expresses the disjuncture between feelings of belonging and place of residence.'' Appadurai, (1990) ‘Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy’, Theory, Culture and Society, vol. 7, nos. 2-3: 295-310. However, the process of De-territorialization necessarily gives birth to the process of Re-Territorialization.

74 became enigmatic in the post-Colonial world. Muslim political elite could not hide the inherent contradiction of its ideology. The elite, on the one hand, found itself in a situation where they found themselves not only in overwhelming political majority but also as rulers and inheritor of the colonial-ruling-structure. On the other hand, the elite were part of liberated religious community bound to re-structure its life according to the acclaimed religious principles. An urge to resolve this contradiction led to another process of forming identity— a kind of double re- territorializing and de-territorializing process that de-linked completely belonging with the Others and the soil.59

The process of the redefining as double re-territorializing took place at multiple levels with the common theme of re-re-territorializing and de-de-territorializing. The process of double or re-re- territorializing process initiated a kind of consistent engagement with Islamic principles and opening up the possibility of implementing Shariat during the process of re-locating in the new geographical boundaries.60 The process provided a ground for multiple negotiated perspectives to play on the common ground of locating Muslim identity while refusing to be rooted in the soil. The process engendered a new kind of politics, which Ali Qasmi terms as Politics of Islam.61 The Politics remained grounded within the search for new identity in the post-colonial state while retaining the identity largely shaped from the 1920s onwards. However, the Politics was not that smooth a process and contrasted severely with the inherited colonial state structures. The Politics

59 The Muslim political rulers found themselves in majority, having singular identity and a land to rule devise a technique to reduce all other communities into the status of Minority. The religious elite found itself in the position of Majority Rule, re-territorialized itself through excluding Ahmadis. All of the political, intellectual and religious elite, in the new land, excluded traditional pluralistic mystical practices. 60 During debates of first constitution in early part of 1950s in Pakistan, Binder writes, "Most of the members from Bengal used up a large part of their time in excusing the long delay in constitution making, in recalling the struggle for Pakistan, in thanking God that an agreed formula had been worked out, in hailing the millenium when all the ideals of Islam would be realized through an Islamic constitution, and in praising the virtues of Islam. But when all this was said only six members specifically demanded that the Head of the State be a Muslim, only two specifically demanded that Islam be declared the state religion, and only eight specifically demanded that Pakistan be declared an Islamic republic." Leonard Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan (University of California Press, ), p. 323. 61 Ali Usman Qasmi considers the advantage of using this phrase is that at the very same time we can discuss the '' disputative negotiation of contrasting religious traditions, sectional interests and ideological worldview of key actors, and the imperatives of populist decision-making. It is the interplay of such variables and their relative strengths and weakness during different sets of socio-political, economic and, even, geostrategic compulsions, that has determined the course of Islam's role in the State of Pakistan.'' Ali Usman Qasmi, God's Kingdom on Earth? Politics of Islam in Pakistan, 1947-1969, Modern Asian Studies / Volume 44 / Issue 06 / November 2010, pp 1197 1253 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X09000134, Published online: 04 May 2010.

75 opened up the process of "disputative negotiation" among contrasting revivalist religious articulations, "sectional interests" and " politico-religious worldview."62 These interplay of interests and politico-discursive engagements not only kept the question for the role of Islam alive but also kept the ground of deep seated urge to search for identity, in the form of double- reterritorialization, intact in the post-colonial State of Pakistan.

For the post-colonial state, the process of double re-territorialization soon turned into a process of excluding Others completely from the concept of singular Muslim identity. As the political elite refused to relate with the soil of the acquired land and insisted on maintaining its identification with Umma or universal-common-religious-group, the double re-territorializing stood upon de-territorializing the pluralistic traces embedded within soil and customs.63 Within the circles of political elite, the effort of re-identifying process concluded in forming Objectives Resolution in 1949. At another level, the process concluded in establishing non-state and, little later, state institutionalization of Anti-Ahmediyya movement. However, more than any other level, the process of double-re-territorialization redefined the concept of shrines and Sufism through excluding the deviant mystic and spiritual practices and identifying these sites with Islamized Shari practices. The colonial urban morality supported the process of redefining as the reporting of print media suggests.64

2.4.1. Objectives Resolutions: The Politics of Double-re-territorialization

The creation of Pakistan brought out the need to make the nascent state Islamic, however in a little strange way. The "great leader" (Quaid e Azam) of the newly independent nation, Muhammad Ali Jinnah remained throughout his life, more disposed towards liberal ways, and seldom tried, in his speeches and acts to present a position making newly developed Pakistan an Islamized state. However, especially after 1940s, his close connection with religious figures and

62 Ibid. 63 From the speeches of Objectives resolution, to both revivalists and Modern intelligentsia, and from Sajjada Nahsin to modern elite, one can have an echo of such process of identification. On one level, such conception even went to create a larger Islamized block, including all Muslim worlds, on which Khaliq uz Zaman, the president of Muslim League, even started serious working. Daily Imroze, Lahore, 11 January 1950. 64 Foreword of Ayyub Khan in the book of Javaid Iqbal, The Ideology of Pakistan and its Implementation (Lahore: Sh. Ghulam Ali and Sons, 1959).

76 his political articulations for making Muslim identity distinct enough to claim for a separate home-land made it hard for some to find his directions clearly.65 A large number of intellectual and political elites of the nascent state pushed forward a religious, if not theological appearance of the new state as they also found it quite sagacious in dealing with political situation of the nascent country. The ideological basis of the Muslim League compelled it to include revivalist- Ulema, who were already disposed towards Law-making instead of getting engaged in theory,66 into constituent assembly to form an Islamic constitution.67 The presentation of Objectives Resolution, after the death of Jinnah,68 ensured that any future constitution would have to deal with the question of Islamic principles.

The Objectives Resolution where brought forward the exclusion of non-Muslims there it also showed almost the impossibility of forming a theological state because of the varied differences within the ruling elite for accepting the Resolution. Liaquat Ali Khan, while accepting the Resolution shows his unique sense of Islam quite closer to Socialism, as he also used quite frequently the concept of Islamic Socialism. For Shabbir Ahmed Usmani, a Deoband scholar and the member of the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan,69 first Islamic State of Muslim Khalifa was the best democracy because it took ''a lead in all other democracies of the World, and that it is ''the first political institution in the world which abolished imperialism, enunciated the principle of referendum and installed a caliph elected by the people in place of the king.''70 His address retained the perspective of trans-regional element like many other members defending the Resolution.71 The reference of the letter by Jinnah to Gandhi in 1944 and Jinnah's speech in 1945, for Allama Shabbir Ahmed Usmani, became the basis for showing his understanding of the

65 While putting forward his views in favor of Objectives Resolution of 1949, Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani presented the conversation of Jinnah with Gandhi that emphasized on the separate and distinct identity of Muslim nation. Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan (Oxford University press, 2001), p. 61. 66 Leonard Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan, pp.11-13. 67 Ibid., pp.29-31. 68 For some, Jinnah himself accepted the formation of new state somewhere between a theological state and a secular state. Aziz Ahmed, Islamic Modernity in Sub-continent: from 1857 to 1964 (Oxford University Press, 1967), p.340. 69 Leonard Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan,p.29. 70 Justice Dr. Tanzil ur Rehman, Objectives Resolution and Its Impact on Pakistan Constitution and Law (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1996), p.14. 71 Ibid., p.16.

77 history of the struggle of Muslim League, as a struggle for a separate Islamic State, at-least since as early as 1944.

Interestingly, Sir Zafar Ullah Khan, who72 was severely criticized by Ahrar and other religious groups since the 1930s because of his Qadiani persuasion, accepted the resolution with a hope for drafting a constitution based on Islamic principles. His speech in the defense of the resolution highlights his conception of Islamic state and society with highest standards of moralities, freedom and equality. If Liaquat Ali Khan’s focus was on socialism while outlining Islamic economic system, Zafar Ullah Khan based his ideas of economy on the Islamic concepts of Interest, Taxation (Zakat) and system of Inheritance and such system would engender '' co- partnership and profit-sharing, rather than upon the lending of money on interest.''73 He was among those in the Constituent Assembly who strongly stressed upon the moral purity of Islamic Society and rationally articulated the ban on the usage of gambling and intoxicants.74 Going against the minority members, Zafar Ullah Khan emphasized that sphere of Politics and Religion cannot be considered apart and ''the Resolution does go further and require that the Constitution to be framed should be such by virtue of which the Muslims shall be enabled so to order their lives.''75

In 1950, the government established a Talimat e Islami Board for collecting and drafting suggestions for including Islamic principles in the new constitution. An eminent religious scholar, Allama Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, who belonged to Deoband and Nadwa seminaries, became its president, after a short stay of Dr. Hamid Ullah as Board's head.76 After one year of consultation, the Board proposed twenty two points for the constitution. The crux of the proposal was to make Pakistan an ''Islamic'' State based upon ''ideology'', instead of locality, geography or ethnic identity. Different ''schools of thought'' agreed to respect the freedom and right of other sects to propagate their own version of Islam. The proposals consider Muslim personal Law or

72 Janbaz Mirza, Karwan e Ahrar Vol. 1 (Lahore: Tijarat Printers, 1975), p.239. 73 Justice Dr. Tanzil ur Rehman highlighted the economic conception of Sir Zafar Ullah Khan while detailing his speech during the process of presenting Objectives Resolution. Justice Dr. Tanzil ur Rehman, Objectives Resolution and Its Impact on Pakistan Constitution and Law (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1996), p.20. 74 Ibid., p.20. 75 This point is also highlighted by Justice Dr. Tanzil ur Rehman, Ibid., p. 19. 76 Ibid., p.39.

78

Shariat Law (1937) that was re-enacted by provincial assembly of Punjab in 1948, as a legislative arbitrator among multiple interpretations. The proposals maintain that ''matters coming under the purview of personal law shall be administered in accordance with their respective codes of jurisprudence (fiqh)."77 The proposals also provided solution for the inter- conflicting matters as "it will be desirable to make provision for the administration of such matters by judges belonging to their respective schools of thought...''78 The proposals however were not incorporated in the constitutions of 1956.

2.4.2. Punjab Assembly and Auqaf After promulgating the Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act in 1948, and after elections, the Punjab legislative assembly found its foremost task to extend Islamization through introducing a Bill to have a control on shrines and other sacred site. The effort for introducing Auqaf Bill of 1951-52, that also entailed a sense of urgency, however came out as a surprise for many of the members of the assembly, as there was no mentioning of such thing during the elections taken place only few months ago.79 However the ruling benches claimed that the Bill was not a new effort and already earlier in 1924 and 1937 similar efforts have been made.80 The Bill movers maintained that the earlier efforts to introduce such a bill failed because of the fear of having non-religious figures as a member of Muslim Auqaf Board. However, as after the partition such fears have been dissolved altogether, this Bill that seeks supervision of the shrines and their property must be in place.81

The Bill movers though maintained that there were clear evidences of misappropriation in Waqf Property, yet they made it clear that intention is to make the working of Waqf transparent and clear. The Bill was not introduced to take complete control of Waqf properties from the traditional care takers rather the Bill restrained itself to the purpose of overseeing and registering the Waqf Property. The Bill movers made it evident that as Sikh Gurdwara Act of 1925 bore very good results for the Sikh community, Auqaf Bill must be introduced for eradicating the social illness and re-directing the flow of wealth otherwise being wasted by Mutwallis. The Bill

77 Ibid. p.200 78 Ibid., pp.200-201 79 PLA (Punjab Legislative Assembly) Reports, p. 282. 80 Ibid., p.282 81 Ibid.

79 in this sense presented as re-appropriating the missed moment of history for taking shrines and other sacred sites under community control.

Though many of the opposition members criticized, and in some instances, severely, the whole debate remained a discursive activity wrapped within the discourse of Shariat during which both opposition and treasury benches did their best to present their point of view according to the religious texts. The voice like that of Pir Akbar Ali, as it appeared during the debates of 1943 for putting restriction on the dancing of women on shrines, did not appear during discussion. It seemed, that even to speak in favor of Mutwalli appeared as a taboo, because of the almost unanimous acceptance of the Mutwalli, as '' cheaters, usurpers and fraudulents,'' as ''those who has been consuming the Waqf Property without any right and legality.''82 The criticism also remained grounded upon the implementation of Shariat and differences arose for doing that implementation in a right or wrong way. The criticism maintained that the newly developed state intends to take a mediatory position between devotees and the shrines. However, for doing this, the state consider Islamic Shariat as its ideal and equate Waqf Board with Islami Shariat.83

One of the major efforts of the Bill remained that of defining difference between Public Waqf and Private Waqf Property. Acknowledging the efforts of Muhammad Ali Jinnah for making Waqf Validating Act 1913 in order to legalize private Waqf Property, the Auqaf Bill was to define Public Waqf. As there is no more Colonial rule, in the newly liberated Islamic state, the benefits of Waqf must reach to the public. Around this theme, the debates of the Bill moved, though remained within the Shari framework. Opposition benches tried its best to restrict treasury benches to the definition of the public, as equating it with the common public. However, the treasury benches defied all their efforts and made ways for the possibility of taking Waqf Property in direct control of the state. In this way the treasury benches equate Public as a State, in the absence of Private Waqf, and justify taking control of the use of the income. As in case of Waqf where clear Beneficiary is not present and family is not there, "only state is to decide what should be religious, charitable and beneficial for the public." 84

82 Ibid., p.339. 83 Ibid., p. 288. 84 Ibid., p.297.

80

The state benches made it clear to ensure that the Bill was for the larger benefit of the public. The treasury benches ensured that the Funds of Waqf couldn't be used for some other purpose than defined by the Waqif. Funds reserved (Waqf) for a mosque couldn't be used on the mosque other than that, even not on other mosque.85 The criticism of the opposition that the treasury benches should use the words ''poor'' instead of public, as Shariat ordered to give Waqf income to the poor or Faqir. The opposition gave references from the religious texts in order to validate its position. The treasury benches were not slow and in reply gave allusion to such religious texts as, Fatawai Alamgiri, etc., for bringing forward the claim that Waqf is for God and for the welfare of its common people: hence the common word ''public'' can be used instead of poor.86 The treasury benches maintain that Waqf once made becomes the property of God. The profit out of the Waqf Property should only be used for the welfare of the common people. Such a property can't be inherited, nor gifted and can't be sold out. From there, it was not difficult to deduce that state works for God and therefore it is the duty of the state to take control of properties attached to the Waqf and let the public in general take benefit from them. The opposition benches though tried to reduce the chances of state to take over Wqaf property, however, the treasury benches convinced the opposition by condemning them to be a lawyer for Mutwalli. For the opposition, it appeared as a swearing, and the opposition member clarified that he was not a lawyer for Mutwalli, instead only tried to work for Islamic Shariat in the Islamic Republic.87

The Bill brought forward a changed mood and a drift in the perception of Colonial-Urban elite regarding the site of shrines. Instead of considering shrines, or takia or Aastana as customary sacred sites, the debates of the provincial assembly remained focused upon Private or Public Waqf Property. Members, from both opposition and treasury, showed their unwillingness to take side of the Mutwallis or Sajjada Nashin, and showed a kind of a universal necessity to take action against the immoral activities of Mutwallis. The opposition made it clear that the effort of the state is to appropriate the property attached with the sacred spaces, lying there almost vulnerably and the State wanted to sideline Mutwallis and intended to take their position.

85 Ibid., p.286. 86 Ibid., p.337. 87 Ibid., p.340.

81

2.4.3. Post-Colonial Politics, shrine-based practices and high-morality The post-colonial state though kept revivalist or puritan Muslim scholars only at dialogical distance during Politics of Islam,88 and showed a deep urge for re-shaping laws following the religious interpretation of Modern religious scholars89 yet almost institutionalize some of the ritualistic religious practices of its old allies, that is, of reformist Ahl e Sunna Sufis. The postcolonial state started celebrating Eid Milad Un Nabi (the birth of Prophet (PBUH))90 non- officially almost from the very start.91 However, the Punjab government seemed to be taking lead and officially organized a big function in January 1950 when first time the governor of Punjab, in the absence of Provincial Assembly,92 organized a program in Shahi Qila (Fort), Lahore. Around two hundred and fifty thousand people gathered on the occasion.93 The day was

88 The post-colonial state not only ignored the collective suggestions of Ulema for the constitution but also took a secular position during 1953 Khatam e Nabuwwat Movement. Such religious scholars, as that of Maulana Mawdudi and Abd us Sattar Niazi had to face strict sentences. However, the politics around first constitution during 1955-56 re-created the importance of the religious figures such as that of Maulana Maududi. Governor General Sikandar Mirza ensured the support of Maulana for stamping constitution as Islamic. Vali Reza Nasr, Mawdudi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism, (OUP, 1996), p.44. 89 S. A. Rehman, the serving judge for the Supreme Court of West Pakistan in 1958, stated ''that the field of fresh legislation is wide open and that the classical jurisprudential compendiums need to be updated, albeit in line with the ' permanent values' specified by the Quran, so as to make them compatible with the challenges and demands of the modern world.'' With the fierce response of Maududi, the position of S.A. Reman seemed to be the prevailing voice of the state machinery ready to re-interpret religious teachings according to the changed situation. Maududi retorted with the argument that '' the Prophet was not simply a priest who dictated certain permanent values but was mandated with the certain task of setting up an Islamic order, based wholly on Divine principles. The laws introduced for this purpose, and the mode of their practice, interpretation and implementation has come down to the Muslims in the form of Hadith and the Sunnat.'' Ali Qasmi, The Kingdom of God, p. 1219. 90 There is a severe conflict upon celebrating Eid Milad un Nabi between Deobandi revivalists and Barelwi scholars. Deobandi revivalists does not consider it religiously right to celebrate the birth of the prophet, and consider it a Biddat (innovation). However, Barelwi scholars favoured this celebration and are against all those opposing it. Sajid Khan Naqshbandi, Roidad e Manazra Kohat: Mrawwaja Jashan e Eid Milad un Nabi (Kohat: Anjuman Dawa Ahl e Sunna, 2011). 91 Even earlier, just after the independence the State authorities started participating activities on this day, however in Punjab it was officially organized first time in 1950. Imroz, 27 December, 1949. 92 The Punjab Provincial Assembly was dissolved in January 1949 by Liaquat Ali Khan, after the uncontrolled dispute between the premiership of Iftikhar Mandot and Mian Mumtaz Doltana. Tahir Kamran, Early Phase of Electoral Politics in Pakistan: 1950s, pp.261-262, South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies Vol. 24, No.2, July-December 2009, pp. 257-282. 93 The Punjab government advertisement the program of celebrating Eid Milad un Nabi in newspapers. One of such advertisement that published in Daily Imroz, on 01 January, 1950, says that police, scouts, Paasban and National Volunteers gave Salute (Salami) to honorable Malik Muhammad Anwar and later on common meeting would begin under the presidency of His Excellency Governor Bahadur. Abul Hafeez Jalandhry and Saqib Zahrwi would present Naat and Salam, and Mr. Dinsha, Mr. C.E. Gibbon, Reverend Najm ud Din, Mr. Vir Sanan Sahni, Allama Ala ud Din Siddiqui, honorable Malik Muhammad Anwar and His Excellency Sardar Abd ur Rab Nishtar would make speeches. It seems interesting that some of the speakers seem to be either Christians or Hindus. Daily Imroz, 01 January, 1950.

82 celebrated through reading Naat and the eulogizing (Salam) of the Prophet (PBUH). While ensuring to celebrate this day officially, the state used its departments to put lights on important buildings and facilitate processions and other similar activities.94 The state also supported the procession of Eid Milad Un Nabi in Lahore. The procession became a customary practice that used to end on mosque Dalgiran, near Railway Station, Lahore during 1950s.95 However, in 1959, the procession seemed to be ending on the shrine of Data Sahib.96

On the other hand the expectation of the modern elites and the press in general went high regarding the ethics of possible religious expressions. One could find during the period of 1950 and 1958, many reported instances of immoral or criminal acts at a site of shrine or about shrine based practices in general, and the failed expectations from the Auqaf Board.97 It is quite hard to find a difference between eccentric practices and criminality that was found attached with Pirs and Pir Parasti (Devotion for the Pir) in the newspaper reports and editorials published after the creation of Pakistan.98 An editorial report published in a newspaper, in 1955, after narrating that CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) Daska had caught a group of fraudulent disguised in the form of "Pir" and were active in looting Sadaloh (simpleton) rural women, the newspaper opines that this is not a first of its kind, rather it is almost daily such similar news came and finds place in newspapers, since the emergence of Pakistan.99 The editorial further opines that it (to be Pir) seems to be the easiest way to earn money because of the superstitious beliefs of the rural people.100 Another similar situation, through a Letter to the Editor, narrates that sorcerers in the guise of Pir came in the villages and by showing the Karamat (miracles) stayed within the houses of villagers for many days. Further, these Pir made the women and girls of the villages

94 The post-colonial state, especially after Major General Sikandar Mirza in power, started promoting such activities further. One can find a visible difference between news reports published from the rule of Sikandar Mirza. The newspapers started giving the activities very prominent place and role of State to provide support for organizing these activities became quite visible. The precedence continued after Ayyub Khan came in power and took over shrines. 95 Nawai Waqt, 18 October 1956, Lahore. 96 It is first time in 1960 that state encouraged to enroute the procession of Eid Milad Un Nabi to end on the shrine of Data Sahib, connecting tradition of celebrating Eid Milad Un Nabi with the shrine of Data Sahib, that from there on never broke away. Nawai Waqt, 16 September, 1959. 97 One can find such reports in Urdu daily newspapers, for example, in Imroz and Nawai Waqt. However, more often, it was Nawai Waqt that carried such reports and editorial responses on them. 98 For example, in a report published in Imroz, CID police arrested a religious pir for proclaiming to be Imam Mahdi in Karachi. Daily Imroz, 09 November, 1950, Lahore. 99 Nawai Waqt, August 01, 1955, Lahore. 100 Ibid.

83 dance on the melody of Dhol for many days. The Letter suggests that these are not only immoral practices but also against Islamic Sharia, and must be stopped.101 However, occasionally one also finds a suggestion from a newspaper to differentiate between criminals and beliefs of the people and suggested that police should do its task properly and politicians must participate actively in reforming activities in rural and backward areas to avoid such incidences.102

The reports did not save even the most venerated of the shrines, that is the shrine of Data Sahib of Lahore. Amongst all the shrines, it was the shrine of Data Sahib, in Lahore that was considered to be the shrine where urban elites prefer to go most. Even earlier than the state giving official holiday on this day, most of the local markets and offices seem to be closing down their work for a day on Urs of Data Sahib. However an incident jolted the followers regarding the abduction of two women, only few days after the Urs in September 1958, by some of the Mujawarin or Mutwalli of the shrine of Data Sahib, Lahore. The incident took place when two women from Wazirabad came to pray on Data Sahib and few Mujawarin, allure them in order to show sacred Ziaratai (sacred belongings). Allegedly, the Mujawarin abducted them and kept them for two days under their possession. Later on, while a woman succeeded to flee from the cell where she was kept, she approached police and reported the incident. After searching for three or four days, police remained able to arrest the run-away Mujawarin.103 The incident took place only few weeks before the imposition of the Martial Law of Ayyub Khan in October 1958, and for some, even became the immediate reasons for taking over shrines, especially that of Data Sahib Lahore.104

2.5. The Islamic Ideology and the ground for Auqaf Ordinance 1959

Modern Muslim intelligentsia had moved away from localized, non-political to trans-local political Islam when Ayyub Khan came in power. The modern intelligentsia stemmed out of Iqbal's ideas prevailed into post-colonial state into universal political terms. Interestingly, Iqbal at the very same time, kept affectionate relations with as conservative a figure as that of Maulana

101 ''Shaubda Baz Darwesh'' (sorcerer Darwesh), Letter to the Editor, Nawai Waqt 26 October, 1955, Lahore. 102 Nawai Waqt, August 01, 1955, Lahore. 103 Nawai Wakt (Lahore), September 24, 1958. 104 and also became a moral justification for taking over shrines in order to reform them.

84

Abul Maududi and a controversial figure as that of Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz. It was Iqbal who nominated Maulana Maududi for the headship of the Islamic school, Dar ul Islam, opened at Pathankot and later on transferred to Mansura, Lahore.105 And Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz also enjoyed the company of Iqbal106 and, interestingly also worked along with Maududi. Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz was part of Jamat e Islami, at-least till 1944. However afterwards both of the religious scholars separated their ways and after another few years both were almost at dagger drawn to each other. Both moved into different directions, as the earlier figure became the champion of orthodox ideological teachings of Islam, and the latter became the head-figure of the Modern Islam, after the creation of Pakistan. However, both kept on working in their own way, and both never stopped claiming that they were not toeing the way Iqbal had shown earlier.

Both of the personalities however appropriated modern spirit of their time that reflected more than anything in their respective conception of Modern State. Both of them employed economic systems, ''socialism'', and ''capitalism without interest'' as the ground upon which their respective conception of state grew. Maulana Maududi, who also became a leader of Jamat e Islami in 1942, one of the most influential religious political parties in post-Colonial Punjab, Pakistan, put forward his conception of Islamic State as an all pervasive ideology without however any need for geography. For him, instead of having Pakistan for Muslims of India, the whole of the India must be Islamized. And once it happens, the whole India would become Pakistan. further for Maududi, localized view of ideology is untenable. ''On the one hand we have to imbibe exactly the Quranic Spirit and identify our outlook with the Islamic tenets while on the other, we have to access thoroughly the developments in the field of knowledge and changes in conditions of life that have been brought during the last eight hundred years; and third, we have to arrange these ideas and laws of life on genuine Islamic lines so that Islam should once again become a dynamic force; the leader of the world rather than its followers.''107

However, for Pervaiz the idea of separate State, interpreting Iqbal through the development of events in 1940s, was not only the need of time but also essential for the ideals of Islam to get

105 Syed Vali Reza Nasr, Maududi And The Making of Islamic Revivalism (New York: OUP, 1996), pp. 36-37. 106 Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz was part of the scholarly activity, Tolu e Islam, organized around Allama Iqbal in 1930, and one of the key figures of Ahl e Quran. See, Ali Usman Qasmi, Questioning the Authority of the Past: the Ahl al Quran Movements in Punjab (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011). 107 Vali Reza Nasr, Maududi And The Making of Islamic Revivalism, p.51.

85 materialized.108 It is only within a state that Islam, that is a Din, a complete ethico-religio code for all aspects of the nation-state, rather could find its realization.109 Interestingly, for him state has all the responsibility for the growth and development of its citizen. Rather, more than that, he considers this responsibility as a socialist state where ownership of most of the business enterprises belongs to the state. His socialist bearing took him to consider Islamic teachings as an all pervasive political ideology, like a Leninist communist ideology, requires a State for showing its truth and triggering the development of its citizens.110 His emphasis on development made him abhor all those mode of thoughts and practices come in the way. He not only reduced the evidential position of Hadith for interpreting Quranic text, rather emphasized on interpreting Quran through modern knowledge system, and broader history. However, he believes that whenever human mind reaches true understanding or ideology, that understanding would be the reflection of Quran. His on-slaught on superstitions was quite complete, and he even reinterpreted such concepts, as Jinn (jinn), Ghaib (unknown), etc. in his own unique sense, and, like Feuerbach and Sir Syed, anthropologized them.111

Both fought with each other to prevail upon their religious articulation and conceptions bitterly and never refrained terming each other Kafir or ''Traitor". However both of these personalities remained almost unanimous on their conception and criticism of the shrine based practices and their effort to negotiate Islam within trans-local or trans-national discursive environment.112 With lot of emphasis on differentiating Din (a term used for Islam for denoting its ability to provide guidance in all fields of life) from Religion, Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz made Religion as a subjective experience without any objective validity to verify the truth of the human actions. In this way, he declined to accept any role of traditional-deviant spiritual practices into human

108 Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz, Islami Muashrat (Lahore: IDara Tulu e Islam, 1979),pp. 180-186. 109 Ibid., pp. 13-14. 110 For his detailed ideas regarding the nature of economic system in an Islamic state, see, Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz, Nizam e Rabubiat (Lahore: Tulu e Islam, 1954). 111 One can find such interpretations in many of his texts. For example see, Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz, Iblees wa Adam (Devil and Adam) (Lahore: Idara e Tulu e Islam, 1983), first published, 1945. 112 For Pervaiz the socio-religious teachings of Islam emphasizes upon System buildings and Socialist economic system. For the Jamat e Islami one can note the observation of justice Munir committee Report, "It (Jamat e Islami) aims at the establishment of the sovereignty of Allah throughout the world which, in other words, means the establishment of a religio-political system which the Jama’at calls Islam." Justice Munir Committee Report, p.243.

86 development of the modern man.113 For him, susfistic ethos was one such a remnant of this land's cultural tradition. It is essential to liberate oneself from the shackles of this tradition in order to grow stronger. Maulana Maududi holds almost similar views regarding shrines and Pir-Murid (local spiritual master-disciple) relationship as those of Deobandi school of thought. His disposition towards owning the revivalist world view of Islam made him abhor local customs and traditions.114 In his worldview there is no place of shrine-based culture and it is un-islamic for him to go to leave world and give sacredness to any dead-person.115

Unlike Maududi, and Pervaiz, whose writings though making influence in their own regard on the elites engaged in the Politics of Islam since independence, the son of Allama Iqbal himself produced his religious interpretation within the new reality of Pakistan. Javed Iqbal, after the imposition of Martial Law, published a book, named '' The Ideology of Pakistan and Its Implementation''. The book is an attempt to re-locate Islamic ideology within the confines of the new post-colonial geographical boundaries. The book did not dwell upon the contradiction of trans-regional Muslim identity and regionally confined Islamic ideology. The book developed its contention in obliviousness of the contradiction and simplified the matter with an urge to implement Islamic ideology in Pakistan. The book sought answers of the questions already put forward, as they have published as a foreword of the book, by President and Field Marshall Gen. Ayub Khan. In order to retain nationalism without territory, Field Marshall felt the need of Islamic ideology for the ''conditions of life in Pakistan.''116 However, the Field Marshall though acknowledges the need to implement Ideology of Islam, yet he seems confused and questioned the author, Javed Iqbal to provide concise answers for implementing Islamic ideology. The questions of Ayyub khan sought answers for strategies embedded within ideology for Islamic Society giving no place to national territorialism. Ayyub Khan seemed to be quite disturbed that in the ''conditions of life in Pakistan'' it is really hard to transcend localities. The Field Marshall

113 For the understanding of the ideas of Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz see his books, Iblees wa Aadam (Lahore: Idara e Tulu e Islam, 1983) and What is Islam (Lahore: Idara e Tulu e Islam, 19 ..) 114 Maulana Maududi remained determined to revive the true essence of Islamic civilization. For this he rejected all other elements of civilization and tried to connect cultural practices with the scriptural principles to become foundation of Islamic civilization. Syed Abuil Aaala Maududi, Islami Tahzeeb aur us kai Asul e Mubaadi (Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1986),pp. 7-12. 115 Ibid., p.36. 116 Ayub Khan, Foreword, xi, of Javed Iqbal, The Ideology of Pakistan and its Implementation (Lahore: Sheikh Ghulam Ali and Sons, 1959).

87 also added his apprehensions regarding ''conditions of life in Pakistan'' those are ''a collection of many races with different history'' and his urge to find a way for an Ideology that could weld these discrete identities together. However, he insisted, while also reflecting his global fears, that such an Ideology must also combat the offensive of Communism and Hinduism.117

Javed Iqbal came up with an answer that claimed to be embedded within the understanding of Islamic conception and at the same time had the form of ''modern'' religious ideology that could easily be appropriated by the Martial law government. His position equates Islamic ideology with Pakistan ideology and then links it with the state in a manner in which Islam becomes an organ within the larger machinery of the state. However, Islam can't be understood but as an animated force, and there would be no place for those, the thesis maintains, who enervate this Organ, that is both Mulla and Pir. He delineates the duty of the state as providing the guarantee for the fundamental rights. In reciprocity the state demands total submission from its citizen and loyalty. The thesis explains further the nature of fundamental rights and links it with the theory of fundamental rights of Thomas Jefferson.118 He further puts forward the characteristic of an Ideal citizen and equate this ideal with the Islamic ideal of being Momin119 who can find realization of his self within the post-colonial state of Pakistan. His position seems to be making an effort to sketch an ideology that could create modern enlightenment and democratic culture with some sort of merging with Islamic conception.

His position criticized the Munir Commission Report for the portraying confusion regarding the definition of Muslims and at the same time leaving the possibility of defining Muslims. He made a serious effort to clear Mullahs from the allegation of Munir Commission Report by claiming that only if justice Munir could deduce common elements out of his findings, a definition of

117 Ibid., xii. 118 Thomas Jefferson ... said, "We must hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." Javaid Iqbal, Ideology of Pakistan and its Implementation, p.43. 119 "The ideal citizen of Pakistan, however, is the Momin, i.e. any person who truly, sincerely, honestly and steadfastly believes in the God of Islam and everything which He enjoins." Javaid Iqbal, Ideology of Pakistan and its Implementation, p.86.

88

Muslim could be inferred.120 He opted a simple position for providing definition of Muslim and satisfies his reader with the definition of Muslim as one who believes, "There is no God but God and Muhammad is the Prophet of God."121 He however makes it sure to complement his position with an emphasis that a Muslim needs to grow further. He says that "unless and until actions and behavior of a person conform with his inner belief and conviction (Iman) he lacks the necessary qualifications for being regarded as a Muslim in the full and the strict sense of the term."122 For him, a Muslim has to develop to become an ideal, that is Momin, through imbibing characteristic of Love, Freedom, Disinterestedness (Faqr), Courage, Creative Ability and Historical Context.

For Javaid Iqbal, though the character of a Muslim used to be molded by the institution of mysticism and forward looking theologians, yet in the post-colonial society both can only be seen as a dead force. For him, leaving the early phase of Islam, the Muslim mystic renounced the world of matter by considering it as profane and became completely introverted. "If the idea of God is reduced to merely an Omnipotent Will which inculcates fatalism and encourages renunciation,"123 the Muslim can't develop into forward looking, courageous and powerful man. Similarly, if the religious scholars love closing down the doors of Ijtihad and "slavishly surrendering their ego to the dictates of the past authority... and thus made the entire religious thought in Islam practically stationary," the religion could not engender the ideal and perfect human being. For the development of a Muslim, the position of Javaid Iqbal, finds both customary mysticism or spiritualism and conservative religious scholarship as unhealthy and unable to suit within the modern environment.

However, for the conservative religious scholars or Mullah, Javaid Iqbal presents a training program for improving them. The suggestions were given to grant special powers of the Qazi to Mullahs. In this fashion, the book elaborated the position of Mullah within society. The book further maintained that in each mosque the office of Imam should be established and these Imams must be ''graduates of Theology from our State recognized Universities''. The book suggests that the Imam must be given training to be transformed as a social worker. ''In their

120 Javaid Iqbal ignored the point that Munir Commission Report was not a theological exercise but an investigative report. 121 Ibid., p.100. 122 Ibid. 123 Ibid., p.89.

89 spare time they should teach children and adults in the villages, assist in building clean and hygienic houses, wells, roads, etc. They should work in the fields and assist in the programmes of medical relief or other development programmes,'' the book maintains.124 The thesis charts out detailed program for improving the condition of Mullah and giving it back its rightful though lost status in society.

On the other hand, for Sajjada Nashins, Khadmin, Gaddi Nashins or Mujawars, there is no suggestion of such a training program. Instead for all connected with the monasteries, there are two options: ''either be reformed'' as suggested by Allama Iqbal or ''removed from their self- created spiritual positions.''125 The suggestions to be reformed by Allama Iqbal, as Javed Iqbal reinterpreted is to acquire again the highest position from which the mysticism has been fallen. ''Islam has had too much of renunciation''126 and, Iqbal maintains the mysticism enwrapped within renunciation ''gradually and invisibly unnerved the will of Islam and softened it to the extent of seeking relief from the religious discipline of the law of Islam. The nineteenth century Muslim reformers rose in revolt against this mysticism and called Muslims to the broad daylight of the Modern World.''127 In the Modern World, therefore, there is no place for the ''medieval mysticism.'' Therefore there is no place in Modern Pakistan for localized practices until and unless these practices embrace the puritan spirit of the nineteenth century mystic revolutionaries or religious revivalists and leave renunciation. Thus Javed Iqbal provided ideological justification for taking over the control of shrines and shrine-based practices for transforming into new form of regimentation.

2.6. Conclusion

The development of Singular Muslim identity provided a handy ideology to the politics of Muslim League and, steering through the compulsion of politics, a new Muslim state came into existence. However, the development opened up the possibility of another re-territorilization process, a kind of double-reterritorialization. Muslim league and the larger Colonial urban Sector, moving along the League, refused to locate themselves with the newly acquired soil.

124 Javaid Iqbal, Ideology of Pakistan and its Implementation. p.27 125 Ibid., p.29 126 Ibid., p.13 127 Ibid., p.29.

90

Instead the elite opted to re-own the ideology that already remained supportive for gaining new land and that already defined itself, among other contesting religious communities, by excluding other communities. The new situation opened up a kind of another linking and de-linking process, such as: at political level, the process ended up in defining Objectives Resolution that demarcated clearly the difference between Muslims and non-Muslims while becoming foundational principles for any future constitution; on a religious-puritan level, the process opened up anti-Ahmadi movement to purify Muslim identity; the process also extended to the spiritual practices and the elite of Post-colonial state, in order to implement Islamization, started making efforts to exclude deviant practices, the remnant of pluralistic shrine-based practices, from the sites of shrines.

The process to Islamize sacred spaces, through Waqf laws started with creating supervising and surveying board. However, soon the un-satisfaction started surfacing because of the perceived immoral practices of Pirs and constantly reported news through newspapers. While gradually the post-colonial state though kept puritanist-revivalist religious groups at a dialogical level, also started institutionalizing some religious forms, closely associated with the consensual structure of the Singular Muslim identity. The post-colonial state found it convenient to institutionalize the forms of religion those did not threaten the structure and working of the state. The political instability of the post-colonial state pushed it to develop more clearly and visibly the relationship with the unique religious forms. The inability of the initial period of the post-colonial state, made autocratic governments to take over the reins of Pakistan. In order to implement Islamic ideology of Pakistan, Javed Iqbal, while re-appropriating the thoughts of Allama Iqbal, guided the autocratic government of Ayyub Khan to opt for taking over completely the sacred sites from traditional caretakers. He provided a double edged program for Islamization that on the one hand would start a process of implementing true reformative Islam, while on the other hand gave complete control of the traditional spiritual sites to the autocratic state. The Islamization was to initiate reforms in the Islamic mode of teachings, for the development of the care taker of the mosque and at the site of mosque. However, for shrines and shrine-based practices, there was no option but to leave their traditional positions and let the Islamized spirituality, as conceived by Iqbal, prevail.

91

Chapter 3 A Transition From Moral to Total Control Of Shrines

The Auqaf ordinance of 1959 gave for the very first time legal justification and framework to the post-colonial state to take local sacred sites such as shrines into direct control. The moment was un-precedent in its emphasis on direct and total control of shrines and remained an essential element of all later similar legal acts. However the ordinance, though un-precedent, yet appeared in a continuity of legal acts for taking care of shrines with a visible difference of emphasis. This chapter tries to unearth that difference through analyzing the structure of legal acts and their link with the ground of identity. The chapter shows that legal activities emerges around the re- territorializing identity keep themselves distanced from claiming total control and keep themselves restrained to have moral control. Legal activities, such as Bill for Auqaf Board in 1952 and prohibition on Female Singers in 1943 gave the framework for policing, moral control and surveying the local sacred site. However, since 1959, there is a clear continuity of the emphasis upon direct control of the sacred site. The continuity of emphasis became possible because of the double-reterritorialized identity that made possible to take localized spaces of devotion under the direct control of universal state.

In order to present my argument, I have divided this chapter into three sections analyzing both laws and judicial process. In first section, the chapter discusses the legal acts, such as Mussalman Waqf Act of 1923, Female Singers Act of 1943 and Auqaf Board Act of 1952. The section places the discussion of the MWA with Sikh Gurdwara Act of 1925 in order to highlight the difference between two Acts. The Gurdwara Act of 1925 can be seen as a reflection of already achieved re-territorialized identity of Sikh community, as Anne Murphy has already shown.1 However, the MWA of 1923 seemed to be a central legislative effort, though in continuity with the similar legislative process initiated as early as late nineteenth century,2 distanced from the community struggle. A change can be seen by analyzing the structure and context of other two acts, FSP (Female Singers' Prohibiting Act of 1943) and ABA (Auqaf Board Act) of 1952.

1 Anne Murphy, The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in Sikh History (Oxford University Press, 2012) 2 See, Gregory C. Kozlowsky, Muslim Endowments and Society in British India (Cambridge : Cambridge University press, 1985), pp.106-107.

92

Standing upon the re-territorialized identity, both of the Acts highlights the urge of the colonial and post-colonial elite to identify with the site of shrine only in reformative mood. With a little difference of emphasis, the former legalizing effort shows the urge of the members of the legislative council to have a moral control on the site of shrine. However, though the latter legalizing activity presented itself to have better control of the income and the site of shrine, the discussions in the Punjab legislative assembly during endorsing the Bill expressed the readiness of the members to take shrines under state's direct control.

The second section traces the legal activities with and after the ordinance of 1959. The ordinance, instead of leaving control of the local space of shrine to the local communities, take complete control of those space through lego-religio concept of Waqf Property. The section shows that this conceptualization enables the state to take control of all those sacred sites, especially shrines, which are profitable. The section examines the changes in the Ordinance through later governments and shows that though there are differences and similarities among many such revisions, like the Federal Waqf Properties Act, 1976 and Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1979, yet no change took a decisive turn away from the spirit of the Ordinance of 1959. Further, in order to support the state's policies, the unique judicial interpretation paved the way by unearthing the legal-confusions and contradictions inherent in the legal ordinances. The third section, therefore, examines the way the judicial process resolves the tensions emerged out of controlling techniques and vagueness of concepts used for taking control of shrines. The section shows that the post-colonial judiciary reinterprets the religious concepts, like Shariat, Shrine, Waqf, Private Property, etc. to relocate their meaning within the changed politico-legal context. The section shows that through re-interpretative activity, the judiciary not only brings out its unique religious interpretations but also provides legitimacy to the working of the post-colonial state.

3.1. Muslim Waqf Acts, Communal Identity and Sikh Gurdwara Act, 1925

The promulgation of the Mussalman Waqf Act in 1923 was a legal moment within an already ongoing legalizing process for providing clarity to the concept of Muslim Waqf (endowment) in the changing colonial rule. The Mussalman Waqf Act, 1923, made mandatory for the Muslim Waqf in India to get registered. Earlier, Waqf Validating Act of 1913 had provided a right to the

93

Muslim elite for creating endowments.3 The Waqf Validating Act of 1913 divided the Waqf between private and public realm. By doing this, the Waqf Validating Act, 1913 only fulfilled the already generated needs developed through colonial judicial process. Kozlowsky shows that British judiciary not only made the concept of Waqf attached with religious or sacred purposes but also developed a singular conception of Sharia during later half of nineteenth century.4 For Kozlowsky the development within the colonial judicial process diminished the pluralistic spaces for the application of the Waqf. Kozlowsky further shows that the colonial judicial process stopped the application of Waqf for Muslim elite and resultantly generated the need for Waqf Validating Act of 1913. However, as the Act did not provide the need to register Muslim Waqf, the Mussalman Waqf Act came in 1923.

The Mussalman Waqf Act, 1923 introduced first time the terminology of Mutwalli for the care taker of Muslim religious sites. Till then, the term was used across the religious divisions to refer to the care taker of any religious shrine. However, with the promulgation of the Mussalman Waqf Act, 1923, the term stood attached exclusively with the Muslim religious sacred sites of mosque and shrines. The Act defined Mutwalli as, “Mutwalli means any person appointed either verbally or under any deed or instrument by which a Wakf has been created or by a Court of competent jurisdiction to be the Mutwalli of a wakf, and includes a naib-mutwalli or another person appointed by a mutwalli to perform the duties of the mutwalli."5 In the back drop of the mythical origins of most of the shrines, the Act’s attaching the meaning of Mutwalli with the 'origin' or being appointed at a specific date was an interesting step. However the Act leave possibility open for considering those who were not appointed as such but in a way as "who is for the time being administering any wakf property.”6

The Act further defines the concept of Waqf as, “Wakf means the permanent dedication by a person professing the Mussalman faith of any property for any purpose recognized by the Mussalman Law as religious, pious or charitable, but does not include any Wakf, such as is described in section 3 of the Mussalman Wakf Validating Act, 1913, under which any benefit is

3 Anne Murphy, The Materiality of Sikh History,pp.194-195. 4 Gregory C. Kozlowsky, Muslim Endowments and Society in British India (Cambridge : Cambridge University press), pp.42-43. 5 Act, 1923, clause c. 6 Ibid.

94 for the time being claimable for himself by the person by whom the wakf was created or by any of his family or descendants."7 The Act also differentiates between the benefits coming out of the working of Waqf and benefits taken by the Mutwalli in its position of being care taker of the shrine or mosque.8 The division remained important for saving Mutwalli from acquiring benefit for the personal use, but at the same time, this definition bracketed Mutwalli of a shrine or a mosque within a category of beneficiary. The division ignored to include the locals or the followers of the sacred site as beneficiary. The Act binds each Mutwalli to furnish before the court the monetary details of the last five years and of the property attached with the sacred site. The Mutwalli was to submit not only the gross annual income from the Waqf Property attached with the sacred site, and "a description of the wakf property sufficient for the identification thereof,"9 but also the record of last five years. The Act also made it compulsory for the Mutwalli to furnish before the court the amount of the "Government revenue and cesses, and of all rents annually payable in respect of the Waqf Property."10

The Act not only created a clear difference between pure religious purpose and family purpose, it also created a division between those shrines running through a family or descendants of a family and those without that. The Act reduced the justification of the shrines already run through the force of custom and where Mutwalli was appointed through progeny. It made this position redundant by matching it with the emphasis upon the Waqf created through family or descendants of the family for personal benefits. Though the Act permitted personal benefits for the Mutwalli, yet at the same time it highlighted its fluid and almost redundant existence. Further, as most of the shrines of the Muslim sufi saints grew without any declared form of trust, or without any defined origin, the existence of care taker on any such shrine started losing its meaning. The Act abstracted the position of Mutwalli and made it accountable not only in front of the community but also in front of the state. The act triggered the disenchantment process from the pluralistic spaces and paved the way for justifying the already going on criticism of religious revivalists and reformists on the shrine-based practices.

7 Ibid., clause b. 8 Ibid. clause (a) "Benefit" does not include any benefit which a mutwalli is entitled to claim solely by reason of his being such mutwalli; 9 Ibid. section 3, clause (a) 10 Ibid., section 3, clause (d)

95

The promulgation of Mussalman Waqf Act, 1923 surfaced contemporaneously with the Sikh movement in Punjab for taking over control on their shrines and Gurdwaras. The Sikh Gurdwara movement that passed through violent and fierce struggle resulted into Sikh Gurdwara Act in 1925. The struggle for the movement had been started quite early in 1920. However the reluctance of British colonial authorities made passed many years before the movement found its desired goal. Unlike Muslim Waqf laws, the Sikh Gurdwara Act came into force not only through legislative or judicial discussions but through violent struggle of Sikhs. For the Sikhs the Act materialized their effort to identify with their religious sites. Anne Murphy shows that the Sikh Gurdwara Movement was a search for Sikh communal identity through the attachment with the unique sacred religious sites of the Sikh community. In this way the Sikh movement also redefined the meaning of shrine.11 Further, the Sikh Gurdwara movement highlighted two significant conceptions: one, who is Sikh; and the other is who, Mahant or Mutwalli or the community, has the right to own the unique religious sacred site. These two conceptions show the significant tension behind the Sikh Gurdwara movement.12

The Sikh Gurdwara Act and the movement highlighted that the localized religious sacred sites were somehow linked with the universal religious value system. It is not only that the local shrines were important in creating identity for Sikh, that's why the ownership of these shrines must be taken by the community, but also that the organizational structure within the shrine was also to be universalized. As the example of Darbar Sahib suggest, that during early twentieth century ''the claim to the noviciate or being Chela belongs to the whole Khalsa body,'' instead of considering it a localized practice within the shrine life. The conception of ''body'' here though remained nascent, as Anne Murphy also suggests but it also highlights the link of unique form of spiritual practice with the blurred territoriality of community. ''The movement for gurdwara management, and the formation of the managing organization for gurdwaras, the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, must be seen as reflecting early modern forms of 'agrarian territorialism' formed and reformed within the property logic of the East India Company and later Crown rule, to create a new Sikh territorialism with shifting relations to sovereignty and

11 Anne Murphy, The Materiality of Sikh History, p.219. 12 Ibid., p.220.

96 competing notions of the representation of the past in relation to the ideas of community and ownership.''13

The conception of territoriality however remained different for the Muslim Waqf legislation process that remained quite aligned with the permissions of the Colonial rulers. From the judicial decisions to the Waqf Validating Act of 1930 that made earlier Waqf Validating Act 1913, retrospective, the Colonial authorities tried to channelize the law making activity, instead of hampering it. Their gradual distinction between non-religious and religious trusts and their singular demarcation of Muhammadan law though narrowed down the boundaries of religious imagination but never completely closed down the way for moving upon customary religious practices. However, the channeling of legal activity provided a general stimulus for reflecting upon religious consciousness. Even the resistant movements, like Khilafat agitations, only imbibed the already developed religious categories to articulate their positions.14 The concept of territoriality, though delinked with pluralistic spaces, resurfaced in the hardened but different forms.

The politics of new religious revivalists, and the politics of khilafat, opened up a pan-Islamist territorial conception, dissolving national boundaries but at the same time creating a symbolic territory of the mosque. With this the Muslim sacred sites found split into two spaces of mosque and shrines. The newly developing revivalist movements though negated their link with the shrines, never felt hesitant to own the spaces of mosque. Rather, mosque became the central pivot for their revivalist and reformist agenda to be pursued. Their stress on new education through Madrasa also linked well with the space of mosque. The revivalist stress denied the customary practices and stressed on high morality, largely reformative in character, for the owning of sacred spaces of mosque. However, as the large part of Waqf has traditionally been attached with shrines, instead of mosques, the shrines started finding a severe moralistic criticism, as it appeared in the legislation of banning female singing at the site of shrines in 1942- 43, and mosque started becoming a central site of belonging as territoriality.

13 Ibid., p.221. 14 Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), p.2.

97

The heightened point of taking mosque as a symbol of Muslim territoriality came with the incidence of Masjid Shahid Ganj, near the shrine of a muslim sufi saint, Shah Kaku Chishti and a Sikh Gurdwara within later days Landa bazaar, Lahore, in the years of 1935-36. The conflict highlighted the singular Sikh voice through the leadership of Sikh Parbandhak Committee against the multiple Muslim voices. As Gilmartin highlights in his work that the activities of Sikh Akalis and the Sikh Gurdwara Act of 1925 provided continuous funding for their working. Also the Sikh Gurdwara Act triggered the process of universalizing the localized control of shrines and care takers of shrines through central committee that was also engaged in the politics of Sikh identity. And as the politics of Akalis were not confined to the urban areas only, their agitating communal politics started colliding with the rural Islamized efforts of puritan-orthodox pirs, as the violent clashes of Jandiala Sher Khan, Sheikhupura and Ala village of Gujrat showed.15 The incidences not only showed the significance religious symbolism had acquired through the communal politics of Akali and puritan teaching of Islamic pirs and sufis, but also increased the fear for the Unionist government to take under control the religious activities.

This fear was taken into account by the Unionist government when they started devising a Waqf Board attached with district committees similar to that of Sikh Gurdwara Committees. The Waqf Bill that was presented in the Punjab assembly by Maqbool Ahmed, the son-in law of the then Prime Minister, Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, intended to monitor closely the working of Sajjada Nashins and the properties attached therewith. The attempt of enforcing such a Bill through legislation was not the new attempt and already discarded by Sir Fazli Hussain because of his political sagacity for not giving much importance to religious issues, especially religious symbolism.16 However, after few years, the Muslim symbolic religious politics started troubling to Sikandar Hayat's politics to such an extent that his government not only introduced Multi- religious Unity movement but also allowed to legalize such symbolic moral issues as Musawat

15 David Gilmartin. The Shahidganj Mosque Incident: A Prelude to Pakistan, in Ira M. Lapidus and Edmund Burke III, eds., Islam, Politics, and Social Movements. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988. pp. 146-168. 16 Sir Fazli Hussain did not support legislative process for enacting Auqaf Bill for considering its enactment would suffer the attention of Muslims on such issue as that of Masjid Shahid Ganj. Beneath this political statement lies his general understanding of religious symbolism to which he did not want to give much significance. Waheed Ahmed, Diary and Notes of Sir Fazli Hussain, July 23, 1937, Lahore, 1970, p.177.

98 and Female Singing on shrines.17 However, as the Mussalman Waqf Act of 1923 was already in place, and the opposition of many influential Sajjada Nashin was strong, the idea to enforce such Waqf Bill could not materialize and had to wait the emergence of Pakistan for its realization.

The shrines couldn't find administrative control, but Unionists increased moral control through a reformative bill of Female Singers' Prohibiting Act in 1943. The Bill came after the promulgation of the Muslim Personal Law (Shariat Act, 1937) that already opened up urges for Muslim community to take control of their Waqf through devising their own rules. The impact of Shariat Act paved the way for the Muslim members of the Unionists to devise technique, if not for controlling and surveying Muslim Waqf, at-least for showing the implementation of reformative principles. The Bill for Female Singers' Prohibiting Act found shrines within Waqf as a site for implementing reformative principle, as the mosques were standing already on a sound moral ground. In fact the Bill made to implement the morals of the standard of mosque upon shrines. Before mentioning the main clause, the Bill gives definition of Muslim Shrine, as "a shrine of a recognized Muslim saint and shall include the premises of the shrine and the premises owned by and attached to the shrine."18 It is interesting that a Muslim shrine is understood as of "a recognized Muslim saint." It seems the Bill differentiates between recognized and non-recognized Muslim saints. In another sense, the Bill gives a sense that the effort should be made to single out shrines of Muslim Saint, from the multiple un-recognized shrines of saints, not-vocally Muslim in the sense understood by the Colonial urban elite. In this sense the Bill seems to be applicable selectively on the shrines considered to be of a recognized Muslim Saint.

However, the main clause of the Bill, that provides detail for the punishment for singing or dancing at Muslim Shrines run as: " If any woman or girl sings to the accompaniment of a musical instrument or dances with or without a musical instrument in a Muslim Shrine, she shall be guilty of an offence under this Act and shall be liable on conviction to be punished with fine not exceeding five hundred rupees or with imprisonment of either description for a term not

17 The Muslim Musawat Bill, 1942 was presented in the Punjab assembly in 1941 and passed next year. The objective of the Bill was, as the preamble says: Whereas it is expedient as enjoined by the Holy Quran to give legislative sanction to the principle of Musawat among the Muslims. The PLA Debates Vol. XV From 20th Jan. to 21st Feb. 1941, p.162. 18 Abdul Wahid Chaudhry, Manual of Auqaf Laws (Lahore: National Law Book House, 2012), p.204.

99 exceeding six months or with both such fine and imprisonment.19 The control from a gender perspective can be considered as an attempt to control on woman's body and agency on the space of shrines as Purewal and Virinder Kalra shows.20 Important though the gender perspective, however it misses the point that this clause is the first of its kind through a Colonial Muslim government for controlling the space of shrines itself. In a sense, the moral control of shrines complement the generalized control on woman's bodies and agency, an effort that can also be considered as the domination of patriarchal-religious-morality upon shrines of "recognized" Muslim saints through reformist Muslim elite.

3.2. Punjab Auqaf Act, 1952 and The Auqaf Board: From moral to the total (public) control of shrines

The constitutional development though started quite early, almost with the creation of new state of Pakistan,21 yet the process delayed due to political upheavals that let the Governor General to enforce Colonial legal framework in order to keep newly developed state functional. The dominion or State of Pakistan, as emerged out of the struggle of minority Muslims in Colonial India, soon entrapped within the ideological debates. The state found itself engaged with the Politics of Islam, almost from the very beginning. As most of the religious political parties found their renewed birth in the new context, while finding them standing upon the already re- territorialized Muslim identity that was also instrumental for taking new land, started full throttled struggle to make the new constitution of Pakistan completely-Islamic. The state found itself entrapped in a kind of tension between re-territorialization and double re-territorialization identity-making process. The state itself developed a kind of double-territorialized identity through Objectives Resolution to devise a fundamental principle for any future constitution while excluding all other religious communities as minority. The postcolonial state, however showed its willingness to include religious symbolism within its legal-framework, the politics of Islam could only provide an outward space for its politics. The post colonial state carried on extending

19 Purewal and Virinder Singh understood this Bill as making control in a generalized way on the body of woman. This chapter however looks this position as a moral control on the generalized conception of shrines itself. N.K. Purewal and V.S. Kalra, Women's ‘popular’ practices as critique: Vernacular religion in Indian and Pakistani Punjab Women's Studies International Forum 33 (2010) 383–389, p.388. 20 Ibid. 21 The independence of the new state itself resulted through an Act, termed as Indian Independent Act 1947. See, Indian Independent Act 1947, Original Statute from The UK Statute Law Database. Office of Public Sector Information, National Archives, UK. Retrieved 2013-04-06.

100 its willingness to introduce religious symbolism, as re-introduction of Punjab Muslim Personal Law or Shariat Act in 1948 shows.22 The Shariat Act, a re-appropriation of earlier colonial enforcing of similar Act in 1937, however, became an unconvincing effort of the state for extending Islamization from the perspective of the Politics of Islam.23 The Act however paved the way for reforming shrine-based practices as the Act was to reform customary practices and made them according to the Muslim Personal Law, that is, Shariat.

Pursuing his legal duty the Governor General ordered the Governor of Punjab to enact Punjab Muslim Auqaf Survey (Amendment) Act in 1950 as Punjab Act XXXVI,24 when the Punjab Assembly was already dissolved.25 The purpose of the Act was to make survey of Waqf properties in the province. The Act was the almost replica of Muslim Auqaf Act of 1923.26 However for the registration of Waqf the Act introduced the post of Nazim e Aala (prime supervisor) and Nazim (supervisor) and made provision for their appointment.27 Through this Act the state bound the Mutwalli to register its Waqf through Nazim or Nazim e Aala to be appointed in his area.28 The Act provides the authority of Nazim "to enter upon any property which he believes to be a Waqf Property; to call for and inspect documents relating to the said property; to call for and inspect accounts of income from the said property, and its expenditure; and, summon and record the statement of any person in possession of any such property in any capacity or believed to be in possession of information relating to it."29

22 The Act states that '' Notwithstanding any rule of custom or usage, in all question regarding succession (whether testate or intestate), special property of females, betrothal, marriage, divorce, dower, adoption, guardianship, minority, legitimacy or bastardy, family relations, wills, legacies, gifts, religious usages or institutions including Waqfs, trusts and trust property, the rule of decision shall be the Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) in cases where the parties are Muslims.'' 23 In 1948, the Punjab assembly passed a bill of Punjab Muslim Personal Law or Shariat Act of 1948 through an enthusiastic support of the members. For most of the members passing the Act was like taking a convincing step in favour of Islamization. However, as the object of the Act was not to over ride statute but abrogate customs wherever there is a clash between a custom and a Muslim Personal Law, the Act was to remain a symbolic exercise only to be used for reforming personal and familial matter along with customary practices. 24 PLD Vol. III, 1951, p. 12. 25 Punjab Assembly was dissolved in January 1949 and the new elections took place in March 1951. Ibid. 26 Punjab Gazzette, Legislative Department, Notification No. 639-Leg, 05th April, 1951, p. 231 27 PLD Vol. III, 1951, p. 13. 28 Ibid., p.13. 29 Ibid.,p.15. The Act also provided the powers of Civil court to the Nazim under the Code of a Civil Procedure, 1908.

101

However, as the new Punjab assembly came into existence in 1951,30 the Bill had to find legislative permission and for this a revised Muslim Auqaf Bill was presented in the Punjab Assembly. The minister of education, honorable Abdul Hameed Khan Dasti had presented the Bill in the Punjab assembly.31 Interestingly the presented Bill was a mixture of Punjab Muslim Auqaf Bill of 1923 and the unsuccessful presented Bill of Mian Maqbool Ahmed of Unionist government in 1937. The honorable minister while presenting the Bill in the assembly did not forget to mention the background and the previous efforts to present this much ''needed Bill''. His justification was that the Bill should have been approved and enforced since 1924. For the honorable minister it has been the deepest urge of the Muslims to introduce such Bill that could make the Waqf properties attached with the sacred sites accountable.32 The honorable minister maintained that the condition of Auqaf at certain moment of time shows the manners and culture of a nation and reflects like a map for its vibrant working. Auqaf also shows the inner spiritual condition of a nation, he opines. And as far as the Haquq ul Ibad or rights for the people are concerned, the Waqf laws tell with how much fairness the nation let use the Waqf properties. For the honorable minister Auqaf is based upon two types of principles found within Shariat and religion, accordingly: one type of principle link all type of Waqf with the God and in this way take it away from the private ownership and place it in the hands of God.33 Second type of principle is that the benefit of any such property must be for general public. He opined that his views were so much religious that no religious person would deny that, though little later he already mentioned that he already received dozens of letters against this Bill.

Not finding the religious position sufficient, the honorable minister mixed his ideas with political sagacity by saying that his government felt this burden and decided to make the income out of the properties of Awqaf. Afterwards he defined his version of history, by locating origins of all Auqaf, as that our saints (Buzarg) initiated these Auqaf for righteousness. These Auqaf were the sources from which people of "nation" gained spiritual and physical food. All these Waqf and the

30 Tahir kamran, Early Phase of Electoral Politics in Pakistan: 1950s, p. 257. 31 PLA debates from Dec. 16, 1951 to Jan. 15, 1952 (Lahore: Superintendent Government Printing Punjab, 1955), p.276. 32 Ibid., p. 276-279. 33 It is quite interesting that the honorable minister had no hesitance to act like a religious figure or Mufti to award fatwa. He even maintained at the end of his speech that almost all of the members of this parliament were religous, pious and spiritually enlightened persons. PLA debates from Dec. 16, 1951 to Jan. 15, 1952, p. 279.

102 attached properties, those were originated by saints for righteous purposes were used for bad purposes now a days, the honorable minister declared. To prove his case, he provided examples of the shrines of Hazrat Shah Abul Muali, Bibia Pak Damana and Miani Sahib. He said that the properties attached with these shrines were sold out in recent past and nation had still tears in its eyes for the pain these incidences inflicted it. Therefore he introduced that Bill to stop these "innovations" and to provide benefits to common public out of the income of these Auqaf.34

The Act, 1952 for the first time introduced the definition of Waqf Property as abstracted out of the Waqf along with clearly defining Family for the private Waqf. Earlier Muslim Auqaf Act of 1923 and 1950, though defined Mutwalli and Waqf, however did not specify the Waqf Property. This Act not only links Waqf with the tenets of Islam or Muslim Personal Law (Shariat Law) but also clearly defines the concept of Waqf Property and thereby makes this concept as a separate and distinct enumerable value. The Act understands a Waqf Property as ''all property or interest of whatever nature in property, lawfully dedicated, granted or used so as to constitute a Waqf, and includes the property or interest acquired with the sale proceeds or in exchange of or from the income arising out of the property or interest so dedicated, granted or used.''35 The Act also clearly defines the meaning of Family and thereby provides limitation upon the usage of private and takes away the legitimation of public Waqf started without any specified origin. The Act limits the benefits of private Waqf or Waqf Validating Act 1913 by clearly defining the progeny to ''great grand parents'' or ''descendants of the children''.36 This defining of Family also had an indirect impact on the legitimacy of the shrines, like Bibian Pak Daman or Data Sahib, Lahore those did not have a specified origin for tracing the start of the Auqaf and the Mutwalli or Mujawar of these Waqf claimed their ownership or legitimacy to run these Auqaf from the customary continuity of the progeny. The Act defines the Public Waqf as a Waqf that starts as a private Waqf '' but the ultimate benefit whereof has become available for the public in general... by the reason of the death of the Waqif (Waqf maker)... or... the extinction of the line of his family or descendants, or otherwise.''37 The Public Waqf without any specified origin seems to be losing its legitimacy.

34 Ibid., p. 62. 35 Ibid., p. 63. 36 Ibid., p.62. 37 Ibid., p.63.

103

Despite heated debate on the Bill and severe criticism of the opposition on the intentions of the ruling party, 38 the parliament finally approved the Auqaf Board Bill and the Act, 1952. 39

The Auqaf Board was to work as an overseer and an auditor of the monetary benefits coming out of Waqf Properties. The Board was to ''maintain a complete and authentic record of rights, containing full information relating to the origin, income, object and beneficiaries of every Waqf.'' Further on, the Board was to work closely with Mutwallis (the traditional care takers) of the Waqf, meet them whenever necessary and gives them ''directions for the proper administration of Waqf and to institute inquiries when necessary, relating to the administration of any Waqf ''.40 The Board was to ensure that Mutwalli must specify the object for which the income out of the created Waqf should be applied. The Board was also to figure out whether the income is being used for the best benefit of the Muslim Community and not against the tenets of Islam. The Board was also to see the better usage of surplus income and should invest that income, in beneficial sector.

Though the Board was to supervise the working of Waqf, yet the provisions within the rules did not allow to control directly any Waqf and changes Mutwalli already working there. The rules of the Act says that ''the general supervision of every Waqf shall vest in the Board which shall do all things considered by it to be necessary, control and administration of such Waqf and for the application of the funds to purposes for which it exists.'' However, the control here does not mean direct control of the shrine or any other sacred place, until and unless some such situation arose. The Act maintains that ''such supervision shall not authorize the removal of a duly

38 PLA debates from Dec. 16, 1951 to Jan. 15, 1952, p. 477 39 Ibid. The speaker of the Punjab Assembly, Dr. Khalifa Shuja ud Din announced to submit nomination papers for qualifying for the member of the Auqaf Board. The Board was to comprise of twelve members of the provincial assembly through voting, out of which two at-least had to be Shias. However not many members of the parliament showed interest in becoming part of Auqaf Board and only eleven members requested for being part of it. As Khalifa Shuja ud din was the speaker of the assembly, he himself became a member and the condition of twelve members got fulfilled. Therefore, "the election of the Muslim Members of the Punjab Muslim Auqaf Board fixed for Wednesday the 17th December, 1952, at 9 o'clock at the Assembly Chamber, Charing Cross, Lahore, under the Muslim Auqaf Rules, 1952," did not take place. The elected candidates were: Dr. Khalifa Shuja ud Din, Maulana Ahmed Ali, Mufti Muhammad Hassan, Maulana Ghulam Murshid, Maulana Syed Nazir Ahmed Kher Ullah Puri, Maulana Syed Mirak Shah, Khawaja Khan Muhammad, Maulvi Muhammad Ilyas, Syed Manzoor Ahmed, Chaudhary Abdul Karim, Mian Noor Ahmed Lalika, Sheikh Noor Muhammad. 40 The Punjab Gazette (Extraordinary), Feb. 04, 1952, p.65.

104 appointed Mutwalli except under the other provisions of this Act.''41 The possibility to change the Mutwalli or to take into a Waqf Property into direct control therefore was concealed but not intended.

3.3. Controlling Sacred Spaces through Auqaf Ordinances: Post-Colonial Coloniality or Double re-territorialization

With the introduction of One Unit by Major General Sikandar Mirza, the provinces of West Pakistan merged with each other to have a single legislative assembly of West Pakistan. The political upheavals however paved the way for Sikandar Mirza to step down and hand over the supreme powers of the country to the Chief Martial Law Administrator, Gen. Ayub Khan. Siding away the constitution of 1956 Ayub Khan started its own program of reforming the society of Pakistan. He redirected the movement of the post-colonial state towards developmental concerns, in a sense "from the question from why Pakistan was created to where Pakistan was heading."42 On the one hand he introduced such drastic changes as that of land reforms for introducing economic reforms and on the other hand he allowed making such activities like that of Family Laws to '' establish greater consistency between the legally permissible and morally acceptable in matters affecting Muslim marriage, divorce, the age of consent and inheritance''.43 On more religious side, he kept himself, at-least for the few initial years away from the impact of revivalist Mullahs and moved quite closely with the Modern religious intelligentsia and favored to introduce many religio-social reforms. Following the re-appropriation of Iqbal, by both Javed Iqbal and the modernist scholars, and moving upon the ground of double re-territorialization, he took sacred sites into direct state control. Only after six months of his rule, he initiated ordinance to take into direct control the sacred religious sites as Waqf properties.

On 17th April 1959, the Martial Law government of Ayub Khan promulgated an ordinance, West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance (WPWPO),44 ''in pursuance of the Presidential Proclamation of the 7th day of October, 1958 and in exercise of all the powers enabling him in

41 Ibid., pp. 64-65. 42 Syed Vali Reza Nasr, Islamic Leviathan (Oxford University Press, 2001), p.61. 43 Farzana Sheikh, Making Sense of Pakistan (London: Hurst and Co. publishers, 2009), p.90. 44 This ordinance of 1959 was repealed by the Ordinance X of 1960, West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1960. However, with the amendment of few terms, the whole ordinance remained almost in the same condition. P.L.D. Vol. XII, 1960, Ordinance X of 1960, West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1960, p. 116.

105 this behalf.''45 The martial law authorities were not bound with previous legal development in the legislative history of Punjab. Though the ordinance was to "consolidate and amend the laws relating to the management of Waqf properties in the Province of West Pakistan,"46 yet it superseded this ordinance upon all the laws regarding Waqf made after and before the independence of Pakistan and directly linked the ordinance with the Religious Endowment Act of 1863.47 The ordinance made it clear that Government may repeal all the previous legal enactments made so far. However, the ordinance pronounced that '' everything done, action taken, obligation, liability, penalty or punishment incurred, inquiry or proceedings commenced . . . rule made and order issued under any of the provisions of the . . . enactments'' shall remain continued ''if not inconsistent with the provisions of this Ordinance.''48 The ordinance made its intent quite clear that it is an operational devise with which state was to nationalize any Auqaf and Waqf properties it thinks controllable and profitable, without staggering on any debatable issue.

Moving away from the Punjab Muslim Auqaf Survey Act, 1950, the Ordinance did not take trouble to define itself through the concept of Waqf. Instead, the WPWPO ordinance 1959 made Waqf Property as a central concept for defining and remembering the sacred spaces. In this way, as the ordinance not only made Waqf Property as equivalent to Waqf, but also reduced the imagination of sacred sites as a Waqf Property. The ordinance defined Waqf Property as "of any kind permanently dedicated to by a person professing Islam for any purpose recognized by Islam as religious pious or charitable." Whereas earlier, the Punjab Muslim Auqaf Survey Act, 1950, and Auqaf Board Act 1952 kept distinction between Waqf and Waqf Property. The Acts of 1950 and 1952 made almost the similar definition of Waqf that the ordinance made of Waqf Property, with a difference that the Acts of 1950 and 1952 show caution to use the word religion or Islam and instead used Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) for defining Waqf dedicated by a Muslim. The Acts of 1950 and 1952 also did not say ''person professing Islam'', rather restrained itself for using the word Muslim and linked it with the recognition of Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) as

45 P.L.D. Vol XI, 1959, Ordinance XXI of 1959: West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1959, p.202. 46 Ibid., p.202. 47 For Talbott one can see a general tendency in Ayub Khan's paternalistic disposition, which was closely linked with the handbook of Punjab School of Administration, to re-introduced the nineteenth century ideas of tutelage. Ian Talbott, Pakistan: A Modern History (Lahore: Vanguard publication, 1999), p.153. 48 Ibid., p.205.

106 religious, pious or charitable. It seems the intelligentsia behind making the ordinance, already owned double-re-teritorialized identity, had already taken Islam as the main defining concept and already replaced in their imagination the word Muslim as synonym to Islam.49 In its intent to take over control of Waqf sites, the ordinance defined Waqf Property rather at length and even included charitable purposes within the definition of property. Linking directly from the Charitable Endowment Act 1863, enabled the ordinance to ignore the difference between the charitable and religious. The ordinance defined Waqf Property in quite detail and included almost all the possible means from religious Auqaf to earn income within the definition of Waqf Property. The ordinance considered all those properties ''used from time immemorial for any purpose recognized by ''Islam'' as religious, pious or charitable'' whether even no evidence of dedication is found, ''property allotted in exchange of property left in India,'' '' property of any kind acquired through the sale proceeds of income arising out of Waqf Property,'' ''the income from boxes placed at a shrine and offerings and offerings or subscriptions for charitable purposes,'' and all those charitable purposes as '' relief of the poor, education, worship, medical relief, maintenance of shrines or the advancement of any other object of charitable, religious or pious nature.'' The ordinance left no space within the rules from where the donated income could go to the traditional caretaker or Mutwallis and closed down all avenues for the Mutwalli to collect money.

The ordinance initiated an office of Administrator, that later on termed this office as Chief Administrator of Auqaf,50 and authorized that office not only with the authority of sole- corporation but also Chief Mutwalli, merging both Colonial and traditional responsibilities in the office, appointed by the Government. The Administrator was to take control of the Waqf Properties and take their control under his own office. The office of Administrator has to prepare and maintain accounts for the record of all properties and income arising from Waqf Properties. The ordinance created an Auqaf fund for keeping ''all moneys received or realized by the Administrator in respect of properties under his control and management.'' However, the

49 This position also relates with the writers, like Mohammad Waseem who think that the Islamization of Ayub Khan marked a break with the earlier religio-political position, especially that of Jinnah. Whereas for Jinnah, it is very difficult to find reference of Islam in abstraction of the communitarian politics of India, within which Muslims as a community find their identity together for finding their rights within Colonial India. 50 An amendment in 1960 replaced the term of Administrator with Chief Administrator of Auqaf, West Pakistan. P.L.D. Vol. XII, 1960, Ordinance X of 1960, West Pakistan Waqf Properties (Amendment) Ordinance, 1960, p. 116.

107 ordinance not only made the administrator to create a record for the monetary transactions, but also provide authority to sell the Waqf Property, if the Administrator thinks so. In contradiction to many previous Muslim Auqaf Acts and a majority Mulsim opinion against the selling of Waqf Property, the ordinance gave the right of selling Waqf properties to the office of the Chief administrator. The ordinance though gave authority to the courts to listen the decisions against the acts of Chief Administrator but made it sure that ''no suit, prosecution or other legal proceedings shall be instituted against any person for anything which is in good faith done or intended to be done under this ordinance.''51

The ordinance though authorized the direct control of properties attached with Waqf however remained vague regarding the administration and management of the religious activities on the Waqf spaces. Customarily, at the sacred spaces of Waqf, especially those of shrines, Mutwalli or Mujawars (caretakers) perform the religious practices like, giving bath to the grave of the saint or Dua (prayer) ceremony, and thereby spread the blessings from the saint to the pilgrim. The Ordinance however authorized the Administrators, by initiating new offices of Administrators under direct control of the government, to '' take over, and assume the administration, control, management and maintenance'' of a Waqf Property whenever they find it feasible and they should only issue a notification for their act.52 Through this act the administrator would be having the authority to prepare schemes for the maintenance and administration of Waqf Properties. However, the Administrator ''shall give effect to such wishes of the person dedicating as can be ascertained, and to which effect can be reasonably given.'' However, for all those Waqf Properties, where it is not clear that any ''dedication'' had been made, and/or not available at all, the Administrator would be free to take action on its own.

During Ayub Khan's whole rule, the basic structure and spirit of the ordinance of West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1959 remained same, rather its intent to take Waqf Properties became more solidified through the legislative and Chief Administrator's enactments issued regularly through Ordinances. In the first of this long line of amendments, and only two days before taking over the first ever Waqf Property of the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib in Lahore, an amendment issued by the Governor of the West Pakistan repealed the Punjab Muslim Auqaf Act, 1951 (Punjab Act XXXVI of

51 P.L.D. Vol XI, 1959, p.204. 52 Ibid., p.203.

108

1952).53 In April, after taking over dozen of shrines, the WPWPO (Amendment), 1960 was enforced by the Governor of West Pakistan. This Ordinance (Amendment) further increased the authority of Chief Administrator Auqaf though providing him more control on rental or leasing issues of taken over Waqf Property and giving him powers to enforce his acts through strict penal actions. The Chief Administrator also provided an authority to take Mutwalli under his direct control, and to extract information from any person regarding the Waqf Property. Next year in September 1961, another WPWPO (Amendment), 1961 came into force which further increased the authority of the office of administrator and also included within Waqf that Property permanently dedicated for the purposes of a mosque, Takia, Khankah, Dargah, or other shrine. The Article 225 of the constitution of 1962 gave permanent effect to the WPWPO, 1961 within the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan (1962).54

After the separation of East Pakistan and the dissolution of one unit of West Pakistan into provinces, the WPWPO, 1961 came under the provincial matter and became Punjab WPWPO, 1961. However, the Waqf Ordinances faced no more significant changes55 till the last years of Bhutto government. Around 1975-76 the Bhutto government started feeling the need to introduce revisions within the WPWPO, 1961. Interestingly, the initial few years of Bhutto government though spent with the emphasis on socialistic reforms and a popular engagement with sufi- shrines,56 yet the last few years saw a tilt towards increased Islamizing effort. It seems the efforts of Islamization appeared strongly to play with opposition, gathering around the slogan of Nizam e Mustafa (the system of the Prophet PBUH), on its own ground.57 In the effort to increase Islamization activities, the attempt was made by the government to repeal the ordinance of 1961 and instead enforced a new more centralized and more Islamized enactment for promoting higher

53 Notification, No. 1 (1)- Auqaf, 60, Extra Ordinary issue, The Gazzette of West Pakistan, January 09, 1960, Office of the Administrator of Waqfs and Secretary to Government of West Pakistan. 54 “Punjab Laws Online,” “The Punjab Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1961” last modified, July 2011, accessed March 2013, http://ns-1.pap.gov.pk/laws/797.html 55 Meanwhile, the governments kept on introducing ordinances for making rules and regulations regarding management and control of Waqf Properties and Auqaf department. Like, West Pakistan Auqaf Department (Delegation of Powers) Rules (Amendments) came in 1969. Abdul Wahid Chaudhry, Manual of Auqaf Laws, pp. 187-190. 56 Bhutto's pro-sufi-pir policies correlated with his extended reforms in rural sectors and nationalization of large industries. Ian Talbot, Pakistan: A Modern History (London: Hurst and Company, 1998), p.230. 57 Two religious parties, JI Jamat e Islami and JUI (P) Jamiat Ulema i Islam Pakistan spearheaded an alliance called, Pakistan National Alliance that adopted as its slogan Nizam e Mustafa (Social Order of the Prophet). Later on, the movement of PNA became famous with this name. Gilles kepel, Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam (London: Tauris and Co., 2002),p. 100.

109 moral values of Islam and have a better control on shrines and mosques.58 To fulfill this purpose, a new revised Bill regarding Auqaf was devised by the ministry of religion and presented within Senate for its approval.

The Bill, for centralizing management of Waqf Properties, Auqaf Federal Act was presented in the Senate by the religious minister, Maulana Kausar Niazi in 1976. The Bill was presented with the main objective to promote Islamic values through better organization of properties attached with shrines and mosques. The minister maintained that through this Bill government would appoint in each province a Chief administrator under the Central Administrator General, Auqaf Department. The minister claimed that because of having their own Auqaf policy, the provinces didn't have better coordination among themselves. He claimed that even opposition had demanded for the better control on Auqaf matters and therefore he hoped that opposition would support the Bill. The minister claimed further that through this Bill the government would be able to take complete control of the properties attached with shrines from all the illegal occupants. He maintained further that this Bill was completely Islamic and put forward to reform completely the shrines and mosques through taking their control.59

At the end of the published Bill the minister of religious affairs, under the signatory of member- in charge defined the Objects and Reasons for this Bill quite clearly. The statement runs as: ''In pursuance of the Principles of State Policy laid down in the Constitution it is imperative that steps be taken to enable the Muslims of Pakistan to order their lives in accordance with the fundamental principles of Islam, to provide them facilities to understand the meaning of life as laid down in the Holy Quran and Sunnah to promote unity in the observance of Islamic moral standards and to secure proper organization of Auqaf and mosques. In order to achieve the above objectives and to ensure uniformity and coordination throughout the country, it has been found expedient to provide for the proper management and administration of Auqaf under Federal control...''60 The emphasis of Islam and moralities seem to be a clear shift from the underlying policies of Ayub Khan who introduced Waqf Property ordinance in order to introduce social reforms on the sacred religious sites. However, it seems the religious minister of Bhutto

58 Nawai Waqt, June 28, 1976. Lahore 59 Ibid. 60 Senate Bill No. 2 of 1976, The Gazette of Pakistan Extraordinary, Part III, Islamabad, Monday, June 28, 1976.

110 government is quite anxious to convince that the new Auqaf Bill will be going to introduce changes in the environment for Muslims of Pakistan for ordering their lives according to the Islamic principles.

The Bill introduced the hierarchy of Administrators and at the same time increased their authority while giving further clarity to the rules for keeping accounts of the Waqf Property. The Bill created a post of Administrator General under federal government and linked it with an Administrator in each province. The Bill connected with Administrator General, a Federal Auqaf fund liable to be audited yearly for monetary transactions. The bill increased the authority of the administrator to plan and seek the development of projects on shrines and Waqf Property more than the amount of five thousand rupees.61 The Bill kept the previous authority of the administrator to sell out Waqf Property though defined more clearly the reasons for selling: to secure maximum economic benefits, to serve the best public interest, to give effect of the wishes of the person dedicating the property, to enable the property used for the purpose recognized by Islam as religious, pious or charitable, to provide maintenance to unemployed, to provide education, medical aid, housing, public facilities and services such as roads, sewerage, gas, and electric power, to prevent danger to life.62

The Act, 1976 not only increased the centralized authority of the state but also authorized the Auqaf administrators to take control of even religious activities within shrines and Auqaf. Earlier than that, though each attempt to control the shrines showed its intent to control as thoroughly as possible the means of income of the Waqf Property, yet never showed an intent as clearly as it has been shown here, to control the religious activities through state bureaucracy. The Act clearly states that ''Control and management shall include control over the performance and management of religious and spiritual, cultural and other services and ceremonies (Rasoomat) at or in a Waqf Property.''63 In this sense, the Act reduced the vagueness earlier there in the previous WPWPO of 1960. Rather moving ahead, the Act extended its authority to ''prescribing the syllabus and curricula for the proper education and training of Imams and Khatibs and of the other employees of the Auqaf institutions in Pakistan; and prescribing and regulating the

61 Ibid., p. 679. 62 ibid., p.679. 63 Ibid., p.677.

111 standards syllabi and curricula of institutions providing Islamic religious education.64 The Act extended its control from Waqf seminaries to the general religious education in all those educational institutes, whether Waqf or non-Waqf, providing religious education.

However, after another year of the enforcement of Auqaf Federal Act 1976, the Bhutto Government was over thrown by the Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Zia ul Haq and the post colonial state faced its third Martial Law. The Martial Law authorities came forward to make the life of public easy from the tensions created by the democratic regime. The Martial Law regime claimed to ease political tension and to introduce elections within ninety days. However, as the days passed by, the Martial Law authorities increased their grip on the state structure and unravelled their own reformist agenda. Their political strategy was to linger on election and denied the rights to political parties to form party based government. The Martial Law regime focussed on two aspects; one is to introduce some form of civilian government in provinces65 and the other is to introduce Islamic reforms. For the first focus, the Martial Law regime announced for making Civilian government in the provinces. For the second, multiple Islamic rules were introduced. As Auqaf stood quite important even for this Martial Law regime, the authorities introduced a new ordinance, The Punjab Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1979 and merged both of their focus within the newly enforced ordinance.

The ordinance though included almost all the previous development started taking place within Auqaf laws, as it was already embodied within Federal Act of 1976, however introduced changes in major directions. The ordinance changed the federal character of the 1976 Federal Act, and aligning with its policy to introduce civilian governments within provinces, de centralized the Auqaf Act. Instead of creating a central Administrative General who may work closely with the provincial administrators, the Act delinked the connection and made Auqaf an issue and matter for provinces. For this purpose, as the ordinance became a provincial ordinance, the ''Government shall appoint a Chief Administrator of Auqaf for the Province of the Punjab and may by order, vest in him, the Waqf properties situated in the Province including all rights,

64 Ibid., p.681. 65 Nawai Waqt, Rawalpindi, October 22, 1979.

112 assets, debts, liabilities and obligations relating thereto.''66 In this way the ordinance reintroduced Colonial divisions of subjects, as through dyarchy in 1924, and later on through the constitution of 1935 the Colonial state made Auqaf under a provincial purview. However, despite its making Auqaf a provincial matter, the ordinance kept Auqaf Federal Control Act, 1976 continue in force unless it is not inconsistent with anything within the newly enforced Ordinance, 1979.

The ordinance however gradually received the pints of increasing Islamization policies. As the earlier ordinances made it incumbent for the head of the Auqaf department to be Muslim, even the WPA, 1952, made it necessary for the president and the members of the Auqaf Board to be Muslims, the ordinance 1979, with the amendment in 1984, made it even necessary for the deputy administrators to be Muslim along with the Muslim Chief Administrator. The ordinance maintains, ''provided that no person all be appointed as Deputy Administrator unless he is a Muslim.'' 67 Even going further, the ordinance denied even the appointment of non-Muslim as an Officer, as ''provided that no person shall be appointed as an Officer unless he is a Muslim.''68 The ordinance (amendment, 1984) also links selling of Waqf properties with the ''main purpose'', as it is according to the Islamic teaching, for which the Waqif (Waqf maker) dedicated the Waqf. As the rules for Waqf Properties since 1959 provided authority to the discretion of Chief Administrator Auqaf to sell out Waqf Property for the reasons befitted him, the ordinance (amendment, 1984), 1979, introduced ''religious'' obligation to follow the intent of the Waqif (Waqf maker).69 Even where the Chief Administrator considers it necessary to sell Waqf Property, even there the ordinance binds the authority as ''subject to the provisions of subsection (2) of section 15 where it should be satisfied that circumstances exist which make it necessary to sell or otherwise dispose of any Waqf Property in order.''70 And even where the Auqaf authority finds it necessary to sell out Waqf Property even there the authorities should see first that the ''sale-proceeds shall first be applied for satisfying the main purpose of the Waqf.''71

66 The Governor of the Punjab promulgated this ordinance on 11th April, 1979; and, published in the Punjab Gazette (Extraordinary). The Punjab Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1979, Punjab Gazette (Extraordinary) dated 14th April, 1979, pp. 521-A to 521-K. 67 Ibid., section 4 (amended). 68 Ibid., section 5 (amended). 69 Ibid., sub section (2) of section 15. ''In the settlement of a scheme the Chief Administrator shall give effect to such wishes of the person dedicating as can be ascertained, and to which effect can be reasonably given. '' 70 Ibid., section 16 (amendment). 71 Ibid.

113

The Punjab Waqf Properties Ordinance (PWPO) of 1979, since its enforcement acquired a permanent legal position. No government afterwards felt any need to bring any significant change within PWPO of 1979. The death of Zia ul Haq also came along with the death of socialistic philosophy of nationalization of business corporations. Though Zia ul Haq himself started undoing the national-socialistic acts of Bhutto government, the privatization policies however remained continued with more force during next governments. Benazir Bhutto, daughter of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and leader of Pakistan People Party (PPP), though carried on few socialistic ideas, however put forward public - private partnership concept and kept on showing positive tilt towards privatization. While the other ruling political group, led by Muslim League and headed by Nawaz Sharif, never hesitated showing its intention for increased privatization. However, the intent of these governments could not change the nationalization assumptions of Waqf Properties.

In Musharraf government the emphasis was upon reforming institutions and better administration. Instead of changing the fundamental principles of Waqf Ordinance, the state focused on improving the functioning of the department. For pursuing this policy, detailed rules were devised for managing shrines, mosques and Waqf Property.72 The rules dealt mainly with the appointment of Managers, scheme for the Management of Waqf Property, appointment of Religious Purposes Committee and Lease of Waqf Properties. Instead of taking Waqf Properties as a singular concept these rules define clearly the management for the shrines and mosques distinctly. The rules ensure that in the case of mosque, the manager of a Waqf is responsible for ensuring that "religious services and other functions performed therein are continued"73 and in the case of shrine "the conduct and regulation of the established rites and ceremonies in accordance with the tenets of the saint or sect concerned" remained performed.74 The rules, while keeping Mutwalli out of shrines, make Auqaf Manager, a representative of national Bank and

72 On June 13, 2002, through a notification, Governor of the Punjab issued rules for managing and administering Waqf Properties, as Punjab Waqf Properties (PWP) (Administration) Rules, 2002, and at the same time repealed the earlier WPWPO (Administration) of 1960. 73 Notification No. US (G) 3- 82/A/93, section 4, sub section 2, Secretary to Government of the Punjab, Religious affairs and Auqaf Department, 13th June, 2002. 74 Ibid., section 4, subsection 3(i).

114

District Khateeb responsible for keeping keys of the locks of the income boxes placed at shrines.75

The PWP (Administration) Rules, 2002, categorized shrines and mosques through their income and define rules for appointing Religious Purposes Committee for managing affairs. The Rules, 2002, categorized shrines into three categories: seven to ten members, where the shrine has an annual income of ten lac rupees or above; five to seven members, where the shrine has an annual income of five to ten lac rupees; and five members, where the shrine has an annual income of less than five lac rupees.76 However, for the Mosques, there are only two income divisions with the very low income brackets than those of shrines. The Rules, 2002, maintains that '' where the Waqf Property is a mosque, the Religious Purposes Committee shall consist of: five to seven members, where the mosque has an annual income more than one lac rupees; and five members where the mosque has an annual income less than one lac rupees.''77 The Rules, 2002, suggests that shrines have such a clear income gain that even the Rules, 2002, does not feel a need to introduce higher income bracket for managing the mosques.

The emphasis of Mushrraf period on developmental concerns also correlates with a little different, but related legislative process that gives a new meaning to Waqf Property. The legal acts from 1959 to 1979 provided a colonial re-appropriating of a Muslim Law of Waqf, however, in the years of 2000 the Waqf Property was also understood as Heritage. Already, the Auqaf department has been doing working in collaboration with archeology department. The state, in different times, also portrayed shrines as religious sites for visitation. However, during Musharraf period, a renewed interest in cultural heritage and tourism emerged because of the UNDP and UNESCO initiatives with Government of Pakistan to attract investment for conserving old sites in the country. The state of Pakistan capitalized this opportunity and extended its operations to the cultural heritage sites. For this two pilot projects were initiated, one in Lahore and the other in Peshawar. For the project of Lahore the government gave the name Tajdeed e Lahore (Reviving Lahore) Program. For this, a little later a Board was instituted through an Ordinance in 2002, though the working on the project got initiated even as early as in

75 Ibid., section 4, subsection 3(ii). 76 Ibid., section 6, subsection 1(i), (ii), (iii). 77 Ibid., section 6, subsection 2.

115

2000 with the reconstruction of the shrine of Shah Chiragh. The purpose of the Board was to re- locate the cultural heritage sites, make plans to improve those sites, save them from damaging and make controls on unnecessary advertisement material posted on any such site.

The Ordinance however got repealed by another legal enforcement of Punjab Heritage Act of 2005 which Punjab Assembly approved on 13 January 2005 and the Governor assented to the Act on 19 January 2005.78 The initial program for reviving the heritage sites of Lahore only, from this Act now extended to the whole of Punjab. The Act, however kept its purposes almost the same as there were earlier of the Tajdeed e Lahore Program; ''to conserve, maintain, rehabilitate and develop the Punjab Heritage and make provisions for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.'' The Act was to make efforts to locate and conserve the sites of cultural heritage in whole of the Punjab. As there have been many other departments doing similar works, the Act made a Board comprising Secretaries or In charge of different state departments.79

The Act, 2005 opened up the possibility for considering Waqf, so far understood only as religious sacred sites, as a cultural heritage. Instead of considering shrines as embedded within customary traditions, all the previous legal efforts, from 1959 till 1984, conceived these sites as religious spaces. The legal efforts show their concern to control and manage these sites in order to provide a better environment for the religious practices. However, the legal efforts did not differentiate between the mosque and the shrine based practices. In order to control and manage all the sites, the legal efforts broke the link between site of shrine-mosque and the customary traditions within which the shrine-based ethos had been embedded. The Act, 2005, in order to regenerate the cultural heritage in Punjab, re-directed the imagination of the governing elite to think even some of the shrines, if not all, as part of cultural heritage, an Islamic Heritage.80

78 Punjab Gazette (Extraordinary), dated 25 January 2005, pages 2559-2563. 79 Along with the secretary of Religious Affairs and Auqaf Department, Secretaries of Local Government, Culture and Youth Affairs, and Finance Department, Director General, Archaeology, Punjab and Director Lahore Museum were also made part of the Board. The Board was to be headed by Chief Minister (CM) and three members from Treasury benches and one from the Opposition. Ibid. 80 Almost at the very same time, the Punjab government also continued extending the religious affairs of Auqaf department through such acts, as Quran Board. The cultural emphasis could only bring in investments to the extinguishing sites of shrines. The Punjab Government initiated a program, Quran Board, however not through an Act, but through the notification by chief minister. The purpose of establishing Quran Board was to ensure the

116

3.4. Defining Auqaf Laws through Judicial decisions

The Auqaf laws provided the structure or frames within which post-Colonial state defines not only Waqf and Waqf properties but also Waqf as a religious site, and its relation with public. The judicial process also links shrines with the universal Islamic theology and history of Muslims in India in order to give them Islamized identity. The activity that remained largely a re-defining and re-interpreting the hidden and vague meanings of Waqf Acts and rules also provided viable solutions of the complex question of Waqf Property and its justified usage by the government. The judicial process, although district courts sometimes gave decisions in favor of customary Mujawarin (traditional caretakers of the shrines), seldom moved against the policies and legislative processes of the government, and worked as an interpreter of the already taken decisions.

The judicial process started as soon as the aggrieved parties, mostly customary Mutwalli or Sajjada nashin of different shrines, from which the post-colonial state had snatched the control, started approaching courts for taking justice. In response to the filed cases by the Mutwallis of the shrines the courts started giving their rulings, sometimes, after defining in detail not only the position of the contenders but also defining such concepts as Religion, Public, Nation-state, Sajjada Nashin and Shrines. The following section will try to bring forward the judicial definitions through the decisions of some significant rulings of the Supreme Court, as those of Pir Rashid ud Daula, Pirzadgan of Shah Daula shrine and Haji Ghulam Rasul, representing the Mujawarin of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, Lahore against Auqaf Adminsitrator.

Though the Sajjada Nashin of the shrine of Shah Daula were not the first ones to go to the courts, yet the detailed decision on the case between Pir Rashid ud Daula versus The Chief Administrator of Auqaf provided answers to many of the conceptual confusions regarding the Waqf Properties Ordinance of 1959 or 1961. Before coming to the Supreme Court, the Appellants, in this case Pirzadgan of the shrine of Shah Daula, had already won their case from standard printing, save the sacred pages of Quran, and to distribute Quran within needy persons and institutions. The Board that was headed by CM Punjab, and have both Deobandi and Brelwi as its members, would be having its administrative office within the Head Office of Auqaf Department. The Board was also to work for managing martyred pages of Quran by ensuring to provide boxes for saving old and martyred pages of Quran. The Board was also to work for the establishment of Quran Museum and Quran Libray. Notification, No. SO (IBM)4-67-A-2003, published in The Report on Punjab Quran Board, 2005-07.

117 the district court. The same district court had already held in another case of Sain Karam Ilahi vs. Auqaf that the Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1959 could not be considered valid as it was against the powers of Governor to promulgate such laws. However, as the Auqaf Administrator refused to accept the decision and the then Martial Law administrator, zone B, issued Martial Law Order No. 82 as, " Notwithstanding anything to the contrary contained in any order, injunction or judgment of any Court, the West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1959, will stand valid in all respects and will not be called in question on any ground or in any manner, in any court, including the High Court and Supreme Court."81 The District Judge, in the presence of the Martial Law order, considered that it was not the power of the court to decide upon the Ordinance, but still pronounced that the shrine of Shah Daula couldn't be considered as a Waqf Property. However, the Office of Auqaf went to the High court against the decision, and found a favorable decision. The High Court not only considered the Ordinance as not ultra-vires but also maintained that the shrine, even that of Shah Daula of Gujrat, and the income thereof should be considered as Waqf Property. The Appellants therefore had to resort to Supreme Court where a bench comprising of Chief Justice, Hamood ur Rehman, Justice Muhammad Yaqub Ali, Justice M.R. Khan and Justice Waheed ud Din Ahmad heard the case and issued a detailed decision.82

When the Appellants approached the courts, they tried to challenge the concept of religion and tried to un-earth its different meanings in order to show that the concept religion could be changed with relation to the sites, that is, the religion does not give equally an un-equivocal meaning for the site of mosque and for the site of shrine. As the definition of Waqf Property, the Auqaf Ordinance of 1959 considers all those dedicated properties as Waqf those are religiously dedicated.83 Without naming them, the Ordinance considered all the shrines as Waqf Property, and made them susceptible for the post-colonial state to be taken over. However, there were problems tackling this question. For the courts, there has been no singular text to be followed, not even there has been any singular constitution to be rested upon. The courts avoided to link themselves with the constitution of 1962, but thinks that the Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1959 is to be read with the Constitution of 1956.84 During the judicial process, the courts not only took

81 The Martial Law order was issued on 16 February, 1961. APLD SC 1971, Vol. XXIII, p. 410. 82 PLD 1971 Supreme Court , Vol. XXIII, p. 376. 83 See section 2 from (a) to (c), West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1959, Appendix. 84 The court maintains, that the Waqf Properties Ordinance, 1959 does not hit by the provisions of Articles 102 and 110 of Constitution (1956). SC 1971, p.405.

118 colonial cases as precedence, but also took laws, like Punjab Muslim Shariat Bill (1948) as the framework within which to think over. However, whenever the argument suited their position they gave references to the texts of the constitution. For example, in order to equate Waqf with religious position, the court cited about the clauses of the constitution of 1956 where Waqf and mosque are placed together. 85

During the discussion for the case, Pir Rashid ud Daula versus The Chief Administrator of Auqaf, the Appellants or Pirzadgan made the point that the shrines are not the religious institutions at all. The Appellants gave reference to the case Wilayat Shah v. Sardara and others,86 in which the single judge of Lahore High Court gave a ruling that a Khankah was essentially a private property and should not be considered as a religious institution. The learned judge, Cornelius J. in his decision considered Khankah, as though evolving out of a small tomb or pucca grave, and evolved into a larger devotional site should be considered as a private institution in the sense of an '' institution which is managed by members of the family of the founder so that the right of managing the property, the right of receiving offerings, the right of initiating and instructing disciples, the right of holding an urs, etc. devolve upon particular persons.''87 The judge, Cornelius J. therefore seems to consider giving weight and importance to the possession and running of the business, instead of acquiring the property as a necessary condition for considering property as a Private Property. However, the bench of the Supreme Court, in 1960s, differed from the earlier ruling and, to justify the Ordinance explained the difference between the Khankah and the Dargah. In order to take its textual authority for the matter, the court took the writings of Syed Amir Ali, as the standard text and based its decision upon the reading of the text. By doing this, the court enabled not only to differentiate between Khankah and Dargah but also enable to bracket Khankah as '' public and quasi public waqfs,''88 ignoring the historical understanding of the concept "public" where public seems to be meant as "open for all people." The court refers a historical-narration,

85 The court gave reference from the Constitution of 1956 that shows that the constitution permitted to make laws about the Provincial Legislatures through items, 65 and 69 of the Provincial List in the Fifth schedule, as: Clause 65: Charities and Charitable institutions; Charitable and Religious Endowments, and Clause 69: Waqfs and Mosques. 86 PLD 1949 Lah 1949. 87 APLD, VOL. XXIII, 422 SC 88 ''public and quasi public waqfs'' is the title of the Chapter 10, Vol. 1 of Amir Ali's book, Mohammadan Law.

119 described by Amir Ali and already referred in an earlier case,89 as the only true narration. The narration runs as: ''A Darwesh or a person who, by leading a pious life, has won the esteem and veneration of the neighbor-hood, or a sufi of a particular sanctity has settled down in some locality. So long as he has not attained sufficient eminence, it is designated as Astana. His pious life and religious ministrations attract public notice, disciples gather round him, and a place is constructed for their lodgment. And the humble Takia grows into a khankah. After the death of the holy personage the spot where he is buried becomes a shrine and an object of pilgrimage not only for his disciples but for people of distant parts, both Muhammadans and Hindus, and is designated either as Dargah or Astana or Rouza.'' In this sense, the court understood shrines in the continuity of Khankah and equated Dargah, Astana or Rouza as different forms of a singular shrine similarly displaying singular shrine-based practices.

The court concluded further that not only all the different forms of shrine-based practices should be considered as a shrine but also all of these different forms are religious in nature. The court`s interpretation of Amir Ali's text could not locate text in its historico-cultural situation, and placed history in a kind of eternal presence. The text presented the linear growth of shrine-based practices, as half-sufistic and half pluralistic. The text ignored the possibility of co-temporal existence of many of the shrine-based forms, as the text ignored that it is not possible to have Khankah, Astana and Darbar at the same time. Following the text, therefore the court could not see that there may be differences within Dargah, Astana, Rouza and Darbar. Ignoring the difference among different forms, and abstracting the narration from concrete historical situation, brings out another dimension, and that is ignoring the role of living forms, and living figures on these sites, customary practices in short. The reading of the text, in the way court constructed the narration, seems to be assuming further that there is no need of accepting the presence of living dervesh or sufi. The text only highlighted the existence of one living spiritual being, and even that spiritual being appears in the earlier part of the text in the Khankah when common people started visiting the place. Whatever comes later on appeared only as remembering around the dead-saint. The text refused, further, the possibility of Sajjada Nashin, the spiritual inheritor of the dead-saint as a dervesh-sufi-saint.

89 Khwaja Md. Hamid v. Mian Mahmud and Others, AIR 1922 PC 384 = 50 IA 92

120

Ignoring the historical situated-ness, the court also was unable to perceive the form of non- puritan religion. The court could not see that the religion in the above story was presented in the non-communal and non-Shariat form, within non-singular Islamic space and having multiple religious communities living side by side. The space and site where both Muhammadans and Hindus visit as a devotee could not be considered religious in the post-colonial state standing upon the Singular Muslim identity. The text of Amir Ali presumed the spaces of over-lapping devotions as the historical and existential fact. However, within the post-colonial state, such sites can only be considered as deviant sites and the practices upon them as deviant forms.90 In the presence of the process of Islamization, the sense of religion could not be understood as the site where both Hindus and Muslims could participate together. However, the court ignored the distinction and considered these sites as religious because devotees used to come for praying fatiha, ''participate in Urs, ceremonies of the saint, celebrate the birthday of the Holy prophet (PBUH), perform other rites and ceremonies, have recitations from the holy Quran.''91 Also because ''a Khankah is a place where religious devotees are lodged and fed during the period they are congregated there for religious instructions.''92 The court, also observed, that because Shah Daula was himself very benevolent and many Muslim texts have mentioned him as a saint, his shrine can be understood as a religious shrine.

The court, while following Amir Ali, not only considered all forms of shrine-based spaces as religious but also considered these spaces in the imagery of mosque. For the court, Amir Ali includes Khankah '' as well as Rouzahs and Dargahs in the same category of subjects of Waqf as Mosques and Imambaras.''93 The court then provides the reason why Amir Ali considers Khankahs, Dargahs, etc., as Waqf and under the same category along with Mosques.94 For court,

90 One can remember the discussion during Female Singers' Prohibiting Bill, 1943, and Auqaf Board Bill, 1952. The members of the parliament during discussion remained energetic to show that the site of shrines remained the site for prevailing Islamic ethos, and all the rest were the deviant forms. 91 SC 1971 p. 423 92 Ibid. 93 Ibid. 94 The court's understanding of shrines in the image of mosque not only found support from the reading the text of Amir Ali, but also the Muslim Personal Law or Shariat Bill 1948 and the Constitution of 1956 gave impetus to understand shrines in the same way. Muslim Personal Law or Shariat Bill though enacted earlier in 1937 re- enacted in 1948 by Punjab Assembly. The Shariat Bill, 1948 makes Waqfs to be dealt with Muslim Personal laws. The Constitution of 1956 through items 65 and 69 of the Provincial List in the fifth schedule, placed Waqfs and Mosques with each other.

121 it is because in these spaces, '' the rich and the poor, the rich and the indigent, are equally entitled to participate.''95 Therefore the court maintains that ''if such an institution is intended to be visited by any member of the public, who feels attracted towards joining in the instructions or devotional exercises, or to perform pilgrimage to such a place, then the institution would become a public Waqf, in the same way as a mosque would become a public Waqf, if once it is established that prayers are habitually offered therein by the public with Azan and Ikamat.''96 From thereon it is not difficult for the court to see the shrine of Shah Daula in the light of already developed textual interpretation, and maintained that the shrine is a religious institution, and therefore the Waqf Property. The court however moves even further, and maintains that the shrine of Shah Daula and the similar shrines, can be ''valid objects of Waqf even according to the Shariat Law and the manner of their user... in the present case, from time immemorial would seem to indicate that they were treated as religious institutions to which the members of the public at large, rich or poor, affluent or indigent, had equal access without any restriction whatsoever in the same manner they would have access to any other place of public worship or pilgrimage.''97

While settling for the shrines as religious institutions, even taken support from Shariat Law, the court also made a decision regarding offerings, in quite an interesting way, as a Waqf Property. Accepting that there have been many cases in the previous judicial decisions confirming rights of Sajjada Nashin on the offerings (nazranai) on the shrine, the court still found a text negating all precedence. The court even refused to accept the fatawas of the 55 Ulemas from Ahl e Sunna wal Jamaat, submitted by Appellants, to show that '' all nazar and niaz (offerings) which is daily offered at Dargah, is to be divided between the descendants of the saint enshrined there and the khadims (servitors) of the shrine,'' according to the Shariat. The court, however, accepted the authority of the text of Tayyib Jee,98 a judge and a lawyer during Colonial period, and appropriated the basic principle that ''the offering is made to the holy saint buried {my italics} at the shrine.'' The court takes the word of Tayyab Ji, as resonating the clauses of the Auqaf Ordinance: ''Nazrana or offerings given at a shrine or dargah either in a Ghalla (offering box) or

95 Ibid. 96 Ibid. 97 Ibid., p. 424. 98 Tayyab Ji, Muslim Law (4th edition), p. 541.

122 otherwise, may become consecrated to God, or impressed with a trust, in which case they must be used for religious or pious purposes. The reason given in support of this view is that the offerings are often made in the belief that there is religious {my italics} merit in making them and that they are generally invited by representations (expressed or implied) that they will be utilized for religious or charitable purposes.''99 The court, therefore accepted even the offering of cash as Waqf Property and denied the right of Sajjada Nashin on the cash Nazranas (offerings) and Ghalla (cash box), and maintained that if the Sajjada Nashin has been appropriating the cash and offerings, this could only be considered as mischief.100 The court provides justification to the Administrator Auqaf Department for taking over all the offered income because offerings would be given to the buried saint. "If a Waqf could under the Shariat Law be made of property of this nature… then we can see no valid objection to the Legislature impressing them with such a character and depriving those who were hithertofore appropriating them as their personal income or property... particularly, where the intention of the donor was not clear although basically (emphasis mine) the offerings were made for a religious or charitable purpose."101

The court while making its decision against Sajjada Nahsin, however, showed different attitude towards Khadims (servitors) of the shrines and permitted them to carry on earning income at the site of shrine. Considering them as those who work at the shrines and take their reward against their work, the court thinks it is not justified to take away their reward. It seems that the court places the post-colonial state in a mediatory position, the position customarily enjoyed by Sajjada Nashin, at the site of shrine. The invisible nature of the work values of the gradually expanding market-economy, gives enough reason for the courts to think in favor of those who work, that is Khadim (servitor) and against those who do not work, Sajjada Nahsin. It seems the court opens up the possibility for the new world, within which the post-colonial state would be taking position of those who do not work.

3.4.1. Difference between Possessory Rights and private Ownership

In another case, the Supreme Court defined further the concept khadim (servitor) in order to define the right of the traditional caretaker for possessing Waqf Property. As the traditional care

99 PLD SC 1971, p. 427. 100 Ibid., pp. 426-427. 101 SC 1971, p. 429.

123 takers of the shrine of Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, after the taking over of the shrine by the Auqaf Administrator, and after moving through lower courts, went to the Supreme Court where court made the bench having same judges already hearing the previous case of Pir Rashid ud Daula vs. Auqaf. Similar, as the case was, however the court accepted the case for hearing because the Khadim or Mujawarin (servitor), instead of Sajjada Nashin, filed the case as customarily possessing property at the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib. However, as the previous ruling already decided that Waqf Ordinance couldn't be challenged, the Appellants kept their emphasis for regaining their de-possessed property without going into fight for gaining control on the shrine. The discussion during the case went on defining the concept of possessory rights and its relation with the private property, along with the nature of Mujawar and/or Khadim of the shrine. The court made a difference between the acquired property as a basic element of the concept of private property, and gifted property, not necessarily private property and therefore susceptible to public control.

The court though did not lend its support to accept Mujawar as Sajjada Nashin, as the appellants tried to present them, yet considered it better to see them equivalent for aligning its position with the previous decision. The court supported the position of the respondent council and considered that it is not possible for the Mujawar as servitor to own property of the shrine. For this, the court followed the decision of J. Tayyabji in the case of Mahommad Oosman and others vs. Razaq Saleem Ahmed Vanjara and others.102 The court maintained that Tayyabji had given his decision, after a detailed examination of Quran and texts of Muslim jurisprudence, and found out that only Sajjada Nashin could claim for an intermediary position between a devotee and God. The serving positions, as Mujawar and Khadim, are mere servants, and can't claim to have the intermediary position, along with share in the offerings and property. However, the court found it prudent not to stretch this position, as even Tayyabji maintained that in cases where the time is very long, the position of the Mujawar might be considered different. The court therefore maintained that for the present purposes Mujawar can be considered as equivalent to Sajjada Nashin, as they perform similar functions since long as that of Sajjada Nashin.103

102 ILR 1938 Bom. 184. 103 APLD, SC Vol. XXIII, p. 385.

124

The court maintained that because of the evidences for using property from long many decades, the court however accept their rights to possess property as an Acquired Property, but not as an owner. The court accepted the plea of Mujawarin to accept their possession, at best, as Joint Ownership. In tracing the record of revenue, the court maintained that the records for the years of 1856 and 1868 shows that the land taken over by Auqaf Administrator was in control of the '' Mujawaran of Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib'' as ''Maqbooza Malikan (owners as in possession).'' However, the court does not see this evidence as establishing the property being owned by Mujawaran and should not be treated as Waqf. The court further maintains that the property of ''Maqboozan Malikan'' had been divided into three patties (lines); namely Patti Khairdin, Patti Alauddin and Patti Qutub Din.104 The court accepts the position that the revenue record shows that the property also divided respectively among all of these patties. The court also accepted the fact that individual Mujawar has also sold out the property, mortgaged or leased out in past. However the court showed its surprise that from all these facts how can this be proved that the property under discussion is the property of Mujawarin and not the property of possessory right, that is how can Mujawarin prove that it is not because of their role of the caretakers that they acquired the possession upon their lands.

In order to refute the position of Mujawarin, the judges highlighted the basic characteristic of the Private Property, that is, the ownership of the property can only be claimed if the property becomes a self-acquired property. The judges maintained that they could not find any entry in any of the revenue record that shows that the heirs of any of the Mujawarin ''were brought on to the record as the owners.''105 The judge maintains further that the '' owner's column has along shown that only a floating body of the persons, known as the Mujawaran of the shrine of Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, were owners of these lands.''106 The court acknowledges that there are many mutation entries suggesting gifts to the shrines, however judges could not find any entry regarding the personal owning of the land. The court highlights that during the land settlement of 1892, three of the Mujawars, acting as the general attorney of the Mujawarin, ''made a declaration that all the lands recorded in the three patties were not lands owned by the respective patties in possession thereof but that, in fact, all the lands were owned by the shrine of Data Ganj

104 APLD, SC 1971, Vol. XXIII, p.388. 105 Ibid. 106 Ibid.

125

Bakhsh Sahib and, therefore, all these lands should be recorded in the ownership of the shrine.''107

Once the judges of the Supreme Court reached the position that the lands under the possession of the Mujawarin couldn't be considered private property of the Mujawarin and must be considered as the property of shrine, it was not difficult to deduce further that all such property must also be considered Waqf Property. The court, as a final move reminds the Mujawarin that, as Mujawarin has already declared that they were the possessor of the property during Colonial period it was not possible to move away from this position in post-colonial time. The court states that since the Mujawarin ''with full knowledge of the facts requested the revenue authorities to correct the records by entering therein the true position and have since allowed that position to remain unchanged for nearly 80 years they are now debarred from setting up a different case and should, at any rate, not be believed when they say that this is not the true position.''108 The court from that point onward decided quite clearly that the properties in question were clearly Waqf Properties and ''since the shrines in this case, was a public institution, its properties also were public Waqf.''109

3.4.2. Public as common people and/or community, or Public as State

The judges of the Supreme Court where defined the concept of Waqf Property in the gaze of private property, there at the same time, they equate public with the state. The equating public with the State is not quite uncommon and one finds in lot of rulings the equation stands there and seldom to be criticized. The Post-Colonial state appears at-least during its first few decades, as the embodied public: unable to see any local community within larger Muslim life, and taking universal Muslim ideology to such a point that no difference of locality and larger ideology, on the one hand and the local controllers and the universal controllers or State appeared to be questioned. Not only during the judicial decisions but also during the debates upon Auqaf Board, and during the legislative processes on Waqf Properties, the difference never appears. If it appears anywhere, or if any criticism appears in some form, it remains in such a weak position

107 Ibid. 108 Ibid., p. 391. 109 Ibid.

126 that instead of deconstructing the assumed symmetry, it helps instantly to consolidate the assumptions more strongly.

It is interesting that the Nation-State emerged on the concept of religious ideology and universal-commonality of religious dispositions understood "Public" as necessarily linked with the state. If, as the ruling of Supreme Court suggests, a Waqf is valid "public Waqf" then it can be taken over by the state. The decision suggests that "public" was understood as "open for public" or "accessible for the usage of public" but necessarily controlled by the state. Contrary to the previous rulings of Colonial courts where judges while defining Shariat and creating difference between public and private Waqf did not relate with the "public" as the connected necessity through which state had the power to control such Public Waqfs. The colonial judges retained themselves only to define "public" and "private" in order to simplify matters and in order to save gradual prevalence of the "private ownership" of the property, while at the same time gave privilege to the local customs. However, as the later judiciary of Pakistan had the availability of not only "Shariat", as a codified Law without getting disturbed by the difference of interpretation, and, interestingly the text of Syed Amir Ali, defining most of the Muhammadan Laws as Shariat laws, the judges found it convenient to take decision by employing and connecting these apparently distinct concepts. Thus validating state's control on Waqf Property and also venting the "socialistic reformist" stream linked within the eclectic ides of Modern intellectual elite.

3.4.3. Rasoomat (customary practices), State and Traditional Care Takers

For many years the confusion on the possibility of doing Rasoomat (customary practices) at the site of shrine remained unclear between Auqaf department and Mujawarin or Mutwalli (the traditional care takers of the shrines). The confusion, interestingly, remained however only for Mujawarin and judiciary, while the bureaucracy of the Auqaf department was quite clear on the issue. Even on the fear of going against the judicial decisions the Auqaf Administrator, with the support of larger state machinery never ever left its control from at-least the most significant shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib and even during the period when judiciary had given decision in favor of its Mutwalli or Mujawarin, the Auqaf Administrator carried on giving them tough

127 time. The confusion came to be highlighted when Mujawarin after winning over through all the lower courts also found a favorable decision from the Supreme Court to have their rights to perform religious practices at the shrine. The Supreme Court gave decision in favour of the Mujawarin of the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib in 1971.110 The Supreme Court granted the following reliefs to the Mujawarin:- i) That the Mujawaran acquired the right by immemorial user of performing the "Rasoomat" and other religious ceremonies connected with the shrine provided that performance of such functions does not amount to misuse the Waqf Properties. ii) That under the Waqf Properties Ordinance the Chief Administrator of Auqaf had no right to deprive them of this privilege of performing such Rasoomat and other religious ceremonies although he had the discretion to contribute or not to contribute towards the expenses thereof and the right to recover the same. iii) That the taking over of the amount of Rs. 12,561.50 in cash found in a Potla or bag was illegal, as it was a part of pre-Notification offerings which have already been appropriated by the Mujawarin. This amount should be returned to the Mujawarin. iv) That if the ornaments are in the shape of utensils such as Atar Daan (scent bottle), Gulab Posh (rose cover), etc., or articles such as Gilafs, Pabor Yosh Canopies, etc., they should be treated as Waqf Properties belonging to the shrine and not as the personal properties of the Mujawarin but if there be any item of purely personal use presented to the shrine by way of offerings then they should be returned to the Mujawarin.

However, the Chief Administrator Auqaf refused to accept the decision of the Supreme Court. As soon as the Mujawarin requested him to comply with the Supreme Court orders, the Governor of West Pakistan issued an Ordinance making amendments in the West Pakistan Waqf Properties, 1961.111 Through the Ordinance XVI of 1971, the section 6 of West Pakistan Waqf

110 The decision came on 24-06-1971. PLD 1971 SC 376. 111 Ghulam Rasul vs. Government of the Punjab, SCMR 2003, p.1821

128

Properties Ordinance, 1961 was substituted to increase the powers of Chief Administrator. The new Ordinance runs as:

Section 6 (1)"Notwithstanding anything to the Contrary contained in section 22 of the Religious Endowments Act, 1863, or any other law for the time being in force, or in any custom or usage, or in any decree, judgment or order of any Court or other authority, or in any proceeding pending before any Court or other authority, the chief Administrator may, by notification, take over and assume the administration, control, management and maintenance of a Waqf Property. (2) No person shall perform services or ceremonies (Rasoomat) referred to in subsection (1) except with the prior permission of the Chief Administrator and in accordance with such directions as may be given by him.''112

The amendments in the Waqf Properties Ordinance of 1961 authorized the Chief Administrator Auqaf to refuse to comply with the direction of the Supreme Court orders allowing Mujawarin to perform Religious Rasoomat within the shrine. The Mujawarin again went to the High Court praying for the direction to the Chief Administrator Auqaf to perform the legal obligations in complying with the orders of the Supreme Court.113 The single judge of the Lahore High Court instructed the Chief Administrator to comply with the Supreme Court orders and take favorable decision with regard to the Mujawarin. However, the Chief Administrator Auqaf, instead of following the High court decision, came on 24-05-1974, challenged the decision in Letters Patent Appeal before a Division Bench of High court on 05-07-1974. The Division Bench accepted the filing of the case by the Chief Administrator Auqaf and set aside the judgment of the single judge of the Lahore High Court.114 The Mujawarin however again filed the case in the Supreme Court. The case remained in the court for sixteen years and then the Supreme Court decided against the Mujawarin of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib and made it clear that for performing any religious ceremony, the permission of the Chief Administrator is necessary.115

112 Ibid., p.1826. 113 Ibid. 114 Ibid., pp. 1815-1829. 115 '' The appellants (Mujawarin, the care takers of the shrines) had to move the Chief Administrator under section 6(2) for the purpose of such rights and unless such permission is granted, they could not perform any religious ceremony.'' Ibid., p. 1829.

129

3.5. Conclusion

Till Ayub Khan's Ordinance for taking over complete control of shrines, the post-colonial state though stretched its control yet kept its lego-religious thinking grounded in re-territorialized identity. The emphases to exclude deviant customary traditions however couldn't produce the desired results because of the incapacity of the post-colonial state and gave way for the complete control through autocratic rule of Ayub Khan. The underpinning of all the legal activities since 1959 however remained embedded within the emphasis on the continuity of stretching the re- territorialization, a kind of double-reterritorialization. The opening up of the possibility of controlling the traditionally deviant sites through the universal laws initiated and enforced through Ayub Khan's reformist agenda never let the localized traditional care takers to control the sacred sites. The Bhutto Government only tried to keep the universal impact of the universal laws through introducing centralized activities upon which interestingly stood the Ordinance of 1979. It is interesting that no democratic government ever felt the need to change the universal legalization process, and never made any effort to see the legalization as an initiating of the Martial Law regimes. The universal ideologue, process of double-re-territorialization or locating Islamic territoriality for the local sacred sites seem to be so well prevailing that each government felt it incumbent to carry on with the fundamental principles of legalities. Colonial period earlier though opened up the universal legalizing process, and provided a ground for imagining re- territorialized identity, yet left the sites of worship to the local communities. However, within the post-colonial state of Pakistan, there is no local community, within the ambit of Islamized Muslims, can be legally considered to be free to have its control on its own ways of religious worshipping. The legalization process connected localities, and the local sites of worship with the universal religious ideologue. The universalizing-locality left no place for the localized worshipping but to be appeared as a deviant form. The legalized framing left a place, however only for those sacred sites unable to grow economically. It is interesting that the legalization within the post-Ayub period regarding Auqaf, kept its imagining regarding shrines linked with the profitability of the sacred space. Only those shrines, the legalization maintains can come under the control of Auqaf department, who would not become a financial burden on the government itself.

130

The legal-rules making, though universal, however, remained ridden with flaws and ambiguities requiring judicial interpretive activities for clarification and for the implementation. Unlike colonial judicial process that formed rules for reducing multiplicity of life forms, the post- colonial judicial process, especially after Ordinance of 1959, opened up a process of clarification of flaws and vagueness of the already defined legal-rules. The post-colonial judicial process redefined concepts of Shrines, Waqf, public and private property. Where the process could not define clearly it gives, in a concealed way, domination of one form upon the other, as the judicial process made religion synonym with Islam and dominated it upon even on pluralistic historical manifestations. The changed circumstances, within which post-colonial judiciary found itself put them on the path of owning and manifesting double-reterritorialized identity in their decisions. The judicial process, however, toed the same path as that of Colonial judicial process that is facilitating rulers through devising or devised universal-legal rules.

131

Chapter 4

Post-Colonial State, Shrines and Auqaf Department

This chapter examines the development and working of Auqaf department in relation with the politico-religio policies of Post Colonial state, starting from the rule of Gen. Ayub Khan to Gen. Musharraf. The chapter shows that the policies and emphases of each government had its unique character, though certain continuity could also be witnessed after the Auqaf department started its working. Following Jamal Malik's position, the chapter brings forward that "the colonial urban sector," through department of Auqaf, extended its control on shrines. However, the chapter understands that gradual stretching of the Colonial sector was also the accomplishment of the revivalist religious strands remained beneath the policies of Auqaf department, almost from the very beginning. The chapter will show that gradually the Auqaf department shifted its policies from the emphasis upon the reformist position to religious prevalence, and later on with the emphasis upon performance while imbibing both reformist and revivalist religious positions. The policies created the possibility for dominating more completely the customary shrine life by the revivalist agenda that was already there from its colonial origin. However, the revivalist religious focus interestingly also became the reason to enlarge the sites of shrines.

4.1. Auqaf Department and the rule of Ayub Khan: Initiating control for Reforms

Auqaf, as a separate state department came into being after the promulgation of the West Pakistan Waqf Properties Ordinance (WPWPO), 1959 and from there on prevailed upon Shrines to get them transformed as the sites of modern civility.1 The working of the department of Auqaf started in order to take control of the Waqf Properties attached with shrines and translate the income arising out of these properties for the welfare of the common people (public). The socialistic nationalization of shrines, for taking them over in order to distribute their surplus income to common people correlated with the government's other policies of social reforms.2 Almost at the same time government had already introduced its intention to make survey and re-

1 Javaid Iqbal, Ideology of Pakistan and its implementation (Lahore: Sh. Ghulam Ali and Sons, 1959), pp.28-29. 2 Samuel Huntington maintains in one of his study that '' More than any other political leader in a modernising country after the World War II, Ayub came close to filling the role of a Solon or Lycurgus, or Great Legislator on the Platonic of Rousseauian model.'' Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven, 1968), pp.250-251. For Talbot, Ayub was not only ''innovator'', but also paternalistic in the tradition of the Raj's non- regulation provinces. Ian Talbot, Pakistan: A Modern History (Lahore: Vanguard publication, 1999), p.153.

132 distribute large land holdings in the country. Ayub Khan considered the large land holding as a reason to hamper "the free exercise of political rights and stifles the growth of political institutions."3 The much intended land reforms for him should entail the emergence of "a strong middle class" that could engender such leadership that in turn reform the rural life.4 In order to reform life through enlightened urban elites Ayub Khan's government started policies of reforming society.

However, the taking over of shrines and Waqf Properties attached therewith was also linked with the ideological strands of high morality and "revivalist" religious practices. The intelligentsia behind the operations and launching of the Auqaf working even intended to transform the shrine practices through creating a propaganda campaign that would expose the fraudulent character of Mutwalli or Sajjada Nashin of shrines. The intention was to show common people that because of their simplicity they lose their precious belongings by giving those to shrines.5 Along with giving birth to the operations of Auqaf Administrator, the government also formed a commission for eradicating social evils almost at the same time. The committee headed by a Maulvi Ghulam Muhayyuddin, while giving reasons among many others, also considered the worshipping of graves and tombs a major social evil and recommended to take necessary steps for eradicating the worshipping on the graves. The recommendation of the committee coupled with the already carried on policies of the Auqaf department provided the government justification to carry forward not only the process of taking over shrines but also enhance the criticism against Mujawar and Mutwallis (the care takers of shrines). In order to pUrsue this intention, the department, along with taking over shrine, also started propaganda campaign that spread such messages as not to give Nazranas (offerings) to the Mujawar, shrine-going is a remnant of simpleton and archaic rural life, etc.6

Following the policy of taking over shrines, the Auqaf department started its working in meager resources but through fast pace. The department started working as A. H Quraishi, a CSP officer of the Government of Pakistan held the title of an Office of The Administrator of Waqfs and

3 Muhammad Ayub Khan, Speeches and Statements, Vol, I (Karachi: Pakistan Government Publications, 1967.) pp. 48-49. 4 Ayub Khan, Friends not Masters (London, 1967), p. 88. 5 Mohakma Auqaf ke Nai Scheme, Editorial, Nawai Waqt, 08 December 1960. Lahore. 6 "Auqaf department appealed the public to avoid giving Nazranas to the previous Mutwalli of the shrine of Hazrat Mauj Darya Bukhari." 26 October, Nawai Waqt, 1960.

133

Secretary to Government of West Pakistan, became the first Administrator of Auqaf. The Administrator issued the first notification to repeal the previous Act of 1952 and enforcement of the Ordinance of 1959 on January 9, 1960.7 The Administrator Auqaf started its working from having head office in Karachi. The Administrator Auqaf, during his visits, was authorised to have the status of Commissioner and therefore able to take the help of the staff of commissioner office, revenue department, like that of Tehsildar (Tehsil Administrator), Naib Tehsildar (Tehsil Administrator), etc. Because of the authority of revenue department, the Auqaf Administrator gained access to the revenue record that provided the department a force needed to make surveys quickly to take control of the shrines. Except for few major shrines, in most cases, on the orders of Administrator the Tehsildar (Tehsil Administrator) or naib Tehsildar (Asst. Tehsil Administrator) acted to take control the shrine and property attached therewith.

The working of Auqaf department though started after almost nine months of the promulgation of the WPWPO, 1959, yet in next few months the department was quick enough to take control of some significant shrines in Lahore. Starting from taking over the shrine of Hazrat Ali Hajvery Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib,8 Lahore the department till October was able to take over more than 30 Waqf properties.9 The department also, at the same time, was in a position to take over another dozen of Waqf properties within which large number of land attached with Bibian Pak Daman, Lahore was also included.10 Other than Data Ganj Bakhsh sahib, the department was able to take over around 10 shrines, including the shrine of Mian Mir, Shah Jamal, Madhu Lal Hussain and Shah Kamal in Lahore, a shrine of Bullai Shah in Kasur, two shrines including Mian Muhammad Sharaqpuri in Sheikhupura, one shrine of Pak Shah Rehman in Gujranwala and the shrine of Imam Ali ul Haq in Sialkot till the end of the year 1960. The department also took over around 8 Waqf properties of Takia (abode of a saint and a form of shrine), and 34 mosques, in Lahore, till the end of the year 1960.11

The shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib though did not possess the largest property attached therewith, yet its popularity and centrality, and that also means its ability to earn cash income, made Auqaf department start its operations by taking its control. The shrine had a history of

7 Notification No. 1 (1), Auqaf 60, Lahore, 9 Saturday, 1960, published in The Gazette of West Pakistan, p. 9. 8 Notification No. 3(1), Auqaf-60, Lahore, 11 January, 1960, published in The Gazette of West Pakistan, pp. 37-38. 9 Nawaiwaqt, 7 October, Lahore. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid.

134 almost nine hundred years, however, its centrality emerged correlating with the prevalence of Muslim revivalist movements in late nineteenth and early twentieth century Punjab. Many decades before partition, the shrine had already attracted a lot of attention and focus of local as well as European scholars. The popularity entailed with it became the reason for the construction of a new mosque in 1924. However, the growth of popularity and pilgrims grew at such a fast pace that from thousands of pilgrims in 1850, the estimated number grew to more than two hundred and fifty thousand pilgrims in 1950s on Urs days. The large increase in pilgrims also entailed with it large donations. The increase of popularity created a lot of stress on the care takers (Mujawar) of the shrine to manage and control the site in a better way. However, the sluggishness and inability of the Mujawars to extend the site of shrine became a cause of not only earned them bad name but also added justification for the Auqaf Administrator to take it over.

As soon as the department took over the shrine, the Administrator appointed a committee to manage and maintain the Waqf properties. Comprising of three administrative staff, the Committee was headed by Deputy Commissioner Lahore, (Member and chairman), having Senior Superintendent of police, Lahore as its member, and a P.C.S City magistrate as a Secretary of the Committee.12 After few weeks, the Administrator changed the PCS City magistrate with another, Mr. Abdul Waheed and also appointed him with the authority of the '' Manager of the said Darbar (shrine) in addition to his own duties as Magistrate, First Class Lahore, with effect from the 15th of February, 1960.''13 However, after another two weeks the Administrator modified once again the Managing Committee of the Darbar of Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib Lahore. This time the Administrator enlarged the Committee from four to seven members and included four significant devoted elites. The new members of the committee were: Amir Ud Din, from Barood Khana; Sheikh Muhammad Din, the proprietor of National Fans, Lahore; Haji Muhammad Amin, Proprietor Ahmed Bakhsh and Bros., Brandreth Road, Lahore; and Dr. Abdul Waheed, Ferozsons, Lahore.14

The inclusion of members from non-administrative-bureaucratic positions not only changed the composition of the Managing Committee, but also re-linked the religiously and emotionally

12 Notification No. 3(1), Auqaf-60, Lahore, 11 January, 1960, published in The Gazette of West Pakistan, p.38. 13 Notification No. 3(1), Auqaf-60, Lahore, 13 February, 1960, published in The Gazette of West Pakistan, p.64. 14 Notification No. 3(1), Auqaf-60, Lahore, 24 February, 1960, published in The Gazette of West Pakistan, p.164.

135 motivated believers with the Darbar (shrine). The proprietor of National Fans Company, Haji Sheikh Muhammad Din, only after few months of his becoming the member of the Managing Committee announced to make a new mosque for Data Darbar (shrine). He claimed to bear all the expenses of the mosque by himself.15 However, Sheikh Muhammad Din announced that the new mosque would be made resembling the mosque of Madina and the name of Prophet (PBUH) would be the name of the new mosque. He also claimed that the map of the mosque was under preparation and around four hundred thousand rupees would come as the cost for constructing the mosque. However, the reconstruction of the mosque was only a part of reconstructing the whole shrine on which total 12 hundred thousand rupees would be incurred.16

The changes and development on shrine became more visible on the first Urs of Data Sahib, after getting taken over, on 13 October, 1960 that was delayed for few weeks due to the spread of epidemic of Cholera in the city.17 The preparation for the Urs started quite early and the new managing committee expected to have as many numbers of devotees as earlier than taken over. An editorial in a newspaper not only considered the number of devotees as big as it should be but also considered new development in a positive manner and appreciated the working of new Managing Committee. The editorial complained that earlier the mosque of Data Darbar did not even have a loud speaker and proper lighting system. However, the editorial praised the activities of new managing committee for not only providing basic infrastructural facilities but also introducing many other things, like a separate entrance facility for women, better and organized traffic system and a clean environment. First time, the shrine and the buildings around the shrine were lit with the lights throughout night. The unusual pleasant thing for the report was the absence of Mujawars and the beggars who used to snatch even the clothes of the pilgrims. The report maintained that even the dark roads behind the Darbar, those otherwise remained filled with the criminals, got populated by the groups of rural pilgrims and devotees.

Though, the Urs of the Data sahib turned up in a way as expected by the Managing Committee and seemed to be generating large income, yet this did not keep the elite devotees hesitant to

15 The idea of reconstructing or enlarging the mosque was not a new idea, as it was already there from the last decade or so, but could not get materialized. 16 Nawaiwaqt, 16 December, Lahore. 17 Urs was to take place in the mid of August, 1960. Nawai Waqt 3 October, 1960.

136 pour in huge sums for welfare activities.18 At the end of first year some of the facilities have already been provided in both shrine and the mosque, like constructing separate gates for both male and female, purchasing loud speaker for the mosque, facilities for cleanliness, providing fans, etc. by Sheikh Muhammad Din and Syed Maratb Ali, another big elite of the Lahore city. Bearing most of the expenses of these purchases Sheikh Muhammad Din gave 20 thousand and Syed Maratb Ali 50 thousand rupees. Out of this money the new Managing Committee announced starting pensions for the orphans and widows of the previous Mujawar of the shrine. Also, as the committee started a free dispensary that was to become a first step for a full-fledged hospital, nearby Data Sahib Shrine,19 another devotee and a member of the Managing Committee, Dr. Abdul Waheed, the proprietor of Ferozsons had given 10,000 rupees per month for the next ten years for supporting dispensary. Another famous shoe company, Bata, gave the donation of 30,000 rupees20 and Chief Electric Company provided free electric facility on Urs day.

The committee not only took care of the infrastructural facilities at the shrine but also completed the religious ceremonies, including the ceremony of Dastar Bandi (putting turban on the heads) to the significant devotees.21 Traditionally, it was Mujawar who performed these ceremonies along with other related activities like making prayers. However, on this Urs, the ceremony of Dastar Bandi was inaugurated by putting Dastar (turban) on the head of the Administrator Auqaf, Mr. A . H Qureshi who was also supervising the whole ceremony. Later on, some 200 notables were given Dastar (turban). Both Naat (eulogy of the Prophet (PBUH)) and Qawwali were performed in the Urs and devotees had taken more interest in Qawwali than any other activity.22 Religious scholars were invited and provided platform to make speeches on the personality of the saint and on his understanding of Islam. For the first time the shrine was decorated through lights almost as similar a way as the buildings already being decorated on the

18 Reports on Urs maintained quite positively that the crowd at the Urs did not lessen due to the taking over of the shrine by Auqaf Department. 19 The Governor of West Pakistan, Malik Amir Muhammad khan on 17 February, 1961 inaugurated the newly built dispensary. 20 Editorial, Nawai Waqt 15 October, 1960, Lahore. 21 One of the important religious ceremony, that is to recite Khatam Sharif already took place on August 15, 1960, on the date of URS. Ibid. 22 Ibid.

137 day of Eid Milad Un Nabi (celebration on the birthday of Prophet (PBUH)). This year the shrine had already become the terminal point for the processions of Eid Milad Un Nabi.23

The interest that Auqaf department showed in organizing, managing and controlling the shrine and religious practices of Data Sahib remained but in much lesser way for other shrines. In the same first year the Auqaf department had already taken over other significant shrines as those of the shrine of Mian Mir and Bullai Shah in Lahore and Kasur respectively. However these shrines could not find similar support and passion for reconstructing and developing civilities despite even having presence of similar elite devotees. The focus of Auqaf department seemed to be upon appropriating the shrines and the property attached with them instead of initiating development projects at once. The Auqaf administrator, after taking them over and the Waqf Property attached therewith, appointed the Magistrate or Tehsildar (Tehsil Administrator) as their Manager and/or In-charge.24 The Administrator however felt no need to appoint head of the Managing Committee any senior state officials as it was the case of Data Darbar Sahib.

Auqaf department took over the shrine of Mian Mir on July 9, 1960, only six months after initiating its activities.25 The department took control of the shrine from the then Sajjada Nashin, Noor ul Hussain Shah. The Managing Committee was formed after few weeks of the Auqaf control, and Chaudhry Eid Muhammad Malik, the proprietor of Ratan Cinema, was nominated as its president. As the Urs was in October the managing committee started preparing for the occasion and the president also took burden of all the electric and lighting facilities. The Managing Committee, after the announcement of the date by Auqaf Administrator, with the help of the Manager of the shrine organized the first Urs occasion between 17 to 20 October. Auqaf department took possession of total around 74 Kanals of land, out of which later on 314 shops were constructed around the shrine. Along with this land, around 425 kanals and 7 marlas of agricultural land was also taken over by the Auqaf department. After another 6 years, the Auqaf department extended its control again on the landed property attached with the shrine and

23 First of its kind of procession of Eid Milad Un Nabi started coming out in the city around 1933. However, the procession started from Mochi gate and ended at Dalgirah chowk in the city of Lahore. 24 It is interesting that most of the properties traditionally attached with the shrine was already occupied by the Colonial Cantonment when the Colonial armies entered Lahore and made one of their main garrison in the village already attached by the shrine. Even after independence the cantonment carried on existing on the same place. 25 No. 3 (14) - Auqaf 60- I, A.H. Qureshi, C.S.P. Notifications, Office of the Chief Administrator of Auqaf, West pakistan, Lahore, March 12, 1968.

138 annexed another 4 kanals of land, and took control of another around 139 Acres of agricultural land attached with the Mian Mir shrine from Gujranwala district.26 Further, there was property in the Anarkali market of Lahore of around 2 kanals. However, the Auqaf department sold out that Waqf property in 1980s.27

Almost at the same time, on 06 October, 1960, Tehsildar (Tehsil Administrator) of Kasur district took control of the shrine of Baba Bullai Shah, on the orders of Auqaf Administrator. Bullai Shah was considered to be a famous Punjabi sufi poet and the fame of his shrine and the property attached with it attracted Auqaf department to take this shrine over. Tehsildar (Tehsil Administrator) of Tehsil Kasur, Akbar Kazmi on the orders of Auqaf Administrator entered the premises of (Dargah) shrine on October 05, and took the income box (Sandukchi) in his possession. The Tehsildar (Tehsil Administrator) recovered eight rupees and one paisa from the box, that a newspaper claimed an amount collected within few hoUrs, and later on sealed the box. Tehsildar (Tehsil Administrator) ordered the Mujawars of the Dargah to start giving the rent of the houses attached with the shrines and in case of not giving rent they had to vacate the houses. He also ordered the tenants of the shops attached with the shrine to start giving the rents of the shops or be prepared for the consequences.28

In the first ten years the Auqaf Department kept its focus on taking over and controlling the significant shrines as much as possible. Even during the first two or three years, the department had already taken over a number of significant shrines. However, some other significant shrines, like Bibian Pak Daman, Lahore and Waris Shah (famous Punjabi poet for writing Hir epic), Sheikhupura, remained out of its control for some initial years of the first decade. In total, the Auqaf department was able to take control of 52 shrines from Lahore and Gujranwala zones in first decade of its operation. From the five sectors of Lahore, the Auqaf took control of 36 shrines. From the other sectors of Lahore, as from Sheikhupura, the Auqaf took control of 04 shrines, and from Kasur Auqaf took control of 01 shrine of Baba Bullai Shah. From Gujranwala

26 No. VI (36)- Auqaf 68, Notifications, Office of the Chief Administrator of Auqaf, West pakistan, Lahore, March 12, 1968. 27 On this issue, Nighat Sheikh, the member of provincial assembly also moved a motion that got accepted in the Punjab assembly and the inquiry has been ordered into the matter. LohKot, daily, Monday 26, March, 2012. 28 It is interesting that the Dargah of Baba Bullai Shah was developed initially by a prostitute devotee who donated the land for the shrine. Later on, the non-muslims also donated (Waqf) a large number of land to the shrine as the record of revenue department showed.

139 the Auqaf department took control of 07 shrines, along with 03 shrines from Gujrat and 02 from Sialkot. It seems the Auqaf department kept its emphasis on taking control of shrines from big city or the area around the city. At-least in the first decade of its operations, Auqaf ignored small cities and rural areas around them.29

Even in that early period an ideological tilt was visible in the working of Auqaf as the taking over of the shrines of Bibian Pak Daman and Waris Shah suggests. The department started receiving complaints against Mujawars (care takers of the shrine) of Bibian Pak Daman as early as in early months of 1960s. The complaints claimed that eight Mujawar of the shrine were in the process of selling land of the graveyard attached with the shrine and had already sold out the lot of land.30 The department though started inquiring and surveying of the land yet it took many years to take control of the shrine. The Auqaf Administrator, Masood Khaddarposh, who was famous for his leftist and Punjabi leanings, took control of the shrine in the month of September of 1967 from Mujawars. The Auqaf department not only took over the shrine and 24 kanals of land attached therewith but also 62 kanals of the land of the graveyard attached with the shrine.31 However, the Auqaf department had to withdraw its control of almost all the land attached with the shrine after few years because of the court decision. The court decided in favour of the Mujawars, who filed the case against Auqaf department on the basis that, except shrine, the acquired land by Auqaf Department was on the name of Mujawar, instead of being donated. As the revenue record was in their favour, the Auqaf department withdrew its control from the land, 32 and had to be contented only with the shrine and 03 shops.33

Auqaf department did not only take control of the shrines those were under the ''possession" of Mujawar or Mutwallis, but also from the Islamic associations, like that of Anjuman e Islamia. The Anjuman was the oldest association of its kind in Lahore. It came into existence in 1869, mainly to control the affairs of Badshahi mosque.34 However, gradually the Association started controlling almost 13 important mosques in Lahore, including Badshahi Mosque, Sunahri

29 Also, as the last year of the decade of 1960, that is 1969, was ruled by Yahya Khan, Auqaf department took control of 05 shrines out of these total 52 shrines. During Ayub Khan's period, Auqaf department was able to take control of 47 shrines. M. Athar Tahir, Internal report of Auqaf Department, 1999. 30 Nawai Waqt, 7 October, Lahore. 31 Notification No. 1 (71) A/63, published in The Gazette of West Pakistan. 32 Ghafir Shahzad, Punjab Mai Khankahi Culture, (Lahore: Fiction House publications, 2007), p. 146. 33 M. Athar Tahir, Internal report of Auqaf Department, 199. p.150. 34 S.M. Ikram, Indian Muslims and partition of India (Atlantic Publishers & Dist, 1992), p.203.

140

(Golden) Mosque35 and Shah Chiragh mosque.36 The mosque of Shah Chiragh was interesting in the manner that the mosque, though part of the shrine of Shah Chiragh constructed by Aurangzeb Alamgir,37 came in the hands of Muslims after the incidence of Shaheed Ganj mosque to appease them.38 Till the nineteenth century the shrine of Shah Chiragh was quite famous and still attracted good number of devotees on Urs days.39 The British government occupied some part of this Waqf land and made a large building for the office and the residence of the Principal Assistant to the Deputy Commissioner. A little later, the Accountant General's office occupied the building and along with it some land was taken over by the High Court, in the second last decade of the nineteenth century.40 With the increase of commercial and social life on Mall Road the site of the shrine of Shah Chiragh became a central place further.

The Shah Chiragh mosque not only started gathering a lot of worshippers for Juma prayers, but also became a significant place for the preaching of Islam. In 1960, the Shah Chiragh mosque already had three different departments for the prevalence of religious teachings. The departments included: Tameer e Millat Libray (Developing Nation Library), Islamic Center and Idara Islah e Nafs (Institute of self-reform). There was a hall for Tameer e Millat Libray, named Dar ul Mutala (study room). Through Islamic Center different preaching activities used to take place, like lectures on Islam, especially in the month of Ramzan (Muslim month of fasting). Under the Idara Islah e Nafs (Institute of self-reform), lectures on Rumi or the hidden meanings of remembering God took place. However, the activities were largely run by the department of Islamiat of the Punjab University, and Professor Alaud din Siddiqui and Professor Yousaf Saleem Chishti were active to run these activities. As the mosque and the activities around it

35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 Mufti Ghulam Sarwar, Makhzan e Punjab, p. 523. 38 Janbaz, Karwan e Ahrar, Vol. II, pp. 234-235. 39 The shrine kept on attracting a lot of devotees till Anjuman took over the mosque and shrine. Aman ullah Khan Arman Sarhadi, Urs aur Mailai (Lahore, Kitab Manzil, 1958),p.76. However after the taking over of Auqaf department the shrine devotees reduced a lot. 40 ''The only building on the plain now occupied by the High Court was the shrine of Shah Chiragh, in which the Accountant General’s office was housed for many long years, until its removal to its present quarters. It appears, however, from some very old records that, before its occupation by the Accountant General’s office, this shrine was the residence of the “Principal Assistant to the Deputy Commissioner.” Colonel H.R. Goulding with historical and descriptive accounts by T.H. Thornton, Old Lahore: Reminiscences of a Resident (Lahore: Sang e mil publications, 1998).

141 were quite prevalent, the shrine based practices at the shrine of Shah Chiragh were insignificant till 1960s.

As per instructions of the Chief Administrator of Auqaf, the Auqaf department started surveying the Waqf Properties under the control of Anjuman e Islamia. The Anjuman had total 13 mosques and large Waqf Properties attached therewith under its control. The Auqaf department took control of Shah Chiragh building, mosque and shrine in October 1960. The control however remained loose till 1973 when the whole Auqaf Department shifted in the buildings of the shrine of Shah Chiragh. The taking over of Shah Chiragh in 1960 was however appreciated by the locals, as a letter published in the editorial pages of a newspaper suggests. The letter congratulated Auqaf department for taking over the Shah Chiragh mosque and hoped that the continuous embezzlements in the monetary matters of the mosque would be stopped now. The letter complained that though the Anjuman managed to collect around Rs. 1000 as rent money from the tenants of the building yet the Khateeb (speaker at the mosque) and Muazzan (person who calls for the prayer) of the mosque couldn't get the amount equivalent to the janitor of the Lahore Municipal Committee. The letter further maintained that the recent reconstruction of the mosque could only take place because of the collected funds in the last many years.

In the last two years of the first decade of controlling shrines and Waqf Properties the Auqaf department systematized the rules and regulations for Imam (who leads prayer in mosque) and Khateeb (speaker at the mosque) positions within the overall scheme. The focus on Imam and Khateeb positions correlated with other similar activities such as re-emphasizing on giving modern Islamic education. As Jamal Malik suggests, although the Auqaf department has nationalized more than 200 Madrasas (religious seminaries)41 along with the nationalization of Islamic university of Bahawalpur (Jamia Bahawalpur) in the early years of 1960s,42 a re- emphasis appeared even in the last two years of Ayub Khan's rule to control religious educational activities.43 Similarly, although the Auqaf took over mosques both attached and non-

41 Around 247 religious schools were nationalized till 1962. See, Jamal Malik, Waqf in Pakistan: Change in Traditional Institutions , Die Welt des Islams, New Series, Bd. 30, Nr. 1/4 (1990), pp. 63-97 p.85. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1571046, 13 October, 2008. 42 In 1963, Jamia Abbasiya or Jamia Bahawalpur (Islamic University of Bahawalpur) was taken over by Auqaf Administrator in order to harmonize traditional and modern education. See, Ibid., pp.84-86. 43 Ibid., p.86.

142 attached with shrines in the early years of the first decade, yet did not give considerate focus upon religious employees. The hopes went high of a lot of employees attached with the mosques to find a better pay scale and stable position within the nationalized mosques. However, for the first few years of its working, the department showed less interest in improving the condition of religious employees and even failed to give salaries to many Imam and Khateeb for many months.44 The department could not give focus for deciding the pay structure for Imam and Khateeb positions and kept their large number on wage-based basis. However, as the emphasis on Islamic teaching prevailed the Auqaf department made an effort to systematize the pay structure of these positions and enforced the rules in 1968.45

The Auqaf department though made efforts to introduce changes at the site of shrine in order to make them a modern civility during Ayub’s rule, yet the efforts remained selective and unsustainable. The focus on the shrine of Data sahib, and to a lesser extent on some other shrines of Lahore, remained considerable. But on others the department soon found its interest dying. For example, the shrine of Imam Ali al Haq, that Auqaf department taken over in 1960, and after introducing some initial developments46 the department still failed to come closer to the satisfactory arrangements. The facilities at mosque like bathroom urinals, water tank, water spouts, etc. though installed yet often failed to work properly. The cleanliness was other thing that remained far too much to be asked for. Salaried Imam and Khateeb often in Juma prayers asked for funds for which no one seems to be accountable.47 The department though opened up a dispensary in late 60s but without any qualified attending doctor.48

4.2. Yahya Khan: modernizing Islamic traditions

As the rule of Ayub Khan ended on 25 March 1969, and gave way to the rule the then Commander in Chief of the Pakistan army, Yahya Khan, the emphasis on religious-development changed only a bit. Yahya Khan’s regime faced from the very start a leftist political surge, largely enwrapped within the symbolism of Islamic socialism. To counter the leftist surge, the

44 Nawaiwaqt, Lahore, 15 October, 1960. 45 The West Pakistan Auqaf Department (Khateebs and Imams) Service Rules, 1968. 46 Some significant developments were: taking over control from old Mujawars, placing salaried Imam and Khateeb in the mosque attached with the shrine, opening library in a hall already there, etc. A. Latif, Sialkot Shrine, Letter to the Editor, Pakistan Times, October 07, 1970. 47 Ibid. 48 A. Latif, Sialkot Shrine, Letter to the Editor, Pakistan Times, October 07, 1970.

143 regime carried on using Islamic modernism. ''The generals believed that Islam was the only ideology that could confront the Left and provide a basis for keeping Pakistan together.'' 49 Interestingly, the military establishment showed its concern to modernize orthodox Maulvi through training processes. With the emergence of Ulema Academy this need was materialized in concrete way and it furthered the state's interest to prevail Islamic thought as a central unifying ideology to bind together political groups already identifying themselves through provincialism, socialism and ethnicity.50

As Yahya Khan dissolved the one Unit scheme in 1970, the provinces of West Pakistan found their legislative rebirth to enact and enforce rules regarding provincial subjects. Auqaf department that acted till then as The West Pakistan Auqaf Department dissolved into four different Auqaf departments of West Pakistan. Hamid Mukhtar became the first Chief of Punjab Auqaf.51 The department however carried on its taking over operations and controlling activities through ordinances. The department took over around 12 shrines in Lahore and Gujranwala zones, in three years, during Yahya Khan’s regime. Out of these shrines, 06 were taken in the year of 1969, the remaining were taken in another two years.

The regime showed more emphasis upon modernizing religious teachings and introducing developmental projects at the site of shrine. Furthering religious teaching reforms, the Punjab Auqaf department inaugurated an Ulema Academy with the intention to make understanding of Ulema and Khateeb according to the fast paced modern world. The governor of Punjab, Lt. Gen. Attiq ur Rehman inaugurated the Academy in Hazuri Bagh, Lahore, and stressed for adapting the traditional religious views according to the modern scientific advances. The governor maintained that it was the responsibility of the Ulema of the country to upgrade their knowledge in order to reintegrate the force of Iman (faith) with modern dis-enchanting knowledge systems. The governor feared that the modern education was taking the youth of Pakistan away from God and religion; it was therefore incumbent upon religious Ulema to learn new disciplines in order to save youth from Un-Islamic ideas. The speeches of Chief Administrator Auqaf, Punjab, Hamid Mukhtar and Principal of Ulema Academy, Dr. Rashid Ahmed, an Al Azhar and Cambridge

49 Vali Nasr thinks that the Yahya Khan regime turned to Islam in order to face ''a strong leftist challenge to state authority in both wings of Pakistan''... ''The generals believed that Islam was the only ideology that could confront the Left and provide a basis for keeping Pakistan together.'' Vali Nasr, Islamic Leviathan (OUP, 2001), p.74. 50 Ibid. 51 Pakistan Times, Lahore, October 20, 1970.

144

Graduate, ensured the governor regarding the efforts made by the Auqaf for improving the understanding of Islam according to the contemporary requirements for both Ulema and syllabi of religious schools (Madrasas).52 They maintained that the Academy would be connecting the religious scholars with the knowledge world, and for this purpose, the Academy had already established a library having 4000 books. Further, to link religious scholars with the literary activities, he said, the Academy had also started publishing a quarterly magazine '' Din o Danish'' (religion and intellect).53

For extending the developmental works, the department emphasised on extending the network of dispensaries on already taken over shrines. Even the dispensary at Data Darbar was still unable to get extended into a larger health complex as was envisaged almost ten years earlier. Neither this dispensary nor anywhere else the pro-claimed objectives of establishing modern civilities found its existence. However, things started changing during the rule of Yahya Khan, when Dr. Colonel Ibad ullah Sheikh (1967-1972), first non-civilian doctor, became medical superintendent of the dispensary. Till the time Yahya Khan started its rule, Colonel could do nothing. With the change in government, a re-emphasis upon stretching developmental activities started visible. The Auqaf department within three years not only extended the Dispensary of Data Sahib into an Eye Hospital54 attached with dispensary but also extended the network of dispensaries in eight important shrines of Lahore, and another six outside Lahore.

Dispensaries Established during (1969-72)

Dispensaries in Lahore (headed by medical officer/dispenser) 1. Data Shifakhana at Darbar Hazrat Madhoo Lal Hussain Sahib. 2. Data Shifakhana at Darbar Hazrat Bibi Pak Daman. 3. Data Shifakhana at Darbar Hazrat Miran Hussain Zinjani Sahib. 4. Data Shifakhana at Darbar Hazrat Takia Lehri Shah, Ichhra. 5. Data Shifakhana at Darbar Hazrat Shah Abdul Maali. 6. Data Shifakhana at Masjid Wazir Khan. 7. Data Shifakhana at Shahdara Town. (Takia Kakay Zais) 8. Data Shifakhana at Shah Kamal Colony (Auqaf).

52 Pakistan Times, October 19, 1970. 53 Ibid. 54 In 1970, the building of Eye Wards, Kitchen Block and Administration Block was inaugurated by the Administrator. The building was built by the grant of Around Rs. 600000 of ''Matruka Waqf Imlak Board, Govt. of Pakistan.''

145

Dispensaries outside Lahore (headed by medical officer/dispenser) 1. Darbar Hazrat Baba Farid-ud-Din, Pakpattan headed by medical officer 2. Darbar Hazrat Bahaud-din Zikria, Multan headed by medical officer 3. Darbar Hazrat Kh. Ghulam Farid, Kot Mithan headed by dispenser 4. Darbar Hazrat Ali-ul-Haque, Sialkot headed by dispenser 5. Mauza Bahanwala, Liaqatpur headed by dispenser 6. Model Mosque, Company Bagh, Sargodha headed by dispenser

The dispensaries though remained a small step in giving medical relief yet, soon, instead of giving a semblance of modern civility they were transformed as a sacred site within the larger complex of shrine. The dispensaries were established largely for devotees coming to the shrine of the saint for providing them health services. Many of the visitors started taking medicine from the dispensary as extended healing symbols (Barakat) of the saint. For the department of Auqaf, however this meant less serious visitors to the dispensaries and therefore less seriousness for a medical relief center. The reduced importance of dispensary for health purposes, coupled with the chronic lethargic mal-working of the government institutions, the working at dispensaries from the very start fell quite short of expected results. The dispensaries reduced to providing only a few sulpha medicines, at the most and even those medicines often remained unavailable.55

4.3. Bhutto Government and the working of Auqaf

After the fall of Dhaka in 1971, the military handed over the rule to a civilian, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in the capacity of Civil Martial Law Administrator. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was the leader of Pakistan Peoples Party that emerged out as the largest political party in the West Pakistan after the elections of 1970. Within truncated Pakistan, he distilled hopes through his slogan of '' Roti, Kapra aur Makan'' (bread, clothing and housing) enwrapped within larger concept of Islamic Socialism.56 Bhutto found his popular support through claims of snatching wealth from the elites and redistributing it within the plebian or common masses.57 His left-to-the-center leaning provided him with the large support of popular and socialistic groups. For initial few years of his rule, his policies remained aligned with the intention of popular support that made him nationalize the large industries and lands, while providing a renewed basis for regional-religious

55 A. Latif, Sialkot Shrine, Letter to the Editor, Pakistan Times, October 07, 1970. 56 Ibid. 57 Vali Nasr, Islamic Leviathan, pp.75-76.

146 identity. 58 His party in the Punjab government, like in Sindh59 pUrsued the common will of his spirit, and while re-discovering Punjabi identity through Punjabi cultural memories, started strengthening the pluralistic religious ethos.

Bhutto government showed a general inclination for considering a sufi figure as deeply embedded within socialistic ideas. During initial few years, the efforts to promote a shrine of a sufi saint that remained attached with pluralistic tradition and Punjabi sufi poetry, remained visible. Inaugurating the Urs of Madhu Lal Hussain in Lahore, the minister for Auqaf, Information and Broadcasting proclaimed that this Urs would be going to be the biggest Urs of the country in future. He said that this Urs was remained attached with mela (fair) and the need was to revive the tradition of mela (fair). He said further that, in past, this Urs and mela (fair) had been the second largest in the country after the Urs of Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh. However, he hoped that in future the Urs and mela (fair) of Madhu Lal Hussain would surpass any other shrine-based activity as it would be celebrated on Pakistan-level.60 The Bhutto government not only showed its priorities for certain sufi-figures, it also re-phrased the images of sufi-saints, in general, in the socialistic and egalitarian spirit. Even Data Ganj Bakhsh was considered as a preacher of egalitarianism and visualized as providing image of a class-less society ''based on the concept of Musawat e Muhammadi which Allama Iqbal and Quaid e Azam later termed as ''Islamic Socialism''.61

Along with visualizing sufi-saints as socialistic and egalitarian figures, the early Bhutto rule also considered shrines as a cultural reminiscence of the poetic and spiritual expressions. Hanif Ramey became a vocal voice for promoting this idea when he found a central place in Punjab government.62 His efforts made the policies of Punjab Auqaf to give importance to the shrines of punjabi sufi poets. During his speeches, as early as in 1971, he maintained that sufi shrines must be understood as cultural artifacts and must be seen as the site of having potential to give rebirth to the hidden cultural voices. For Ramey, who was inherently an artist more than a politician, the

58 Ian Talbot, Pakistan: a new history (OUP, 2011), pp. 96-97. 59 Vali Nasr, Islamic Leviathan, pp.75-76. 60 Kindly Hearts with Divine Splendour: Madho Lal's Urs begins, Pakistan Times, 31 March, 1974. 61 Katherine Pratt Ewing, Arguing Sainthood (London: Duke University Press, 1997), p.72. 62 Hanif Ramay was elected as member provincial assembly on PPP ticket in 1970. He was Punjab finance minister from 1972–73, Punjab governor from February 1973 to March 1974 and was appointed chief minister of Punjab from 15 March 1974 to 15 July 1975.

147 sites of shrine should also be built in the way that should show and reanimate the literary remnants of our culture. For this Ramey had a plan to develop theatres at the site of shrines, at- least on such sites as those of Bullai Shah63 and Waris Shah.64 For Ramey theatre would relive the poetical expressions of the sufi-poets and re-locate audiences with their life-world.

To implement his ideas, Ramey planned a committee composing of Munnu Bhai, a famous leftist journalist and a playwright, Shafqat Tanveer Mirza, a leftist scholar, and B.A. Qureshi, then Chief Secretary of Punjab famous for having deep literary aesthetics, and Baba Sadiq, a former bank manager and a devotee of Baba Waris Shah, to re-construct the site of the shrine of Waris Shah. The committee also included some members from Lahore Arts Council. Ramey was himself a member of the committee but it was B.A. Qureshi who headed the committee. In an interview, Baba Sadiq mentioned that the condition of the shrine at that time was pathetic. Even on Urs days, one finds hardly 200 persons visiting the shrine of this great personality. As the shrine was not attached with large Waqf property the focus of Auqaf department, that had already taken over the control of this shrine many years ago, was also minimal and the shrine was in poor condition.65 The committee started its working in 1974-75 and finalized a plan for re- designing and reconstructing the shrine of Baba Waris Shah in another few months. The first phase of project took three more years, and the shrine of Baba Waris Shah found its revamped new face in the year of 1978. The second phase later on delayed because of the change of the government and spending a lot of allocated amount for the shrine on a nearby road.

The reconstructed shrine however, with the help of the Lahore Arts Council, started attracting a large number of devotees and pilgrims on Urs days. Gradually, the Lahore Arts Council introduced international Punjabi poetry and Heer reading competition on the days of Urs.

63 Ramey had an intention to develop Amphi theatre at the shrine of Baba Bullai Shah. Though a plan was devised but it could not get materialized. 64 The debate for giving primacy to the Punjabi language found its cultural-religious expression during early years of Bhutto rule. With Hanif Ramey as Chief Minister of Punjab, a re-emphasis on Punjabi poets and their poetry as cultural Sufi expression started getting visible. The poetry and shrines of Waris Shah, at Jandiala Sherkhan in Sheikhupura, Madhu Lal of Lahore and Bullai Shah, of Qasur, found prominent place, if not in the projective working of Auqaf department, at-least in the dreams of the new left-democrats. The renewed emphasis, however, was a continuity of interest in Punjabi language. One of the famous bureaucrats of Ayub period was Masood Khaddar posh who was quite tilted towards this linguistic-socialistic trend. Interestingly during his period as the Chief Administrator Auqaf the most important of the shrine of Punjabi poetry, Waris Shah, still not taken over most probably because of its economic-non-viability, was nationalized in 1968. 65 Interview with Baba Sadiq, 2010.

148

However, as the Lahore Arts Council supported to build and run this shrine, almost 75 percent of the income of the shrine, later on, was taken away by the Council. In the same ratio, the Lahore Arts Council became responsible to meet the incurred expenses on maintaining and controlling the shrine of Waris Shah. The figures showed the growth of the cash box income at the shrine of Waris Shah. It shows that along with the persona of Waris Shah as a poet his appeal as a sufi figure also grew gradually and started attracting a lot of devotees and donors. It seems the cash boxes at the shrine of Waris Shah in the year of 1996-7 collected Rs. 272000 against the expenses of Rs. 35100. However, the total amount collected from the shrine was Rs.1088000 out of which Lahore Arts Council took away Rs. 816000. While in the year of 2006-7 the Auqaf collected around Rs. 2129600, out of which 25 percent, that is , Rs.532400 is taken away by the Auqaf department, and the rest goes to the Council.

Along with the working on the shrine of Waris Shah, the Bhutto government carried on giving patched donations to the shrines and tried to make plans for improving the sites of shrines without implementing any significant plan. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto gave a donation of golden gates to the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, Lahore and started a precedence of visiting the popular shrines. The Auqaf department also launched a water providing facility to the Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib mosque, shrine and the hospital.66 The Bhutto government also started planning to redesign and extend the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib that stood highest for attracting devotees. Almost 900,000 visitors paid visit to the shrine in 1974 during three days of Urs. Interestingly, already the days for Urs had increased from two to three due to the increase of crowd on the shrine. The government therefore started planning to extend the site of shrine. Such plans were already there but nothing had so far been actualized. The government also started planning to reconstruct the shrine of Bullai Shah as to turn it into an Amphitheatre where the plays on the themes of the message of Bullai Shah could be staged. However nothing concrete took place.

Though, nothing of the plans of the government came into reality, the government was at least able to give Auqaf Department a proper space for its administrative working, organizing its material in offices and a proper place for staff to sit in. The Auqaf department, while taking over

66 The project, to make arrangements for supplying 50000 gallons of water through tube well, was inaugurated by Aftab Ahmed Khan, Secretary Auqaf in 1976. The project however took some years to get completed in 1979.

149 another 7 kanals of land attached with the shrine of Shah Chiragh, shifted itself in the building of Shah Chiragh complex and after some adjustments and renovations made room for their head office in 1973. Till that time, however, the Auqaf department had already structured its working in systematic way, and already appeared as a separate and distinct department. Though the Auqaf department came under a provincial ministry attached with Jail Khana Jaat, yet it already acquired a structure of separate department. The working of Auqaf department was already divided within different sub-departments, zones and sectors. There were total five zones within which Auqaf department had organized its working and kept it till 1994 when this organizational structure found revision.

Along with getting consolidated through having proper head office, the Punjab Auqaf department continued taking over shrines throughout Bhutto period and throughout the decade of 1970-79. The department took control of around 59 shrines in the whole decade of 1970s. However 06 out of these shrines were already taken by the Auqaf Department during Yahya regime. From 1972 onwards and till 1977, the last year of the Bhutto government, Auqaf Department had taken over total 51 shrines. During this period, the department kept its focus more upon taking over and controlling shrines from the area outside of Lahore. Out of these total 51 shrines, the Auqaf department took control of 29 shrines in Gujranwala Zone, including 05 from Sialkot, 13 from Gujrat and 11 from Gujranwala zone. From Lahore zone the department took over around 20 shrines, including 03 from kasur, 04 from Sheikhupura, and rest of the 15 from the circles of Lahore. These shrines included such significant shrines as that of Baba Ghulam Haider Sain, Badami Bagh in Lahore, the shrine of H. Kamal Chishti, Kasur and the shrine of Nausha Ganj Pak, Wazirabad. The shrines of Kamal Chishti of Kasur is the oldest shrine in Kasur, and the shrine of Nausha Ganj Pak is the father figure of a sub-sufi sect, Naushahi of Qadri order. However the shrine of Baba Haider Sain was important largely because of its ability to attract transporters to make their journey safe by donating money before starting their journey from the nearby largest bus station of Lahore.

For the large part it seemed, as Bhutto government brought in folk shrines under bureaucratic controls and helped dis-enchanting the ''traditional'' sufistic practices, a renewed but critical

150 interest in them started becoming visible.67 A severe criticism started emerging in the last years against the inability of the Auqaf department to take care of the shrines. Among many of the reports, some reports hit the very heart of the whole controlling and managing affairs of the Auqaf Department. These reports showed a meagre and pathetic position of even the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, so far the central site of implementing modern reformation agenda through bureaucratic controls. One of such report described in detail the condition of and around the shrine of Data Sahib. The report wondered seeing the security persons or policemen standing on the door of the shrine to safeguard the golden door, donated by the prime minister.68 The report complained that due to the policemen on the door, the devotees found it hard to go freely into the shrine. The report maintained that around the shrine the streets were polluted and the water from gutters stood on the already broken roads. The addicts and criminals were quite common around the shrine along with the suspected foreign nationals without passport or national identity card. The area around the shrine had sheds for cows and buffaloes and often they moved on the roads while splashing around all their excretion. The area had bad sewerage system and often the bad water coming out of gutters enter into the houses. Even on complaining many times, the area residents could not find their complaints heard by the authorities.69

In the last two years of Bhutto government, contrary to its earlier leftist face, a clear shift and re- emphasis on Islamization started getting visible. The government seemed eager to show its activities for increasing Islamization, amidst claims that even the activities on 01st May, the Labour Day, should be organized in an Islamic way.70 The early leftist approach towards sufistic expressions as cultural embodiments changed towards the version that highlighted sufi figures as those who promoted effort to preach and propagate Islam in the region. Even while visiting on the shrine of Madhu Lal on its Urs day, a provincial minister stressed on the relationship between a sufi and preaching of Islam.71 The speaker of Punjab Assembly seemed quite eager to inaugurate the procession in 1976 of Bari Gyarwi Sharif that was started by Malik Ata Ullah Qadri, a local religious scholar, only few years ago in Lahore. While all the Ghair Shari (non-

67 The ethnographic work of Ewing suggests prevailing of the similar condition. Katherine Pratt Ewing, Arguing Sainthood, pp. 156-157. 68 "Darbar Data Ganj Bakhsh ke Galio mai: Basti Basti Nagar Nagar", Nawai Waqt, 13 April, 1976. 69 Ibid. 70 "Yaum e May kai Jaloos mai Islami Nazryat Kai Mutabiq Naarai Lagai Jai," Nawai Waqt, 25 April, 1976, Lahore. 71 "Sufiai Karam nai Islam ke Ishaat mai Numaya Kirdar ada Kya hai," Nawai waqt, 14 April, 1976. Lahore.

151

Shari) actions were banned in the procession, a large bunch of PPP stalwart including Provincial Minister for Parliament affairs, President of Lahore and many other important members of PPP government and party walked along the procession that was to be terminated on the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, Lahore.72 The Bhutto government for the first time not only took direct control of the Badshahi mosque through Auqaf department but also started making Faisal Mosque in Islamabad. The idea of Shah Faisal Mosque though initiated as early as in 1966, however, due to the delays in designing that finalized in 1969, delays of funds and the murder of Shah Faisal of Saudi Arabia,73 the work could not get started till 1976.74 Even till June of 1976 the work on the mosque kept on staggering due to the contracting issues.75

On the other hand, the ministry of religious affairs made its serious efforts to restore the image of the state as Islamic. Kausar Niazi, the federal minister for religious affairs, wrote many articles highlighting mosque as the central symbolic element of Islam.76 Further, in order to show its seriousness for Islamization, the government created a central/federal Auqaf body and made all provincial Auqaf departments under its control through passing a bill from the senate. The religious minister intended to move further for the proper Islamization by controlling the Waqf property in a more effective way through national level policy. The government however did not allow the Auqaf Bill to go into Islamic Ideological Council (IIC), as the Bill includes the permission to the Auqaf Administrator for selling Waqf property. As an opposition senator, who suggested sending the Auqaf Bill to the IIC (Islamic Ideology Council), thought the clause of giving authority to the Auqaf Administrator for selling Waqf Property is un-Islamic. However, the government opposed the suggestion on the ground that government itself is the leader of Islamic cause and did not include anything against Islam in the Bill.77

Along with the centralizing Auqaf in Islamabad, the government also showed its seriousness for Islamizaion to improve the condition of Aima (plur. of Imam, prayer leader) and Khutaba (plur.

72 "Bari Gyarhwi Shareef ka Jaloos Aaj Dehli Gate sai niklai ga,"Nawaiwaqt, 11 April, Lahore. 73 The mosque was to be inaugurated in 1975, however, it got delayed when Shah Faisal was murdered in March 1975. 74 Nawai Waqt, 12 June, 1976. 75 J. Gordon Melton, Martin Baumann edt. Religions of the World, Second Edition: A Comprehensive Encyclopedia (California: Santa Barbara Publications, 2010), p.2596. 76 Maulana Kausar Niazi, who was also the federal minister for religious affairs was quite prolific and often wrote articles for newspapers. ''Hamara Nizam e Masjid (Our system of mosque)'', One of such articles published in Nawai Waqt, 24 May, 1976. 77 Nawai Waqt, 05 July, Lahore.

152 of Khateeb, sermon deliverer during Juma prayer) through improving their pay scales. The government improved the salary packages and announced the minimum pay scale for Muazzan (prayer caller) as PS-4 and for Imam/Khateeb as PS-9. The provincial minister for Auqaf, Rana Iqbal Ahmed Khan, also announced the increase of monetary assistance by the state for non- Auqaf religious seminaries, and the assistance increased from one hundred thousand rupees per annum to three hundred thousand per annum. Besides, the federal minister, Maulan Kausar Niazi, also remained quite worried in knowing the condition of shrines and intended to change non-Islamic perception of shrines and the practices upon them. In order to show his seriousness, the minister ordered Auqaf department, in 1976 to give attention to the shrine of Ghazi Alam Ud Din Shahid of Lahore. Ghazi Ala Ud Din was executed by the British colonial authorities for murdering a Hindu publisher who published allegedly a blasphemous book. The minister ordered for immediate reconstruction of the shrine of ''the lover of Prophet (PBUH)'', and reiterated that ''it is our religious responsibility to take care all those figures who gave their lives for Islam, and no self-conscious nation remained oblivious for this task.''78

4.4. Zia ul Haq Regime and Auqaf

When General Zia ul Haq toppled the government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in 1977, the martial law regime at-least for first two years showed its inclination for carrying on the already existing legal framework. It maintained centralized ministry of religious affairs under which Auqaf department had started working after the passing of federal Auqaf Bill. The military regime changed the minister of religious affairs but did not change Auqaf administrators in the provinces.79 Mr. Ch. Muhammad Ashraf, who was in charge of Auqaf department Punjab after being appointed only a month before of military coup, that is, in June, 1977 remained on his post for another two years when Mr. Aftab Ahmed Khan was again appointed as Chief Administrator Auqaf of Punjab.80 However, Auqaf department couldn't give attention to the shrines during those years and was busy in arranging reports on religious schools. The focus on shrines revived after the promulgation of the Auqaf Waqf Properties Ordinance (AWPO) of 1979 that re-linked Auqaf policies with colonial legacy and de-centralized the structure of Auqaf department.

78 Nawai Waqt, 27 June, Islamabad. 79 On the order of Zia ul Haq, the president of Pakistan, a Report of National Committee for religious schools, Pakistan was compiled in 1979. The report was organized by the ministry of religious affairs. Report of National Committee for religious schools of Pakistan, published by Idara Tahqiqat e Islami, Islamabad, 1979. 80 Mr. Aftab Ahmed Khan was already served as Chief Administrator Auqaf from 10-03-1975 to 09-09-1976.

153

As the emphasis of Zia regime remained upon prevailing Islam to justify the extension of its military rule, the regime ensured to propagate the uniform teachings and truths about Islam. For this, the working though initiated from as early as that of 1979, after making a concerted efforts to enumerate and support religious schools,81 the most visible effort took place in 1984 when the regime made it mandatory for all Auqaf mosques to recite Juma Khutba as provided by the state officials.82 Along with that, the Mushir (consultants) and administrator of Auqaf kept their focus upon explaining the need of Islamic teachings and practices on shrines and madrasa attached therewith. Their portrayal of sufis as preacher and propagator of Islam became the established truth. Even when later on in 1993-94 Hanif Ramey came back from his exile and became the speaker of Punjab assembly, couldn't not go back to his original leftist position. With a little sarcasm, he understood sufi as a preacher of Islam, though he labelled all contemporary ulema as those ''who make people kaafir.''83

The policy of Islamization propagated through Auqaf made it essential to preach the teachings of Islam through different techniques at the site of shrine. Auqaf remained quite active to organize competition for Reciting Quran, Naat and religious debates on different Urs events, especially on the Urs of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib and on educational institutions, like schools. The state officials also carried on previous state's policies to support and strengthen the religious position of Ahl e Sunnat by promoting processions on important occasions like Eid Milad un Nabi, Giyarwi Sharif, and Akhri Chahar Shamba (the last Wednesday of the month of Safar, and considered as the day Prophet (PBUH) felt well to walk on this day after serious illness).84 For all these processions the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib found a central place, as almost all of such processions within which local and provincial officials participate, end on the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib.85

81 The purpose of the National Committee not only entailed the enumeration process but also figured out ''the financial requirements of all Deeni Madrassahs in order to assist them within the country's overall available resources.'' Report of National Committee for religious schools of Pakistan, published by Idara Tahqiqat e Islami, Islamabad, 1979, p. 116. 82 Jang, 17 January, 1984. 83 Jang, 28 July, 1994. 84 In Ahl e Sunnat tradition this day is very significant as this day is prone to give illness from divinity. It is considered therefore recommended to remember this day with religious devotion. 85 The procession of Akhri Chahar Shamba on 04 January 1980 started from Masjid Wazir Khan and finish on the shrine of Data Darbar. The newspaper also reports that this was the first occasion for remembering this day by

154

The Auqaf department restarted operations for taking control of shrines after the promulgation of Waqf Properties Ordinance 1979. In the whole next decade, from 1980 till 1989, Auqaf department had taken over total 52 shrines, almost equivalent of its working during the decade of 1960s. The department took control of 26 shrines from the five sectors of Lahore district. From kasur district the department took over 04 more shrines while from Sheikhupura district the department was able to take over 05 more shrines. From the three sectors of Gujranwala, that is Gujranwala, Gujrat and Sialkot, the department was able to take 06, 07 and 04 shrines respectively. Out of these total 52 shrines, however, only 02 shrines were taken over in the year of 1989, after the end of the rule of Zia ul Haq. In this sense, during the rule of Zia ul Haq, Auqaf department took over total 52 shrines and in the last nine years took over 50 shrines. It shows that during Zia ul Haq rule, the maximum numbers of shrines have been taken over by the Auqaf department. Some significant shrines were taken control of during this decade included: the shrine of Shah Inayat Qadri, Lahore, teacher and Pir of famous sufi poet Baba Bullai Shah, the shrine of H. Ghoray Shah, Lahore and the shrine of H. Jamat Ali Shah, Narowal.

The emphasis of Zia regime however was upon the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh sahib, and therefore the shrine found its expansion and a renewed Islamized outlook. Though the idea to extend the space of the shrine remained under the consideration for almost all of the previous governments since Ayub Khan,86 yet it was the personal interest of Zia Ul Haq that made the re- shaping of the shrine possible. Even before the promulgation of AWPO (Auqaf Waqf Properties Ordinance 1979), and only one year after taking control of the reins of the state, in 1978, Zia ul Haq had placed the foundation stone for constructing mosque and the extension of the shrine.87 To quicken the process of designing and constructing the mosque and the shrine, Zia ul Haq formed a committee that presented final designs in 1979. After being selected and approved from Zia ul Haq, having minarets resembling Bayazid mosque of Turkey, the model of mosque and shrine was placed for public seeing on the Urs of Data Sahib on 07-10 January 1980.88 The organizing a procession on this grand level. Earlier in the history of Pakistan, one doesn't find the tradition of making procession to remember and celebrate this day. Nawai Waqt, 04 January, 1980, Lahore. 86 Even during Bhutto period, an idea to expand the shrine of Data sahib was already finding a renewed birth. However, after many serious attempts the project could not materialized. See, Ghafir Shahzad, Data Darbar Complex: Taamir sai Taamir tak, (Lahore: Idrak Publications, 2004), pp. 33-42. 87 Nawai Waqt, 19 February, 1980, Lahore. 88 Nawai Waqt, 07 January 1980, Lahore.

155 mosque was to be built upon 14 kanals and with the capacity of 2000 Namazis (worshippers) performing prayer at the same time, in that way the mosque would be going to be the third largest mosque of the country after Badshahi mosque and Faisal Mosque. Auqaf department was to incur all the expenses on the construction of new mosque and shrine. However, to have a quick start Zia ul Haq gave special loan of 50 hundred thousand rupees to the Auqaf department.

The construction of new mosque and shrine with the special loan of Zia ul Haq also showed another side of Islamizing effort of Zia ul Haq, the side of appropriating sacred sites and placing them into market economy for earning profits. An urge of the state to reconstruct shrines and keep them in good conditions started emerging. The urge shows more than what Jamal Malik terms as ''integrationist process'' of the state. Jamal Malik put forward his point of view by showing the publication of a booklet from Pakistan tourism enlisting ''137 shrines, 79 out of which are elaborately described.'' Jamal Malik infers that ''condition for listing the shrines in booklet is'' that ''they would be in a reasonable condition and accessible to foreign tourists.'' He further maintains that this ''presupposes an effective administration, which in turn means that those shrines must be well integrated.''89 However, for most of the shrines the presupposition of being in reasonable condition is only illusory. At best one can see the urge of the state to reconstruct the dilapidated shrines through the very income these shrines have been earning because of devotees. Other than "integrationist approach" the loaning of Zia ul Haq, and the urge of the state to have shrines in good condition, showed the willingness of the state to participate in the controlled market economy for earning profits. However, the state department was not prepared to initiate this process effectively. A severe criticism on Auqaf throughout 1980s showed the selective, non-effective and lethargic approach of the state towards shrines.

With the growing centrality and stature of the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, grew further the criticism on Auqaf for remaining oblivious of the other shrines. The Musheer (Adviser) Auqaf though claimed to initiate the reconstruction and revamping of shrines in Punjab as early as in 1980, however the situation till 1985 was pathetic. As the shrine of Data sahib found impressive outlook, the other shrines remained in dilapidated condition. The critique maintained that many other shrines collect, at least as good an amount of money that by investing their condition could be improved. However Auqaf department did not invest the money collected

89 Jamal Malik, Waqf in Pakistan: Change in Traditional Institutions, p.80.

156 through donations on the shrine and its staff was involved in corruption, the critique maintained.90 Even as famous a shrine as that of Baba Fareed, Pakpattan remained in a poor condition with fallen hujras (rooms for worship). The locals maintained in a report published in 1985 that the department had been collecting around 33 hundred thousand rupees each year but no reconstruction work had taken place. Another report, in same year, of the famous shrine of H. Bullai Shah, Kasur, criticized Auqaf department severely for ignoring to improve the condition of the shrine. The report maintained that with the collection of hundreds of thousands of rupees each year, though the department developed its offices and residences of its employees yet nothing had been spent to improve shrine and its environment. According to the report almost ten hundred thousand people came to visit this shrine on the days of Urs only but found no facility. The report appealed the authorities to improve the environment of the shrine along with making the office of Auqaf accountable.91

The initiating of the construction of the mosque and the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib and military regime's emphasis on Islamization also led to the increased tensions between Ahl e Sunnat and Deobandi Muslim sects around shrines. Ahl e Sunnat or orthodox section of Muslims, favored going to shrines with a soft reforming emphasis at the site of shrine in order to link it more closely with Islamic rituals.92 While Deobandi, though did not mind having tombs without having building, do not like grand structures and cults on and around shrines. One such conflict emerged when a new centre for publication, Markaz e Tahqeeq e Auliya (Center for Research on Saints), was formed by Auqaf department. Jamal Malik explains that conflict erupted because of an old published book by Dr. Gauraya, then in charge of Ulema Academy. The conflict brought out, for Jamal Malik, the traditional tension between sects and personal manipulation for preserving seats of authorities.93 The conflict, however, also shows that so far remained at the back benches, the Ahl e Sunnat orthodoxy had found courage and support enough to fight against the dominant revivalist positions thus far articulating literary activities of and within Auqaf department. At the time, when millions of rupees were being spent upon the

90 One can find a number of such reports published in newspapers in the decade of 1980s. 91 Kasur 17 March, Nawai Waqt, Lahore. 92 For example, Maulana Tahir ul Qadri, was quite active in making the site of shrine clean from ''Ghair Shari'' practices. Nawai Waqt, 4 November, 1984. 93 Jamal Malik, Waqf in Pakistan: Change in Traditional Institutions, pp.88-89.

157 shrine and mosque of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, the Ahl e Sunna orthodoxy found suitable environment to grow muscle.

When the civilian government came in provinces and center in the non-party elections of 1985, while having Zia ul Haq still as a president, the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib was already in the midst of its construction. The newly elected Chief Minister Nawaz Sharif made his first public move, after becoming Chief Minister (CM) of Punjab to visit the shrine. He visited the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib along with the shrine of Allama Iqbal and Minarai Pakistan, the symbol of liberty in Lahore. His visit was in line with the previous rulers, both military and civilian who were ready to appropriate the localized sacred sites in order to share the common national identity. The CM not only visited the shrine, but also inaugurated the Urs of Data Sahib each year till his stay as CM of Punjab. Meanwhile however the activities of shrine were gradually organized through sub committees and associations. The Urs have now translated into a quasi-state controlled religious and educational site where more emphasis was given on speeches and conferences. The emphasis most of the time, during Urs days, and after Urs days remained on condemning Ghair Shari (non-Shariat) activities prevailing in the shrine not only by Deoband scholars but also by Ahl e Sunnat scholars.94

4.5. Conclusion

All four governments of Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Bhutto and Zia gave more emphasis upon infusing their own mode of religious ideologies than developmental tasks at the site of shrine. Each government tried to create its own defining frame embedded in its own brand of Islam in order to control the site of shrine. With a brief early Bhutto period, the religious ideology kept pluralistic imagery of the site of shrine at bay. Each government emphasized on taking over shrines with a view to redefine it, however the development remained selective. The focus of development could not stretch, in both the cases of right and left wing political rulers upon selected shrines. There have been however similarities and differences of emphasis of each government.

94 Statements of Tahir ul Qadri, an Ahl e Sunnat orthodox scholar are significant in this regard. For a similar position see, Nawai Waqt, 04 November, 1984, Lahore.

158

The martial law regimes showed a sense of continuity and overlapping dispositions despite being directed towards varied religious interests. All three regimes retained the colonial policy of keeping Auqaf as a provincial matter against a brief period of Bhutto regime that made an effort for centralization. Martial Law regimes remained more focussed on introducing their policies. Ayub Khan’s regime focussed upon introducing modernizing civilities at the site of shrine with its modernized understanding of Islam. Yahya Khan’s regime emphasized not only upon pushing developmental activities but also on introducing educational activities. The emphasis of the regime was to change the mode of religious thinking through its emphasis on Ulema Academy and to merge religious tradition with the modern world. On the other hand, Zia ul Haq government reintroduced the concerns of both the previous martial law regime but through its own version of Islamic understanding. With the focus on developing huge mosque at the site of shrine, the Zia martial law government also emphasized upon Madrasa (religious seminaries). The focus on Madrasa, however, entails the effort to re-link these Madrasa with their traditional sources of learning. The martial law government also ensure funding for the sustenance of Madrasa. However, the government pushed shrines to be placed within the controlled capitalistic economics in which they might attract large income.

159

Chapter 5

Developing and Re-defining Shrines in Post-Zia Period

This chapter discusses the working of Auqaf department during the democratic decade and Musharraf period. Without changing the framework of Waqf ordinance, both the periods focussed on the working of Auqaf department. Both religious and economic concerns were underneath however, it seems that they found a balance to go along with each other. During democratic decade, though both of the political parties showed their politico-religious tilt, yet never challenged the framework. At the beginning of Musharraf period a project of United Nations provided a hope not only to show the sites of shrines as a cultural heritage but also as a source to convince international monetary agencies regarding the ability of the government to develop and run projects. The chapter highlights that the development started taking place on many sites of shrines and many of the shrines found their revamping and reconstructing during this period. The chapter also brings forward the economics of the Auqaf department and analyses its income and expenditure ratio during that period. The chapter matches the income generating zones of Auqaf department against the mode of expenditures. The chapter concludes that the administrative expenses of the Auqaf department institutionalize spending on Islamized activities at the site of shrine.

5.1. Democratic Decade, Auqaf Department and shrines

The emphasis on the development and the centrality of the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib was the major concern during Zia ul Haq period. The shrine was transformed into a grand complex having the second biggest mosque of Lahore. Giving out-of proportion focus on the shrine at the cost of others produced discontentment and criticism against the working of the state and the department. In order to sooth the discontent, in the last year of his rule, Zia ul Haq expressed his urge to build as big a complex at the site of Baba Fareed, Pakpattan as that of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, Lahore. His urge however could not trigger the developmental strings of Auqaf department. Zia ul Haq died in a plane crash in 19881 and, during the transient period that

1 Hasan Abbas, Pakistan's Drift into Extremism (New Delhi: Pentagon Press, 2007), p.136.

160

ended on the change of government through elections kept new developmental activities in the department of Auqaf at halt.

The elections of 1988 brought a new power structure in Pakistan with a sharp political rift that also manifested in the administrative structure as the conflict between Center and the province of the Punjab. The election though gave simple majority to the government of Benazir Bhutto in the Center an opposition headed by Nawaz Sharif found its majority in the Punjab and became able to form government in the province.2 The conflict between Punjab and the center became one of the major reasons for ending the government of Benazir Bhutto, in 1990 and gave way to the rule of Nawaz Sharif.3 The whole democratic decade, later on, witnessed the political tensions and change of the elected governments of PPP of Benazir Bhutto and Muslim League of Nawaz Sharif. Both the political parties came in power twice in the decade of 1990s after being toppled by non-democratic forces.

Politically antagonistic to each other, both of the political groups also showed different religious tilt. Both of these parties had different political lineage and linkage with political traditions. Benazir Bhutto claimed to have the ideational inheritance of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's Peoples Party.4 She represented a "novelty of being an urbane, eloquent, and liberal woman, grown in the unlikely soil of the decadent East and polished in the West."5 Hopes were high in the public to see her reviving the popular spirit of her father. On the other hand, Nawaz Sharif acknowledged his roots in the religio-political policies of Zia ul Haq. He supported rallying around him and his party an assembly of revivalist Islamic political forces. His party assured Pakistan military that Islamic concerns would be well taken care of and presented it-self as a vehicle for Islamization in lieu with the military.6

The decade showed a varied concern of these two political parties regarding shrines and saints. The Nawaz-Muslim League seemed to be following the footsteps of Zia ul Haq. Their focus on the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib was complete and only seldom they developed other

2 Ibid., p. 137. 3 Nawaz Sharif, heading IJI (Islami Jamhuri Ittehad) got elected as a prime minister of Pakistan in 1990. Ibid. 4 Ian Talbot, Pakistan: A Modern History (Lahore: Vanguard, 1999) p.293. 5 Ibid., p.136. 6 Vali Nasr, Islamic Leviathan (Oxford University Press, 2001), p.153.

161

shrines. Nawaz Sharif kept his practice for visiting the shrine after getting elected, as he earlier did in 1985 when he got elected and became chief minister (CM) of the Punjab for the first time.7 He carried on giving priority to the shrine of Data Sahib, and let the work at the shrine of Data Sahib continued and ensured the allocation of the funds for the purpose. Nawaz Sharif inaugurated the first phase of the shrine of Data Sahib in 1989. Only few days after the inauguration ceremony, however, Nawaz Sharif also ordered to start the second phase of the shrine of Data Sahib, Lahore.8

Aligning more with the policies of Zia ul Haq, Nawaz Sharif showed his interest in the shrine of Baba Fareed of Pak Pattan.9 During his visit of Pakpattan, and visiting the shrine of Baba Farid in 1991, Nawaz Sharif ordered to re-start working on this shrine to realize the promise of his political mentor Zia ul Haq.10 However, the work could not move ahead at a speed as a conflict emerged on the question of destroying the old mosque and Hujras (small rooms) at the shrine of Baba Farid. Archaeology department of Pakistan advised that the old construction at the shrine was many centuries old and should be preserved. The project designers however could not digest the views and remained clinging to the position that a new complex was needed like that of the shrine of Data Sahib. The conflict carried on till 1999, last months of the second tenure of Nawaz Sharif, when finally the government decided to dismantle the old constructions and erected a new one instead.11

Benazir-PPP, following the policy of participating in popular practices, did not alienate it with the shrines of Data Sahib of Lahore and Baba Fareed of Pakpattan. Benazir government not only facilitated the construction of the shrine of Baba Farid12 but also kept showing the reverence for the shrine of Data Sahib of Lahore. The PPP when briefly held power in collaboration with

7 Nawaz Sharif took his oath for becoming first time chief minister of Punjab on 8 April, 1985. Nawai Waqt, 8 April, 1985. On the very next day, Nawaz Sharif visited the shrine of Data Sahib in a large procession. Nawai Waqt, 9 April, 1985. 8 Ghafir Shahzad, Punjab Mai Khankahi Culture, p.150. 9Zia ul Haq, during his visit in 1988 expressed his wish to re-construct the shrine of Baba Farid almost in the same fashion as that of Data Sahib. Ibid., p.189. 10 Ibid., p.190. 11 Ibid., pp. 190-196. 12 Ghafir Shahzad, Punjab Mai Khankahi Culture, p.150.

162

Pakistan Muslim League (J), during 1993 to 1995,13 in Punjab, it kept its alignment with the Data Sahib intact and ensure participation and celebration during Urs days with as much an enthusiasm as that of the other political party. The emphasis on practices, however, was the pivotal point to differentiate the religio-political leaning. The PPP Governor Punjab was happy to be publicized as drinking milk during milk-donating activity at the occasion of Urs. The politics of participation showed an effort to mix up with rural-population and lower-middle class.

An underlying tension between the two political parties and their religious disposition also resulted into a conflict during 950th Urs of Data Sahib. The conflict emerged on the issue of holding Sama in the vicinity of the shrine. The basement in the shrine was under-construction and there was no constructed facility for holding Sama. The provincial minister for Auqaf, Shah Nawaz Cheema, claimed that the function of Sama should take place on the roof of the basement under construction in front of the tomb. However, the bureaucracy of Auqaf department refused to fulfill the order of the provincial minister and threw debris on the roof. On this, the head of Mahfil Sama Committee asked permission for organizing Sama in a nearby school from the secretary education. The secretary however refused. The minister threatened to bulldoze school if the secretary did not provide permission for holding Sama. However, even not finding formal approval, the committee organized Sama in the school by force.14

The PPP government showed its interest in shrines other than that of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib. On the 370th Urs of Mian Mir, not only as important figures of PPP as those of Mohammad Hanif Ramey, Speaker Punjab Assembly, Chaudhry Shah Nawaz Cheema, provincial minister of Auqaf, Senator Sheikh Rafiq, Jahangir Badar, Aitazaz Ahsan and Mian Manzoor Ahmed Wattoo, then the chief minister of Punjab participated in the Urs activties.15 Highlighting a shrine other than that of Data Sahib, Benazir Bhutto turned its focus to the shrine of Bibian Pak Daman, a shrine of sacred females in Lahore. She not only visited the shrine on 02 May, 1994 but also ordered to expand the structure of the shrine.16 With a little leftist tilt, and a female herself, her interest in the shrine of Bibian Pak Daman seems to be quite natural. However, the alignment of the shrine with Shia community provided another aspect of the interest in the shrine.

13 L. Kaushik, Rama Patnayak, ed. Modern Governments and political systems, vol. III, (New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1995), p. 144. 14 Daily Urdu Jang, 03 July, 1994. 15 Daily Urdu Jang, 16 August 1994. 16 Ghafir Shahzad, Punjab Mai Khankahi Culture, p.156.

163

The shrine, although taken over by Auqaf as a Brelvi or Sunni shrine, already acquired an overwhelming Shia image in 1960s. The conflict of sects erupted as early as in 1971, only few years after its taking over by Auqaf when the shrine Managing Committee, after revamping the site of shrine, wrote names of Panj Tan Pak (five sacred bodies/personalities) and of 12 Shia Imams inside the tomb. However, Sunni devotees also wrote the names of four Khalifa Rashidin (first four pious Khalifa of Muslim State in Madina) on the face of the shrine. To resolve the conflict Chief Administrator Auqaf had to intervene and made rules for both Shia and Sunni devotees. However the devised rules failed to pacify the devotees and it took two more arbitrative sessions to resolve the issue. The final decision specified the sections within which both Shia and Sunni devotees could perform their respective meetings. The Auqaf Administrator decided the matter while considering the tradition of the sect of Mujawars of the shrine, who happened to be Sunni for the last one hundred and fifty years. It is interesting that, Auqaf administration found this position of ''custom'' and ''history'' as the ground of decision, instead of taking into consideration the views and belonging of the saint itself that was the ground for constructing the whole picture of Waqf Properties and snatching away the control of shrines from Mujawars and Sajjada Nashin. The Mujawars although them-selves were Sunni never hesitated to own Shia history of the shrine.17

5.2. The rule of General Musharraf and the working of Auqaf

In October 1999, General Musharraf and his aides toppled the government of Nawaz Sharif and started guiding the state in the fast changing twenty first century.18 The post 9-11 situation changed a lot, and where the incident allowed foreign troops to use the resources of Pakistan, there at the same time, it opened up opportunities to re-form the institutions of Pakistan and re- build its cultural environment.19 The conflicting demands and opportunities provided the legitimacy to the ideological justification of the idea of Moderate Enlightenment, a strange

17 There has been an active conflict on the origin of the shrine. Sunni version presents a narrative in which noble daughters of a Sunni saint committed suicide in fourteenth century. However, Shia believes in the history of Noor Ahmed Chishti who gave historical details of the way daughters of Hazrat Ali came to Lahore after the incident of Karbala. Maulvi Noor Ahmed Chishti, Tahqeeqat e Chishti (Lahore: 2006 ), pp. 159-162. 18 Farzana Sheikh, Making sense of Pakistan (London; Hurst and Company, 2009) p.139. 19 Robert Looney, The Musharraf Paradox: The Failure of an Economic Success Story, The Open Area Studies Journal, 2008, 1, 1-15, p.3.

164

mixing up of two apparently different streams of form of life, in the context of the history of Pakistan. The emphasis to unfold this idea remains upon promoting and unearthing the hidden potential of Sufistic teachings, and presenting them in front of the world as the other side of a militant Pakistan. Within heightened terrorism and militant-ism, the other side provided to help making the peaceful image of Pakistan within international community. The emphasis on Sufistic messages un-earthed the importance of even such poets and their shrines as those of Bullai Shah and Waris Shah, and later on even that of Madhu Laal, along with other Sufi shrines like, Nausha Ganj and Shah Chiragh. Interestingly, many delayed Auqaf projects, started their life back.

The Musharraf period also coincided with the activities initiated by UNDP (United Nations Development Program) for improving cultural heritage and tourism program in Pakistan. The program though initially got started, at least in papers, in 1972,20 it was beefed up with The Punjab Special Premises (PRESERVATION), Ordinance, 1985,21 could only take emphasis and its life in late 1990s. The report, "Cultural Tourism in Lahore and Peshawar'' was ''the result of an initiative by the Government of Pakistan, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)."22 The project found its final form, with strategic and legal details, developmental recommendations, and funding plans in a report published in 2000 by UNESCO. The report focussed on two cities of Pakistan, Lahore and Peshawar with the emphasis to conserve, promote and maintain the cultural heritage sites of the cities. The report also linked the cultural heritage project with the suggestions to find out funding for improving cultural heritage sites and emphasized on tuning in performance and executing developmental projects. The report suggested that poverty would be alleviated and employment opportunities would grow by improving cultural tourism and provided a detailed program to run the project.

In order to execute the program of UNDP to conserve, develop and market tourism of cultural heritage the Governor of Punjab launched the "Tajdeed e Lahore Program'' (Revive Lahore

20 The Government of Pakistan ratified UNESCO's World Heritage Convention in 1972. 21 This Ordinance was promulgated by the Governor of the Punjab on 25th February, 1985; and, published in the Punjab Gazette (Extraordinary) dated 27th February, 1985 22 Report on Cultural Tourism in Lahore and Peshawar, p.16, http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0013/001357/135776eo.pdf

165

Program) under the supervision of a Board in 2002 through an ordinance.23 The legal position of the ordinance, however, covered through a broader based Act, The Punjab Heritage Foundation Act, 2005.24 The Act collected together many different departments of the Government of Punjab, including Archaeology, PHA (Pakistan Horti Cultural Authority), and Auqaf. The Act directed to establish a Board of Governors and a Fund for its operations and projects those would be carried on through making Committees of specialists again from different departments of Punjab Government. As the framework got enlarged through legal enactment, the work of Tajdeed e Lahore merged with the Fund for the Punjab Heritage, in the form of a special committee.25 Other than the historical sites in Lahore, like Fort, Shalamar Bagh and Toulington Market, the Heritage Fund also gave importance to the development of the sites of shrines.

As the emphasis on Heritage and Cultural Tourism grew, the shrines started getting funding through programs like Tajdeed e Lahore Program for their reconstruction. First of such funding came for the shrine of Shah Chiragh and its adjacent building and mosque. The shrine got renovated through a team headed by architecture from Auqaf department when the Archaeology department refused to comply with the orders of Governor Punjab to finish this project in a few weeks.26 The project though not a very large one, as its total cost was Rs. 70 million, however became significant enough to attract even president of Pakistan, General Musharraf to come to Lahore and inaugurate the finished project on 28 October 2000. It is interesting that the project coincided with the efforts of government, at that time, to win the confidence of IMF through showing internal development programs. The IMF got disillusioned from the economic policies of democratic governments of 1990s, and lost its trust in the capability of the state of Pakistan to keep its promises and ability to restructure economy.27 During the crunch time, the Auqaf Fund

23 The Ordinance for Tajdeed e Lahore Board was published in the Punjab Gazette (Extra Ordinary), dated 3 October 2002, pp. 2997-3005. 24 The Punjab Heritage Foundation Act, 2005. This Act was passed by the Punjab Assembly on 13 January 2005; assented to by the Governor of the Punjab on 19 January 2005; and, was published in the Punjab Gazette (Extraordinary), dated 25 January 2005, pages 2559- 2563. 25 The clause 9 of the Act runs as: There shall be a separate Committee with functions as may be specified by the Board for preservation of cultural heritage within the revenue limits of Lahore District. (2) Such Committee may include persons nominated by the Board, provided that the Board may, from time to time, change the composition of the Committee. 26 Ghafir Shahzad, Lahore Shah Chiragh Complex, 28 March, 2008 < http://www.urbanpk.com/forums/index.php/topic/11950-lahore-shah-charag-complex/> 27 Robert Looney, The Musharraf Paradox: The Failure of an Economic Success Story, The Open Area Studies Journal, 2008, 1, 1-15. p.3

166

and the emphasis on improving cultural heritage programs provided instances to grow the worth of Pakistan's credibility during the years of 2000-1 and paved the way for gaining the promise of IMF funding that released a year later.28

The ''fortuitous'' triggered development however carried on and many sites of shrines, other than the Darbar of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib got reconstructed during Musharraf period. For the reconstruction of the shrine of Bullai Shah, the government released funds in 2003 and the project was under way in the same year. The federal government took special interest and provided releasing of the funds on the special directives of the Prime Minister, Mir Zafar Ullah Khan Jamali who also inaugurated the completed mosque beside the shrine.29 The reconstruction was the two phase program; in the first phase the mosque and 20 shops were constructed and in the next phase the complex at the shrine was to be constructed. Other than the shrine of Bullai Shah, the complex at the shrine of Baba Fareed, meanwhile also started building. The construction at the shrine of Baba Fareed started at the end of 1999 and finished in 2003. Along with the shrine of Baba Bullai Shah and Baba Farid, construction projects on shrines like those of the shrine of Nausha Ganj Bakhsh in Gujranwala and Waris Shah in Jandiala Sher Khan, Sheikhupura also got started after the year 2000. On the shrine of Shah Jamal, around 2007, the Auqaf department revamped floorings of the shrine and constructed shops outside the shrine.30 At the shrine of Jamat Ali Shah Lasani in Narowal, the Auqaf department made small improvements like putting motor for water supply and improved floorings. Even one of the most neglected shrines of Madhu Laal Hussain in Lahore also received attention, though it took many more years for any significant activity to take place.31

It was however not the case that, as the other shrines found interest and funding of the government, the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib went into obliviousness; rather the shrine gained more importance. The first phase of the complex of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib though already completed in late 1980s and the work on the next phase was already under way during 1990s, yet the second phase completed at the end of 1990s. However, during Musharraf period, the Auqaf department renewed few activities and initiated a few others at the newly built second

28 Ibid. 29 Associated Press of Pakistan, June 03, 2004, Lahore. 30 The work at the shrine of Shah Jamal finished around 2009. Interview with Deputy Director Projects Auqaf. 31 The work at the mosque of the shrine started in 2010 and on the buildings, like Musafar khana, toilets, etc. started even as late as 2012. Ibid.

167

section of the shrine. The Auqaf department opened up a center for "Maarif ul aulya" (knowing Sufi-Saints) with two sections: teaching and publication. The already running religious school, Jamia al Hajvairy, was re-launched in the basement of the shrine of Data Sahib. The school in next few years was able to enroll around 200 students, with providing facilities for lodging and boarding, few spacious class rooms, a spacious library, and administrative rooms with the annual budget of Rs. 6 million. At the end of Musharraf's rule, the school was already able to start 8 years program of Dars e Nizami equivalent to M.A (Masters in Arts). While the other section of the center was to take care of publishing and started publishing a quarterly journal with the same name from 2002. While little later, the center started publishing a monthly newsletter, named as ''Auqaf News''.

Till the completion of the second phase of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, the shrine now started attracting almost as much numbers of visitors weekly, as it has been attracting in the Urs days during the early years of 1950s. The shrine not only turned into a religious complex with the largest mosque, only smaller than Badshahi mosque and center for dozens of religious activities, but also turned into a largest social welfare complex with the 100 bed free hospital and large food services.32 The hospital that started from a small room, and remained till 90s, despite growing into few buildings, poor in its performance, turned into a well organized hospital. Out of the seven different departments of the hospital,33 only one, Paediatric ward built during Musharraf period. However, at the end of Musharraf rule, the performance of department grew to the point of satisfaction. The MS of the hospital had also become the in-charge of nine dispensaries in Lahore and seven dispensaries outside Lahore. In the dispensaries outside Lahore, at the shrine of Baba Farid and at the shrine of Baha ud din Zakriya Multan, MBBS doctors were in charge while on all the rest senior dispensers managed the sites. On the other hand, Langar Khana (free food service) of the shrine grew into the huge food providing services.

With the growth of the shrine of Data Sahib, as the shrine became a separate Zone with a PCS officer as an in charge, its perception within the departmental-religious circles underwent a

32 Linus Strothman, Giving Comfort, Dispelling Fear: Social Welfare At The Shrine Of Data Ganj Bukhsh In Lahore, Pakistan , p.51, Erdkunde, Vol. 67- No. 1- pp.49–61. 33 At the end of Musharraf period, the Data Sahib hospital had seven different departments: 1) Gynae Obstetrics Department, 2) Eye Department, 3) Medical Department, 4) Dental Department, 5) Paediatric Department, 6) X-ray and Ultrasonographic Department, 7) Pathology Department. M.S Hospital, Performance Report of Data Sahib Hospital and Allied Dispensaries, Internal Report. 2010.

168

change. The shrine now turned into a strong center for State controlled Brailwi teachings, conferences, assemblies and literary expressions. The literary circles around shrine now started considering the shrine as a Khankah, a space built by and for living saint. The Principal of Jamia Hajvery writes in the preface of the Prospect of Jamia Hajveria that the re-launching of the school re-animates the dying tendencies used to be attached with the Khankah. The principal maintains that since the very beginning the religious school remained a central element of the Khankah. Through these Khankahs, such students emerged who propagated the two nation theory which became the basis for the creation of Pakistan. However, after independence, the teaching and publication practices at Khankah started deteriorating and that became the reason for the increased social evils, militancy and violence in the society. He appreciated the efforts of Director General Religious Affairs and the Secretary Auqaf for re-creating the environment of Khankah at the shrine of Data Sahib, and hoped that this effort will give re-birth to those who would serve the nation and religion in the best possible way.34

5.3. Economics of Auqaf: Income and Expenditure

Auqaf department started with meager resources and fewer staff in order to provide better management and control to the taken over Waqf Property than the customary custodians. The beginning was marked with the hope that through State bureaucracy the wastage of income generated through public offerings, land contracts, rents from commercial shops and residential places and many related businesses attached with shrines would be stopped. There were further hopes that the state officials would stop selling the endowed property and the traditional care taker would no more be able to be benefitted from whimsical usage of the property. The state intended to use the income generated through shrines for the general welfare of the people. The state also intended to transform the site of shrine into modern civility. However, with each new government the emphasis changed. Gradually the department grew from its small structure to a large organization with permanent employs and big buildings. The change of government also appeared as change and emphasis upon religious policies. However, gradually the Auqaf department internalizes religious policies into well-defined Islamized activities through a full- fledged directorate. The nationalization that started from taking care of Waqf sites, gradually

34 Prospectus Jamia Hajveria hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh, published by the department of Religious Affairs and Auqaf, 2005.

169

evolved into prevailing of Islamized practices for sustaining which a lot of income from shrines being used.

The emphasis on religious prevalence however did not make Auqaf department lose focus to earn money. One of the important ways to earn money was to increase the number of sacred sites within the control of Auqaf department. Gradually, the Auqaf department took from few dozens to hundreds of sacred sites into its control. However, for the Auqaf department only profit making shrines were worth taking over that is generating money more than the expenditures incurred upon them.35 The overall working of the department however remained very poor for quite a long period, and department started re-investing on shrines pretty late, almost with the start of the rule of democratic period. It was within the period of Musharraf that the development projects started unleashed and emphasis upon performance increased. This period also coincided with the internal restructuring of the department of Auqaf. The department, for the first time, tried to organize itself through organizing its data.36 However, it is interesting that the visitation and offerings seems to be exceeding the conditions kept by the Auqaf department. The analysis of the economy of shrines should be revealing some interesting facts. This section analyzes the economic activity through budgets of the Auqaf department. Although analyses try to look earlier than 1990s, however emphasis remains on the activities afterwards.

In the first decade, though department took over only 52 shrines, yet the Auqaf department could show more profit ratio because of less spending on administrative expenses. The Table-I shows that though the income in 1966 is lesser than the all other amounts, yet because of the less expenditure on administrative structure, the department could have earned 60 percent surplus or profit from its received incomes. The department spent only 39.04 percent of its income for maintaining its administration in 1966. The situation however felt changed and in 1970 the administrative expenses were already higher than the previous one and 53.2 % of the income being spent as administrative expenses. The situation changed further with the increase of the bureaucracy and administrative structures in next few years. In 1976, the profits fell down to 20.77 percent, the lowest ever, and at the same time the expenditures in ratio with Income reached its highest position. The expenditure spending has reached un-precedent around 80

35 Interview from zonal administrator, Auqaf Department, Lahore, October, 2011. 36 The first internal report for recording all the lands and their details only made in 1999.

170

percent of the total income. It shows that the administrative structure of the organization had grown to the maximum. Jamal Malik and Ernest Ewing observed in their own ways this fall of real profits. Jamal Malik matched the profit with the high inflation figures and figured out that the real profits decreased. For both, the increase of integrationist policies of the post-colonial secular administration and less interest of people in archaic and traditional shrine based practices also caused decrease in shrine-based visitation. One can also suggest that increased burden of administration and lack of development at the site of shrines might be another reason for the downfall of profits. However, there is significant increase of Volume of Income in mid 1970s, that is, more than 400 percent from the income generated in 1966. This also suggests that more than the lessening of the interest of the visitors, there is a surge in offerings and it means, indirectly, visitation of devotees.37

Decade wise Income, Expenditures and Surplus relationship

Year Income Expenditure Surplus SI ratio EI ratio Volume Without (Surplus and (Expenditure Increase in a Development Income ratio) and Income decade ratio)

1966 3,969,925 1,550,045 2419880 60.96 % 39.04%

1970 8814284 4697594 4116690 46.7% 53.2%

1976 16,378,334 12,993,226 3385108 20.77 % 79.33 % 412.56

1986 54,649,400 40,990,700 13,031,100 23.84 % 76.16% 333.66

1996 21,0344593 161929500 48415093 23.01% 76.99% 384.89

2006 679479000 525434000 154045000 22.67% 77.33% 323.03

Table: I

In the next decades we can see that a balance has been achieved between Income, expenditures and Surplus Ratios despite the increase of the Volume of the Income. We can see that in each

37 After the analyses of Jamal Malik, who matches income with inflation, and figures out real profit position, it becomes easy to infer from there the visitation pattern. However, this chapter contends that it is possible for the real profits to fall, but visitation stays or even grows further. It is possible for more people to offer their donations, but, because of inflation the value of their income reduces. There is no direct relationship between the offering and fall and increase of real profits.

171

decade there is a kind of stable increase in income, comparing the year 1976 to 1986 the Volume of Income increased around 333.43 percent, from 1986 to 1996 the volume increased 384.9 percent and from the year 1996 to 2006 the Volume increased 323.03 percent, minimum in the last four decades. The increase of the Volume in Income from 1986 to 1996 suggests that the reconstruction works, especially at the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh had increased the amount of donations. It seems that devotees themselves support and participate in the construction works.38 Further, the Table-I show that Surplus and Income (SI) ratio and Expenditures and Income (EI) ratio remained almost stable during last three decades, as in 1986, 1996 and 2006 the EI ratio remained around 76 percent and SI around 23 percent. It means the department achieved after mid 1970s and, especially after mid 1980s, its economic balance. From there on, with a little change, the Expenditures grew in a similar ratio as the Volume of Income grew.

5.3.1. Major Income Heads and Accounts of Auqaf

The Income of Auqaf department came largely from shrines and can be seen divided under nine heads.39 Out of these nine, Cash Box, Land Contracts and Rents collect bulk of the amount. Interestingly, however, since mid-1990s the contract money out of Shoe Handling on shrines gained an important place within other heads. One can see that the shoe contracting income has been increased around 5 times as from 1,643,000, in 1996 to 79,00,000 in 2006 in Lahore zone. Also in Gujranwala Zone, the shoe contracting income increased exponentially, as it increased almost 7 times from 194,000, in 1996 to 1,355,000 in 2006. In both Lahore and Gujranwala zones, the income of flower contracting also increased a good deal. The income in 1996 from flower contracting was 650,000 that increased to the amount of 2,100,000 which means increase of around 3.5 times. In Gujranwala zone, though the collected income of flower-contracting is not significant but the increase shows again a significant change. From almost insignificant 44,000 in 1996 the income increased to 235,000, in 2006, which is the increase of more than 5 times. The increase in the heads of Lease income from contracting land is normal and stayed around increasing 3 times from 1996 to 2006. The income coming through Rents of the property however could not increase much and showed an increase of little more than 1 times increase in

38 During an interview with a Deputy Director of Projects Directorate of Auqaf Department, similar perception was also shared by the official who remained engaged in construction matters and who also observed the change in the psyche of devotees. 39 See, Table-II.

172

Lahore zone. The Gujranwala zone, however, shows a large increase in the income of leasing land. From 2,817,000, in 1996 the income increased to 13,643,900, in 2006, almost 5 times more. While the increase of the income in Rents also shows an increase of 3 times, from 2,154,300, in 1996 to 6,621,000, in 2006.

However, the most important head for receiving income remained that of Cash Box that is normally placed at the shrines within which visiting devotees put their donations. Table: II and Table: II-A suggest, that leaving 1986,40 the Cash Box head received income more than 50 percent of the total collected income in 1996 and 2006. In 1986, seeing Table: III-A-Z, however the percentage of Cash box remained quite low, as around 35 percent of income had been received through this head. The reasons included that from some zones as from Bahawalpur only 18.9 % and from Sargodha only 23.4 percent income was collected in the head of Cash Box. However, in Central Punjab, even in 1986, the Cash Box income stands around 50 percent.41 The situation seems to be changing in 1996 when Bahawalpur zone generated around 25 percent, D.G. Khan around 49 percent and Faisalabad around 42 percent of their total income through Cash Box.42 As the situation in Central Punjab zones remained almost the same, the cash box income seems to be staying more than 50 percent in both 1996 and 2006. The growth of Cash Box income shows a relationship among the emphasis of the developmental concern of the Auqaf department, growth of shrine visitors and the growth of their donations from 1986 to 1996 and from 1996 to 2006.

The Break-up of the Structure of Major Heads of Income in 1996 and 2006 1996 Percentage Amount Percentage Times of total of total Increase Income Income

40 It is the reason of lessening collection that Jamal Malik concluded that the trend for shrine visitation is decreasing. Jamal Malik, Waqf in Pakistan: Change in Traditional Institution, p. 97, Die Welt des Islams, New Series, Brill, Bd. 30, Nr. 1/4 (1990), pp. 63-97. Stable Resource: Jstor. 41 Already the development on the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib was underway. “The shrine donations suggest a rise whenever construction starts taking place.” Interview with a Deputy Director of Projects Directorate of Auqaf Department, Lahore, October, 2011. 42 After 1993-94 the restructuring of the zones created new zones. For comparison, see Table: VIII and Table:XI in Appendix.

173

1 (Karaya jaat) Rents 28178896 13.39 % 87197000 13.26 3.09

2 (Zar patta Arazyat) 27529903 13.08 % 86084000 13.09 3.12 Agri. Land Contracts

3 Cash Box 125223205 59.53 % 347470000 52.84 2.77

4 (Thaika hifazat paposh) 14003263 6.65 41642000 6.33 2.97 Contract for Shoe keeping

5 (Thaika Gulfroshi) 1249600 0.59 % 3973000 0.60 3.17 Contract for Flower selling

6 Miscellaneous Income 12130373 5.76 49225000 7.48 4.05

7 Darbar Hospital Parchi 979093 0.46 3046000 0.46 3.11 (voucher) Fees

8 Recovery of Advances 2150000 and Income From Investments

9 Sales of auqaf 265000 publications

Receipts in Assets 17149000 Building account

Total 21,0344593 657551000

Table: II

Income from major heads In 1986 Sr. Income Heads Amount Percent

1 Cash Box 19083570.48 34.92

174

2 Land contract 11716831.36 21.44

3 Rents 18427777 33.72

Table:II-A

Zone-wise Income in Major-Heads in 1986 Sr. Zone Major-Heads Percentage of zone Income

1 Bahawalpur Zone

Cash Box 18.9 %

Land contract 42 %

Rents 27.5 %

2 Sargodha Zone

Cash Box 23.9 %

Leasing 26.9%

Rents 43.3%

3 Multan Zone

Cash Box 39.2 %

Leasing 18.8%

Rents 30

4 Central Punjab

Cash Box 47.6

Leasing 12.6

Rents 31.8

5 Rawalpindi

Cash Box 45

Leasing 6.9

175

Rents 24

Table:III-A-Z

5.3.2. Zones and Income-Expenditure Details

Auqaf department organized its working from the very beginning within Zones and sectors, though after undergoing restructuring, the Auqaf department revised the number of Zones and increased its number from 5 to 11 in 1993-94. As Table-III-A shows that in 1986 the number of zones was five. Out of these, Faisalabad Zone emerged out of Sargodha, D.G Khan Zone emerged out of Bahawalpur, and Pakpattan Zone emerged out of Multan. While the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib and Badshahi Mosque was carved out of as independent zones from Central Punjab Zone. The restructuring was made largely for managing the Waqf Properties in a better way and as Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib was already grown to the point that it was earning income more than any other zone, it’s carving out into a separate zone makes a lot of sense. However, the decision of making Badshahi mosque as a separate zone, in 1993-94 makes less sense if we see the income column in Table: IV-ES. The Badshahi mosque, in 1996, instead of earning any profit was in loss of 9,54,662. The Data Sahib hospital was also in loss, as it was also made a separate zone. However, as a hospital should be considered a social welfare activity, the reason to make it a separate zone, despite being it's in deficit, seems justified. However, the decision about Badshahi Mosque to turn it into a separate zone can only be considered as one more effort to give priority of state's Religious ideology upon shrine culture. Zone wise Income for 1986 Sr. Zones Income Percentage 1 Bahawalpur 9727593 17.79

2 Sargodha 6743664 12.33

3 Rawalpindi 2076677 4.1

4 Multan Zone 8494565 15.54

5 Central Punjab Zone 27606900 50.51

Table:III-A

Among all the zones of Punjab, the emphasis and centrality of the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib turned it into the largest income earning zone for Auqaf department. One can see in Table

176

V-I-DD that the shrine of Data Sahib earns a good amount of money from as early as 1986, totaling around 35 percent of the total earned income of Auqaf. While in 1996 and 2006, the Data Sahib was able to collect income around 31 and 25 percent of the total income earned by Auqaf respectively. The increase in the volume of income of the shrine seems to be highest during 1966 and 1976, but it showed gradual decline of surplus income if we compare the figures of next years of 1986, 1996 and 2006. The decrease in the surplus volume however reflects the increase in the size of overall income generating from the shrine. As from more than a million to 160 million shows the unfolding of the potential of the shrine. The figures also showed that the focus of the governments also helped increasing the income of the shrine. As development works remained carried on the shrine from the very beginning to 1996, the volume of income kept on increasing tremendously. A decline in 2006 can be understood as the stabilizing of the shrine after gaining a saturating point after finishing off the development work.

The income from the shrine of Data Sahib though kept its surplus volume position quite high, as in 1996, the shrine earns, 341.05 times more than 1985, and in 2006 the shrine earns around 260 times more than the income earned in 1996. (Table:V-II-DD) However its percentage within total income of Auqaf earnings shows gradual decrease. We can see that remaining as high as around 36 percent, it went as low as 25.01 percent of the total income generated by Auqaf in the year of 2006. It seems that some other shrines and other zones also started generating more income in these years. The centrality of the shrine of Data Sahib though still able to exert itself forcibly yet show decrease within over-all income situation. One can see increase in income in Lahore, Gujranwala, Faisalabad, and Pakpattan zones. The development at some important shrines of these zones, especially in Lahore, Gujranwala and Pakpattan suggests the reasons behind improvement of the income. The shrine of Bibian Pak Daman earned 2,747,200 in 1996 however in 2006 the income increased to almost 440 percent from 1996 and turned out to be 12,092,900 in 2006. However, at the shrines of Mian Mir and Baba Bullai Shah the volume of income increased around 300 percent, as in 1996 the shrines earned income, 2,207,100 and 2,079,000 and in 2006, 6,466,100 and 6,754,700 respectively. On both of these shrines, either the development work could not gain momentum or started quite late. At the Mian Mir shrine the building for Langarkhana (free food services) and Sama (Qawwali) hall developed before 2006. However, it remained close for most of the time, and only opened on special days, thus could not attract visitors. Another development work, in the form of hospital started in 2007 outside the

177

vicinity of Mian Mir shrine and still unable to get started. At the shrine of Bullai Shah though the first phase of mosque completed quite early yet the second phase of shrine took lot more time, and still in 2006-7 the development work was under way.43 Another thing also appears that the development of shrine may help increasing the volume of income however the development of mosque at the site of shrine seems to be making not a significant difference.

Income of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib Shri 1966 PTIY 1976 PTIY 1986 PTIY 1996 PTIY 2006 PTIY ne

1 Data 1366235 35 5464940 36 19127290 35 6523379 31.01 16,91,30000 25.72 Sahi 0 b

Table: V(A)-DD; Table shows Percentage of the income of Data Sahib to the Total Income that year (PTIY)

Income increase in Volume Shrin 1966 1976 Volume 1986 VII 1996 VII 2006 VII e Income Increase

1 Data 136623 5464940 400 19127290 350 6523379 341.05 16,91,30000 259.26 Sahib 5 0

Table: V(B)-DD; Table shows Volume Income Increase (VII) from last figure.

Before restructuring of Zones, the highest income generating zone for Auqaf department was the zone of Central Punjab. This zone earned more than fifty percent of the total income generated by Auqaf in 1986. (See Table:III-A) Later on, this zone was divided into four zones of Data Sahib, Lahore, Gujranwala and Badshahi Mosque. Counting together, these zones still generated more than 50 percent of the total income. However, seeing separately two of the zones are highest income generating zones. Data Sahib generated income around 31 percent in 1996 while around 25 percent of the total Auqaf income in 2006. Lahore zone earned around 17 percent in 1996 and around 18 percent of the total income in 2006. However, Gujranwala zone remained behind with around 6 percent in 1996 and around 7 percent in 2006. The significant thing is that

43 The shrine of Bullai Shah, it seems, also still able to attract lot of those devotees remained able to distance themselves from the religious ideology of state. One can find that ideology get aligned easily at the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib in Lahore.

178

both Lahore and Gujranwala zones show a trend of increasing income. From other zones, Faisalabad shows a significant shift from around 5 percent in 1996 to around 9 percent in 2006. Pakpattan zone also shows little increase of around one percent in 2006, as the income stands on around 8 percent to show a rise to around 9 percent in 2006. However, Multan, Sargodha, DG Khan and Bahawalpur, though carried on showing increase in income, showed decrease with respect to the overall income of Auqaf. (See, Table: III-I-Z)

Zone wise Break up of Income 1996 and 2006 Sr. Zone Income (1996) % of T. Income Income (2006) % of T. Income

1 Data Sahib 65233790 31.01 16,91,30000 25.72

2 Lahore Zone 35852921 17.04 12,12,00,000 18.43

3 Gujranwala 13151217 6.25 48750000 7.41

4 Rawalpindi 7655324 3.63 2,54,80,000 3.87

5 Faisalabad 12349353 5.87 5,58,02,000 8.48

6 Sargodha 9796559 4.65 29485000 4.48

7 Multan 14373392 6.83 38192000 5.80

8 Pakpattan 17784105 8.45 61396000 9.33

9 Dera Ghazi Khan 8842785 4.20 24767000 3.76

10 Bahawalpur 21111856 10.03 49682000 7.55

11 Badshahi Mosque 2164138 1.02 79,10,000 1.20

12 Data Sahib Hospital 979093 0.46 2705000 0.41

13 Head office 1050260

Total 210344593 657551000

Table: III-I-Z

5.3.3. Data Sahib Hospital and Income-Expenditure analysis

The shrine of Data Sahib though remained consistently as a high income generating zone, and showed large surplus, yet a large amount of its income has been spent on the hospital attached

179

with the shrine. The hospital that started from a small dispensary and later on worked as an eye ward grew to become a hospital with seven departments till 2000. The hospital, though at least before 2000 remained in poor working conditions, later on, grew into well organized hospital. The hospital, although considered to be a free hospital, it takes nominal money for providing different services, such as X-ray, Laboratory facility, eye testing, etc. and therefore also generates some amount of income.44 The income however remained a nominal contribution within the overall Auqaf income, as the income stays around 0.4 percent against the total generated income, as the Table: III-I-Z shows. The hospital of Data Sahib seems to be consuming around 38.10 percent total income of the shrine of Data Sahib in 1986, 35.33 percent in 1996 and 41.85 percent in 2006 (See Table:V-DH-I). If we compare the expenses of Data Sahib hospital from the total expenditures of Auqaf, we find that the expenditure on the hospital makes around 14.3 percent in 1996 and 9.9 percent in 2006 (See, Table:VII-E). The gradual increase of the expenditures at the hospital correlated with the gradual growth of the departments in the hospital. However, the rise of expenditures in 2006 correlates with the existence of full- fledged hospital with seven different departments and more than 50 MBBS or other highly skilled employees.

Expenditure on Data Sahib Hospital in ratio with the income of Data Sahib Shrine Heads 1986 1996 2006

1 Data Sahib Income 19127290 65233790 16,91,30000

2 Data Sahib Expenditures 7,288,400 23050400 70797600 Hospital

Percentage 38.10 35.33 41.85

Table: V-DH-IE

Data Sahib Hospital in 2006 DETAILS Estimates

Income 2705000

44 See, Table: V-DH.

180

Expenditure 70797600

Details of Income

X-ray 1140000

Chit Fee 630000

Laboratory 180000 charges

Admission fee 265000

Eye Testing Fee 80,000

Misc. 4,10,000

Total Income 27,05,000

Details of Expenditure

Expenditure on 7,07,97,600 Health

New Expenditure

Total 7,07,97,600 Expenditure

Table: V-DH

5.3.4. Head Office, Administration and Non-Development spending

Though Data Sahib Hospital stood high for consuming income of Auqaf, it has been the Head Office, as a separate zone, stays at top on expenditure table. Interestingly, Auqaf department divides its administration within two main heads: Administration and Religious Affairs. The administration is further divided into two main heads: Head Office and Zonal Administration. Head Office means the head office of Auqaf Department, Punjab situates within Shah Chiragh Building Lahore. We can see in the table of Expenditures that the Head office consumed around 25 percent of the total Auqaf expenditures in 1996, while around 16 percent in 2006. Head office also earns some income for Auqaf that remains 2.5 percent of the incurred expenditures. Head

181

Office, as an administrative unit, although makes a separate head within expenditures and income tables, other zones have their own administrative offices and thus expenditures. Out of these Lahore zone has the highest administrative expenses with 13017600, then came the Faisalabad with the amount of 7784100, Gujranwala with the amount of 7624200, Multan with the amount of 7542000, Data Sahib with the amount of 7310200, Pakpattan with the amount of 6789100, Sargodha with the amount of 5350200, Rawalpindi with the amount of 5192600, Badshahi Mosque with the amount of 533300 came last in 2006.

5.3.5. Badshahi Mosque

The most interesting zone, and one of the primary concerns of Religious Affairs department of Auqaf, is the site of Badshahi Mosque. It is a historical mosque, and before coming into control of Auqaf, the mosque was under the control of Anjuman Islamia when British authorities gave it back to the local Muslims through the Anjuman in late nineteenth century. Despite severe criticism on Anjuman, and even after taking over some other sacred sites, the Auqaf couldn't take the control of the mosque in the first decade of its working. With Bhutto period in the offing, and with the high tide of common Islamic ideology in the international world, the Auqaf felt encouraged to take over the mosque. However, the expenditures remained quite high of Badshahi mosque and the Table:VII-E shows it to be in loss in 1996 and barely manage in 2006. The income at Badshahi mosque in 1996 was 2164138 against the high expenditures of 3118800, with the loss of 954662. However in 2006, the mosque earns 7910000 against expenditures of 6027000 with the surplus income of 19 lacs. The Badshahi Mosque can be seen as an ideal type of the stretched out religious ideology underlying the whole working of Religious affairs. Even after so many years in 1996, the mosque was still in loss. Despite being in loss, the vast administrative expenditures found them thriving on the mosque. It is interesting that even this mosque shows a pattern of increase in Cash Box income, because of the sacred sites of visitation, a pattern one normally finds on shrines. The collection through Cash Box however is quite lower to the standard of shrines, as the Cash Box collects around 250000 in 1996 while in 2006 it collects around 1450000. Even after another decade or so, the mosque barely kept its existence with the earning. Comparing it with Data Sahib, the ideal type of shrines, one can instantly see

182

that from the very first day the shrine was able to earn sufficient income. In fact, it is hard to find a single shrine in loss within the control of Auqaf.

Badshahi Mosque DETAILS Estimates

1996 2006

Income 2316000 7910000

Expenditure 3292300 6027000

Details of Income

Cash Box 250000 1450000

Shoe-Contract 750000 2650000

Tabrrakat 1298000 2010000 Muqaddasa

Misc. 3000 1800000

Total Income 2316000 7910000

Details of Expenditure

Religious Affairs 994100 5493700(Religious including Affairs) Tableegh Department and Mosque

Allowances 450400

Contingent 1744800 533300 (Administration)

Talai QuranPak 3000

New 100,000 Expenditures

Total 3292300 6027000

183

Expenditure

Table:IX-BM

5.3.6. Zones and Expenditures Other than Data Sahib Hospital, Head Office and partially Badshahi mosque, the expenditures on all other zones remained less than the income generated through them in both the years of 1996 and 2006. However, the percentage between Expenditure and Income, through Table: VII-E, shows that the incurring expenditures are on the rise. Rawalpindi and Multan zones seem to be leading in the percentage of expenditures as even in 2006 the percentage stands around 80 and 76 respectively. However, in Lahore and Gujranwala zone the percentage seems to be increasing. The expenditures of Lahore has reached around 60 percent of the total Income, that is 7,29,03,100 out of which 12,12,00,000 spends on expenditures. Gujranwala also follows the pattern of Lahore, with the increase of expenditures the possibility of surplus income decreases. It is interesting, however, that Data Sahib shows decline in the expenditures, as from Expenditure-Income ratio comes down from 22.15 percent in 1996 to 18.01 percent in 2006. Zone wise Break Up of Expenditures of 1996 and 2006 Sr. Zone 1996 Percent 2006 Percent Expenditur Income age Expenditures Income age es 1 Data Sahib 14453200 65233790 22.15 3,06,23,500 16,91,30000 18.01

2 Lahore Zone 20994800 35852921 58.55 7,29,03,100 12,12,00,000 60.15

3 Gujranwala 6266000 13151217 47.64 23509500 48750000 48.22

4 Rawalpindi 6328800 7655324 82.67 20615600 2,54,80,000 80.90

5 Faisalabad 8433300 12349353 68.28 2,69,93,025 5,58,02,000 48.37

6 Sargodha 5894000 9796559 60.16 20336100 29485000 68.97

7 Multan 9840400 14373392 68.46 29369000 38192000 76.89

8 Pakpattan 8121900 17784105 45.66 28470500 61396000 46.37

9 Dera Ghazi 4381200 8842785 49.54 15271500 24767000 61.66 Khan

184

10 Bahawalpur 10114680 21111856 47.90 30466000 49682000 61.32

11 Badshahi 3118800 2164138 144.11 60,27,000 79,10,000 76.19 Mosque

12 Data Sahib 23050400 979093 2354.26 70797600 2705000 2617.28 Hospital

13 Head office 41727000 1050260 3973.01 113887700

Development 239215000

Total 161929550 210344593 711795000 657551000

Table:VII-E

5.3.7. Religious Affairs: Administrative appropriation of shrines through religious disguise

Other than non-religious administration, the Auqaf department has a full grown department of Religious Affairs and it is included as a separate income head within its budget. This head does not earn any income, and exists as a pure liability within Auqaf department's budget. One can see some major sub-heads in the Fig. I45 that shows all sort of religious employees, mostly placed within the newly developed, revived or old mosques attached with the shrines. It also has employees in newly developed educational seminaries, attached or sometimes non-attached seminaries as Ulema Academy. One can see through the Table: VIII-MH, that the expenditures under the head of Religious Affairs are almost as high as that of Administration expenses. In 1996, the expenditures on Religious Affairs stand on 32.69 percent while in 2006 it showed a little decrease of 29.71 percent of the total expenditures of that year. The figures suggest that the expenditure on Religious Affairs is almost equivalent, if not more than all the income generated by the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib. It seems post colonial state not only tried to integrate shrines within its administrative structure but also re-structure shrines through a unique way of expanding Religious Affairs department.

Expenses of main heads 1996 and 2006

45 See, Figure-1 in Appendix 3.

185

Sr. Major Heads 1996 Percentage 2006 (in Percentage millions)

1 Admin. 66042000 32.85 180.512 25.36 Expenses

2 Religious 65714380 32.69 211.485 29.71 Affairs

3 Social Welfare 25075200 12.47 15.9444 2.24

4 Reconstruction 5098000 2.53

5 Development 239.25 33.61

6 Purchases 4512700 2.24 12.372 1.73

7. Health 24215800 12.04 70.620 9.9

Total 201009495 711.795

Table:VIII-MH

Religious Affairs is not only extended and stretched upon all the sacred sites throughout Punjab Auqaf, but also one of those expenditure heads that show constant increase in many zones. Comparing with other Administrative head, the expenditures upon Religious affairs seem to be increasing without any alarm. Interestingly, in some of the zones the expenditures on Religious Affairs make almost 50 percent of their total Income. One can see Table:XI-E-RA, that in Lahore zone the expenditure on Religious affairs stands on 43 percent in 1996 while in 2006 its standing upon 48.38 percent of its total income. In Multan it stands on around 25 percent in 1996, however in 2006 it touches 51 percent. In Pakpattan it stands upon 23.16 percent in 1996 and in 2006 it stands upon 31.18 percent. However, in some zones the expenditures seem to be going down, as in Rawalpindi zone it stands upon around 72 percent in 1996 while in 2006 it lowers to 57.1 percent. This reduction is illusory and should not be understood as a decrease in the expenditures of Religious Affairs. Instead it must be seen as an increase in the income of Rawalpindi zone than the growth of Religious affairs. One can also see that out of the total expenditures, the expenses on Religious Affairs, that is, 1,45,61,400, in Rawalpindi zone in 2006, still stands around 70 percent of its total expenditures, that is, 20,615,600.

186

The expanded spending on Religious Affairs also hindered spending on health, development and social welfare. There are many zones within which no health services are provided, and on others, the facilities are in poor condition. In Faisalabad and Sargodha zones, though both of these zones earn a good amount of money, there are still no health services provided by Auqaf. While in Bahawalpur, Pakpattan, D.G Khan and Gujranwala zones mere 380200, 365300, 607900 and 448000 respectively being spent on health services. Similarly, one can see that spending on social welfare stands upon 12.47 percent in 1996 and on barely 2.24 percent in 2006. The lowest ebb in 2006 may be balanced a little with around 33 percent spending on the development and reconstruction projects at shrines. However, these spending are almost nothing compared with the Administrative expenditures and Religious Affairs. It is not only that there is really large spending on Religious Affairs, and that is exploitative in itself, but also it keeps focus away from the very spirit of the shrine culture. A visit to a shrine, even like that of Data Sahib, the most central of all the shrines, may bring it fore that a flood of uncouth and un- mannered behaviors emerged out when the food is distributed. There is very little effort on the part of administration to treat poor and needy in a better and well-organized way. However, on the religious days we can see a clear difference, as on the days of Ramzan, the food services appear in a well-behaved and well-mannered way.

Zone wise Break up of Religious Affairs Expenditures 1996 and 2006 Sr. Zone Expenditures Income Percentage Expenditures Income 1996 from total 2006

1 Data Sahib 10096600 65233790 15.47 20388000 16,91,30000 12.05

2 Lahore Zone 15495600 35852921 43.21 58639000 12,12,00,000 48.38

3 Gujranwala 6536200 13151217 49.7 1,45,96,900 48750000 29.94

4 Rawalpindi 5583600 7655324 72.93 1,45,61,400 2,54,80,000 57.1

5 Faisalabad 2192000 12349353 17.77 18608925 5,58,02,000 33.34

6 Sargodha 6195480 9796559 63.24 14373900 29485000 48.74

7 Multan 3574000 14373392 24.86 1,95,63,000 38192000 51.22

8 Pakpattan 4119600 17784105 23.16 19143800 61396000 31.18

187

9 Dera Ghazi 5184900 8842785 58.63 9125200 24767000 36.84 Khan

10 Bahawalpur 3617600 21111856 17.13 21298600 49682000 42.86

11 Badshahi 3118800 2164138 144.14 5493700 79,10,000 69.45 Mosque

12 Data Sahib - - Hospital

13 Head office - -

Total 65714380 210344593 31.24 211485000 657551000 31.09

Table:XI-E-RA

5.3.8. Social Welfare and Accounts

The whole debate of taking control of sacred sites has been attached with the conception of social welfare. For many forms of shrines, the social welfare seems to be the central point around which the shrine-based life forms move. Modern scholars, after ethnographic works even started considering the Faith Based Organization as an important component in providing social services.46 However, the emphasis of Auqaf remained though on varied sides, yet increased the distance of shrines from their traditional social welfare practices. On Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, the total spending on social welfare remained as 1,115,000 and 29, 25,300 in the year of 1996 and 2006 respectively. In Lahore Zone, the total spending on social welfare remained as 1,189,000 and 1,246,500 in the years of 1996 and 2006 respectively (see, Table: III-L). Out of total expenditures, in Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib, these expenditures on social welfare stay at only 7.7 percent and 9.55 percent of the total expenditures only for the years 1996 and 2006 respectively. Similarly for Lahore zone, the percentage stays at only 5.5 and 1.70 percent of total expenditures of Lahore zone. Things are not much different in Gujranwala zone, where the percentage stays at 9.9 and 3.58 percent of the total expenditures. It seems the pattern for spending on social welfare decreases even on the most significant shrines and zones of Auqaf department. (See, Table:X-SW).

46 Linus Strothman, Giving Comfort, Dispelling Fear: Social Welfare At The Shrine Of Data Ganj Bukhsh In Lahore, Pakistan, Erkunde, Vol. 67 · No. 1 · 49–61

188

Percentage of Social Welfare Expenditures Sr. Zone S.W. Exp. 1996 T.Exp. % S.W.2006 T.Exp. %

1 Data Sahib 1115000 14476700 7.7 29,25,300 30623500 9.55

2 Lahore Zone 1173000 20951400 5.5 12,46,500 72903100 1.70

3 Gujranwala 625300 6266000 9.9 843600 23509500 3.58

Table: X-SW

5.4. Conclusion

Auqaf department got its restructuring in 1993-94. In a sense Auqaf department got its rebirth and, since then, started operating upon rules and structures in quite a new way. It started consolidating and growing as an organization in the direction to improve through generating more and more bureaucratic rules. In the first time of its history, at the end of 1990s, an internal report was published in order to organize details of property. It is strange that the condition of the department was so bad, and its working was in such disarray, that, earlier than that report, only fragmentary Zone-wise data was available, and no Master List had been compiled in a tabulated form.47 The secretary Auqaf in 1999 made one such list that started "making the process of leases, rents, cash-box collections and other modes of income, more transparent."48 As the department interacts with the public at large level, the "data would thus contribute towards a more responsible and responsive, a more efficient and effective and public friendly Auqaf organization."49 With the start of Musharraf period, the effort of the secretary coincided with the general push of the regime on performance and reformation. However the condition of the department remained objectionable to the Public Accounts committee that showed its dis- satisfaction upon many monetary transactions in 2005.50

47 M. Athar Tahir, Waqf Properties, Auqaf department, Internal Report, 1999. 48 Ibid. 49 Ibid. 50 Report of Public Accounts Committee II (Punjab Government: Secretariat of the Provincial Assembly of the Punjab Lahore, 2007).

189

The accounts of Auqaf Department show the pattern of rise and decrease of income, emphasised points of expenditures and ignored sectors. The striking feature of the accounts is still significant position acquired by the shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib among all the zones. However, as the income of some other zones also started to be increasing it seems that the shrine is finding little ebb in its traditional centrality. Some of the shrines within Lahore zone, like Bibian Pak Daman showed a sign of significant increase. However the differences are still that large that, though a little ebb nothing significant happened. Over all it seems, that the earlier zone of Central Punjab that is divided within five zones of Lahore, Gujranwala, Data Sahib, Data Sahib Hospital and Badshahi mosque, are leading zones for income generating for Auqaf Department. Though Data Sahib Hospital is consistently in loss, and Badshahi mosque is almost at no-profit and no loss position, yet the overall income comprises more than fifty percent of the total income of Auqaf department.

The most interesting feature of the accounts is the heavy expenditures incurred upon Religious Affairs, administering shrines religiously. The imagery of seeing shrines in the gaze of mosque materialized in the form of Religious Affairs department that is to pursue the process of official Islamization on the site of shrines. The huge spending on Religious Affairs also shows the prevalence of the ideology of the state to dominate the site of shrines through its owned ideology. Over all the spending on Religious Affairs stands on around 30 percent, and if it is coupled with the expenditures on administration, it amounts to more than 50 percent of the total expenditures of the Auqaf department. It seems strange that the taken over of the shrines from the hands of traditional care takers, resulted into providing jobs to thousands of state employees along with permission to prevail its appropriated ideology upon the sites of shrines. It is not clear that what justification Auqaf department has for such sort of spending of the income given by the devotees to the Sufi-Saint of the shrine. The high spending on religio-administrative purposes reduced the spending on such functions as providing social welfare and well-being of the common people, traditionally considered to be the most significant role of shrines.

190

6. Conclusion

This thesis made a humble effort to examine the relationship between the post-colonial state and shrines, with its focus upon Central Punjab. The thesis traced the relationship in historical mode and tried to show descriptively the development of the relationship. The thesis understands that the year 1959, in the post-colonial state was the critical moment for the relationship. At that moment, the post-colonial state decided to take over shrines and other sacred sites through the Ordinance claiming to manage Waqf Properties. The moment is important because since then, the underlying principle of the Ordinance, that the post-colonial state had the right to take over shrines, to over throw the traditional care takers and to manage their affairs through a State Department did not change with any change of the later governments. Doing little changes and putting different emphases, no government since then changed the structure of the Auqaf department and its ability to control and manage Waqf Properties. The Ordinance of 1959 therefore became a kind of a moment that still lives even in the second decade of twenty first century. The thesis understood this moment a critical moment for the relationship of the State and Shrines and tried to move back and forth of that moment, in order to highlight the character and potential of that moment.

The thesis highlighted, while moving backward, that the moment of the Ordinance of 1959 stood upon the appropriation of a certain kind of religio-political ideology. Interestingly, that ideology was not only owned by the state authorities, rather, through over-lapping consensus accepted by a large range of religo-political streams. The thesis shows that the varied religio-politico streams found out them in competing communal context of the third decade of twentieth century during Colonial rule, embarked upon an identity making process, a kind of re-territorialized process that was already linked with the de-territorializing of soil-based identity. The thesis examined three religio-politico streams and brought forward the position that while re-territorializing these streams developed a unique form of conception regarding pluralistic shrine-based practices. These positions developed a kind of consensus against the pluralistic practices and considered all such forms needed to be reformed through the consensual religio-moral principles. The development, that was not only theological but also highly political, merged with the spirit of the reformist colonial urban elite and started reforming deviant practices.

191

The religio-politico process correlated with the colonial legal developments those engendered a segregated identity for Muslims without letting them engaged in some kind of struggle. The religious endowment Act, 1920 and Muslim Act of 1923 initiated the process of surveying and enumeration of sacred sites, while emphasizing on the nature of segregated religious Muslim Waqf. The process also correlated with the re-territorialized process of identity formation for Muslim community. The legally defining Muslim Waqf however can be contrasted with the violent struggle of Sikh community for gaining their identity through taking control of their shrines. The Sikh Gurdwara Act of 1925 segregated Sikh sacred sites from other communities, and paved the way, at the same time, for other communities to own their own shrines reciprocally. However, as the legal rules already defined ways for identifying Muslim sacred spaces, and the religious elite identify itself with mosque more than shrines, the pluralistic practices of shrine-based practices appeared deviant. The colonial Muslim elite tried to take control of shrines, for their potential to engender conflicts and political tensions, and at the same time having potential to exert moral-political influence upon locals. However, the elite had to remain content for initiating moral reformative Acts, like that of Female Singers' Prohibiting Bill before the birth of Pakistan.

However, after the emergence of the post-colonial state of Pakistan, the process of double-re- territorialization or locating Muslim identity again on the already re-territorialized identity started manifesting. Muslim league and the larger Colonial Urban Sector especially in the Punjab, moving along the League, refused to locate themselves with the newly acquired soil. Instead the elite opted to re-own the ideology that already remained supportive for gaining new land and that already defined itself, among other contesting religious communities, by excluding other communities. The new situation opened up a kind of another linking and de-linking process. At political level, the process ended up in defining Objectives Resolution that demarcated clearly the difference between Muslims and non-Muslims while becoming foundational principles for any future constitution. On a religious-puritan level, the process opened up anti-Ahmadi movement to purify Muslim identity. The process also extended to the spiritual practices and the elite of Post-colonial state, in order to implement Islamization, started

192 making efforts to exclude deviant practices, remnant of pluralistic shrine-based practices, from the sites of sacred spaces.

Till Ayub Khan's Ordinance for taking over total control of shrines, the post-colonial state though stretched its control yet kept its lego-religious thinking grounded in re-territorialized identity. The emphasis to exclude deviant customary traditions showed itself during the whole decade of 1950s, however couldn't produce the desired results because of the incapacity of the post-colonial state and still lingering acceptance for the traditional sacred sites. It is with the autocratic rule of Ayub Khan that the state moved upon for taking total control. The underpinning of all the legal activities since 1959 remained embedded within the emphasis on the continuity of stretching the re-territorialization, a kind of double-reterritorialization of Islamization. The opening up of the possibility of controlling the traditionally deviant sites through the universal laws initiated and enforced through Ayub Khan's reformist agenda never let the localized traditional care takers to control the sacred sites. The Yahya regime and Bhutto Government tried to keep the impact of the universal laws through re-emphasizing the force and introducing centralized activities upon which interestingly stood the Gen. Zia ul Haq's decentralized Ordinance of 1979. The legalization process connected localities, and the local sites of worship with the universal religious ideologue. The universalizing-locality left no place for the localized worshipping but to appear as a deviant form. It is interesting that the legalization within the post-Ayub period regarding shrines, kept its imagining linked with the profitability of the sacred space. Only those shrines, the legalization maintains can come under the control of Auqaf department, who would not become a financial burden on the government itself.

Auqaf department got its restructuring in 1993-94. In a sense Auqaf department got its rebirth afterward and, since then, started operating upon rules and structures in quite a new way. Since then it started consolidating and growing as an organization in the direction to improve through generating more and more internalized rules. In the first time of its history, at the end of 1990s, an internal report was published in order to organize details of property. It is strange that the condition of the department was so bad, and its working was in such disarray, that, earlier than that report, only fragmentary Zone-wise data was available, and no Master List had been

193 compiled in a tabulated form.1 The secretary Auqaf in 1999 made one such list that started "making the process of leases, rents, cash-box collections and other modes of income, more transparent."2 As the department interacts with the public at large level, the " data would thus contribute towards a more responsible and responsive, a more efficient and effective and public friendly Auqaf organization." With the start of Musharraf period, the effort of the secretary coincided with the general push of the regime on performance and reformation. However the condition of the department remained objectionable to the Public Accounts committee that showed its dis-satisfaction upon many monetary transactions in 2005.

The accounts of Auqaf Department show the pattern of rise and decrease of income, emphasized points of expenditures and ignoring the sectors to invest in. The striking feature of the accounts is the significant position acquired by the shrine of Data Darabar among all the zones. However, as the income of some other zones also started to be increasing it seems that the shrine is finding little ebb in its traditional centrality. Some of the shrines within Lahore zone, like Bibian Pak Daman showed a sign of significant increase. However the difference, although getting minimized a bit, does not signify for any change in the centrality of the shrine of Data Darbar. Over all it seems, that the earlier zone of Central Punjab that is divided within five zones of Lahore, Gujranwala, Data Darbar, Data Darbar Hospital and Badshahi mosque, are leading income generating zones for Auqaf Department. Though Data Darbar Hospital is consistently in loss, and Badshahi mosque is almost at no-profit and no loss position, yet the overall income of the Central Punjab zone comprises more than fifty percent of the total income of Auqaf department.

The most interesting feature of the accounts is the heavy expenditures incurred upon Religious Affairs that can also be considered as religious administration for the shrines. The imagery of seeing shrines in the gaze of mosque materialized in the form of Religious Affairs department that is to pursue the process of official Islamization on the site of shrines. The huge spending on Religious Affairs also shows the prevalence of the ideology of the state to dominate the site of shrines through its owned ideology. Over all the spending on Religious Affairs stands on around

1 M. Athar Tahir, Waqf Properties, Auqaf department, Internal Report, 1999. 2 Ibid.

194

30 percent, and if it is coupled with the expenditures on administration, it amounts to more than 50 percent of the total expenditures of the Auqaf department. It seems strange that the taken over of the shrines from the hands of traditional care takers, resulted into providing jobs to thousands of state employees along with permission to prevail its appropriated ideology upon the sites of shrines. It is not clear that what justification Auqaf department has for such spending of the income given by the devotees to the sufi-saint of the shrine. The high spending on religio- administrative purposes reduced the spending on such functions as providing social welfare and educational facilities. The spending on social welfare almost became insignificant. Interestingly, a lot of social welfare activities do not endorse in the account books of Auqaf. A little ethnographic survey brings out that even at the site of such a large shrine of Data Darbar, devotees offer food daily and the administration of shrine even could not manage it properly.

The thesis though dwelled on the relationship between the state and shrines, not only remained focus upon a small area of Punjab, but also remained focussed upon one mode of relationship and ignored to discuss some other, important and significant mode of relationships. The thesis highlighted a dominated mode of state and vanquishing shrine-based forms. However, the process of dominating was not passive and resulted into many forms of resistance, from going into courts to develop extra-institutional activities. Many of the traditional care takers had gone to the courts and challenged the action of the Martial Law government. Many of these traditional care takers carried on providing some marginalized functions within shrine, and some other altogether left the site of their shrines. One can find at shrines like, Data Darbar, Mian Mir and Shah Daula, some sort of presence of previous traditional care takers. At the shrine of Data Darbar, mujawar (traditional care taker) kept on reading daily Dua (pray) at the shrine. At the shrine of Mian Mir, the traditional care taker used to sit outside mosque on each Thursday to meet with the visiting devotees. At the site of the shrine of Shah Daula, one can find the previous care taker either sitting on the stairs or standing nearby to provide spiritual solace to the devotees.

It is not the case that Auqaf department worked everywhere at a distance of traditional care takers. At some shrines, the working is little less conflicting than at many other shrines. This form of relationship may be considered to be another related direction that was not discussed in the present thesis that is where both Auqaf officials and traditional care takers worked together.

195

We can find a shrine of Jamaat Ali Shah Saani Lasani in Narowal where the manager of Auqaf department works to manage the shrine. However, the present Sajjada Nashin, a great grandson of the saint, had a complete control on the days of urs, and upon devotees. His efforts made the urs of the shrine of Jamat Ali Shah Saani Lasani, as one of the biggest urs in the whole area. There was also a form of relationship in which shrines kept on resisting the control of state and a constant tension stays between the two entities. For example, at the Suharwardi shrine of Khankah Dograh and at the shrine of Naqeeba in Qasur, a constant tension prevailed. Auqaf department tried to control the shrines many a times, however each time their attempt foiled because of the resistance. The thesis however felt that its attempt can be considered as opening up the horizon to view and study other multiple modes of relationships. Any future study of the relationship may move upon to study these relationships by dwelling upon the present attempt.

196

Illustrations

Illustration 1: Newly constructed Shrine of Data Darbar, Lahore.

Source: Wikimapia.org

Illustration 1 a: The reconstructed shrine of Bibian Pak Daman, Lahore

Source: nodolya.blogspot.com

197

Illustration 2: Old shrine of Data Darbar, Lahore Around 1924, the shrine was reconstructed by local devotees. Before reconstructed again in 1979, the shrine remained in this condition stretching around the area of 6 kanals.

Illustration 3: Old shrine of Baba Bullai Shah, Kasur

This structure of the shrine, possibly appeared during early twentieth century, disappeared with the construction of the new building after 2003.

Source:Auqaf Department Kasur. The picture was taken in the year of 1955.

198

Illustration 4: Reconstructed shrine of Bullai Shah and the mosque in 2003

Source:mykasurcity.blogspot.com

Illustration 4a: Reconstructed shrine of Waris Shah

Source: pk.worldmapz.com

199

Illustration 5: Religious gathering in the mosque of the shrine of Data Darbar A big hall of the mosque of Data Darbar that is also a center of seminars, speeches and preaching circles along with religious prayers.

Source:illumemagazine.com

Illustration 6: Devotees at the tomb of the Data Darbar, Lahore Devotees are sitting in front of the newly constructed tomb of Data Darbar, Lahore.

Source: illumemagazine.com

200

Illustration 7: Food making and Distributing Activity

Food is being made and distributed on the shrine of Data Darbar, Lahore. Source: illumemagazine.com

Illustration 8: Food Distribution at the shrine of Mian Mir, Lahore Food is being distributed at the concluding day of 387th urs of Mian Mir in Lahore.

Source: tribune.com.pk

201

Illustration 9: Quran Board Report Illustration 9a: Special Edition of Maarif e Auliya The Report Maarif e was published Auliya or in 2007 and Introducing detailed the Saints is a legal research procedures journal and published by administrative the Religious measures for Affairs of the managing Auqaf Quran. Department.

Illustration 10:Propsectus of Jamia Hajveri Illustration 10-a This is the This is brochure prospectus of a of a 967th Urs religious school, ceremony of Jamia Hajvery, Data Ganj situated at the Bakhsh. basement of the Data Darbar shrine.

202

Illustration 11: Ulema Academy This is the picture of the corridors of Lahore Fort in which Ulema Academy was established in 1970.

Illustration 11-a: A banner Illustraion 11-b: Hostel Block

A banner, hanging at the wall of the Ulema Academy, announcing a good A board showing Hostel Block of the news of a free program for Imam, Khateeb and Moazzan of non-Auqaf Ulema Academy. department.

203

Illustration 12: A shrine of a local saint This is the shrine of Baba Ghulan Haider Sain in Lahore. The shrine is situated just outside the main Bus Stand at Badami Bagh. The shrine is in under Auqaf control. The green boxes are placed outside the shrine, almost at the roadside, in order to facilitate passersby, especially the passengers to put some money in it.

Illustration 12-a: The outside of the shrine of Baba Ghulam Haider Sain A passerby, on a motorcycle, stopped to pay some money, as a nazrana, to the shrine of Baba Ghulan Haider Sain. A man from Auqaf department creates a semblance of a pir and guides him to put money at a right place.

Illustration 12-b: A board hanging outside the shrine The Department of Auqaf has hanged a board at the shrine for describing the right manners and Adab for visiting the shrine.

204

Illustration 13: Shrine of Mian Mir, Lahore

The shrine of Mian Mir was constructed during Mughal period in seventeenth century. The shrine is almost in the same condition till now. Some of the buildings, such as Langar Khana (Food centre), a room for Dastkari school, and a room for a small dispensary have been erected around the shrine. Illustration 13-a Illustration 13-b:

A large board is placed outside the shrine of A board, placed on the green Nazrana Mian Mir displaying the information regarding (offering) box, outside the tomb of Mian Mir an ongoing project of a large hospital of 130 shrine instructing for the women to stay beds. The building is being made outside the outside. shrine of Mian Mir, though on the endowed land of the shrine. The construction was started in the year of 2007. The work was to finish in 2011, however the work is still underway in the year of 2014.

205

Illustration 14: Punjab Auqaf Main Building Punjab Auqaf main building at the endowed land of the shrine of Shah Chiragh, Lahore.

Illustration 14-a: Data Darbar Hospital, Lahore Illustration 14-b Secretary Auqaf A brochure for, Subai sitting in his room in Seerat Conference the main head-office (Provincial Seerat of Auqaf Conference) held at Department. Alhamra Hall, on 14 February, 2011 by Religious Affairs, Auqaf Department.

Illustration 14-c Illustration 14-d Illustration 14-e

Data Darbar Hospital is situated at A refurbished room for dengue A newly furnished conference room in the back side of the shrine of Data patients in the hospital. the hospital. Darbar, Lahore.

206

Some ''deviant'' but living traditions Illustration 15: Shrine of Madhu Laal An Urs day at the shrine of Madhu Laal.

Illustration 15-a Malang and devotees dance on the beat of Dhol at the shrine of Shah Jamal, Lahore.

Illustration 15-b A Malang smokes possibly weed-tobacco. A rare scene at the shrine of Data Darbar, Lahore, even on the Urs days.

207

Appendix 1

First notification issued by the first Administrator of Auqaf department, West Pakistan on January 09, 1960.

222

Appendix 2

Shrines Taken Over in the First year of 1960 in Lahore and Gujranwala Zones Sr. Name DOP Possession Detail of attached property Remarks Taken over From Residenti Agri. Urban No. of Units al Unit land area on Rent With Area

1. Darabar H. 147-3- 288 - Data Ganj 8 Bakhsh

2. H. shah - Muhamma 06-10-00 - Comm 03 - Jamal d Shafi ercial

3. H. Shah 1960 Baba 85-15-116 - Res. & 14+5 - Kamal Sardar Comm Shah ercial

3. H. Shah 05-06- Malik 03-05-87 - - 33 Baralvi-Katchi- Wali, 60 Muhamma abadi-99 yrs. Abbott d Din- lease (LDA) Road President anjuman

4. H. Hakim 21-07- Mutwalli 05-16-27 -- - Katchi-abadi- Shah 60 darbar 99 yrs. lease (Cooper (LDA) Road)

5. H. Mauj 25-07- Mutwalli 05-11-213 - - A mosque, - Darya 60 Darbar hujra, a Bukhari, grave yard, Edward Rd. residential house, workshop and two open plots.

6. H. Shah Ali 06-09- Fateh 05-09-112 - - 15 Deobandi Rangrez 60 Muhamma (Railway d, Mutwalli Headquarte

223

rs) darbar

7. H. Chohar 16-07- Tasawwar 23-06-55 - - - Baralvi Shah 60 yamin, Bandagi Mutwalli Mcleaod Rd.

8. H. Mian 14-07- Nur ul - 01-00- - 314 Brailvi MIr, 60 Hassan 07 Infantry Shah Road

9. Daras 13-08- Mian - 11-02- - 09 Brailvi Barrai Mian 60 Muhamma 00 d Nazir

10. H. Madhu 20-03- Mubarak - - - 01 Brailvi Lal Hussain 60 Ali Shah Akbar Shaheed, Baghbanpu ra

11. H. Shah 3 1960 Muhamm 815- 101-7- Agri - Noori Attari (391)A ad Din 14-00 15 -60- - 392

Table: 1L

Kasur 1. H. Bullay 26-10- Ex Mutwalli 68-02- 08-07-05 - 19 - Shah 60 Lal Shah 00 (Late)

Table: 1K

Sheikhupura 1. H. Pir Bahar 23-04- Imtiaz Ali - 01-02-16 Mela 03 Brailvi Shah, near G. 60 Shah ground-03 Bus Stand

30-11- Mian - 00-06-00 -= - - Ghulam

224

60 MUhammad

Table: 1-S

Gujranwala 1. Shah Abdul 16-11-60 - 25-07- - - Brailvi Rehman 00

Table: 1-G

Sialkot 1. H. Imam Ali ul Haq 30-04- Mutwalli 54-00- 1 thra, 1 11 - 60 00 room and 22 plots

Table: 1.SK

Property Details of the shrine of H. Data Ganj Bakhsh Sahib taken over by Auqaf Department1 S Notifications Kanal Marlas Sq.Ft Shops houses Mosque Village District r. .

1. No. 3(1)- Dated 76 18 205 52 34 Shish Mahal Lahore Auqaf- : 11- 31 2 41 12 46+ 12 1. Lahore Khas Do 60-I Janua

ry- 268 15 One Tibbi bazar Do 1960 double storeyed

2. No. Dated 46 16 Awan Lahore 8584- : 31- Dhaiwala Auqaf- Octob 18 Rasulpur Sheikhupûra 60-I er- (Ame`nd 1960 ment)

3. No. 3(1)- Dated 18 15 Do Do

1 APLD SC Vol. XXIII, pp. 379-381.

225

Auqaf- : 28- 12 13 Do Do 60-I Nove (Amend mber- ment) 1961

Total 469 79 246 64 93 1

Within this property also included the amount of Cash Box (Potla or bag), that is, 12,561.8.0/- Table: 2.1-DD Details of Zones and Sectors of Punjab Auqaf in 70s and 80s Sr. Zones Important Sectors

1. Bahawalpur Rahim Yar khan, Bahawalpur

2. Multan Multan, MuzaffarGarh, Dera Ghazi Khan

3. Sargodha Sargodha, Faisalbad, Jhang, Chiniot

4. Central Punjab Lahore, Qasur, Sheikhupura, Gujranwala, Sialkot and Okara

5. Rawalpindi Rawalpindi, Jehlum and Gujrat

Table:VIII

Zones and Circles under Punjab Auqaf Department after 1993 Sr. Zones Sr. Circles

1. Bahawalpur

(i) Bahawalpur

(ii) Chishtiya

(iii) Rahim Yar Khan

(iv) Uch Sharif

2. Dera Ghazi Khan

(i) Dera Ghazi Khan

(ii) Kot Mitthan

226

(iii) Muzaffar Garh

3. Faisalabad

(i) Faisalabad

(ii) Jhang

(iii) Shahkot

4. Gujranwala

(i) Gujranwala

(ii) Gujrat

(iii) Sialkot

5. Lahore

(i-v) Lahore (1, 2 ,3 ,4, 5)

(vi) Kasur

(vii) Sheikhupura

6. Multan

(i- Multan (I , II, III) iii)

(iv) Jahanian/ Khanewal

7. Pakpattan Sharif

(i) Pakpattan Sharif

(ii) Burewala

(iii) Okara

(iv) Sahiwal

8. Rawalpindi

227

(i) Rawalpindi

(ii) Attock

(iii) Jehlum

9. Sargodha

(i) Chiniot

(ii) Khushab

(iii) Sargodha

10. Data Darbar, Lahore

11. Badshahi Mosque, Lahore

Table:IX

228

Appendix 3

Poem by Allama Iqbal: Punjab Kai Pirzado Sai

Translation Poem STOOD by the Reformer's tomb: that dust حاضر ہوا ميں شيخ مجدد کي لحد پر Whence here below an orient splendour ,breaks وہ خاک کہ ہے زير فلک مطلع انوار

Dust before whose least speck stars hang اش خاک کے ذروں ضے ہيں شرمندہ ضتارے their heads, اش خاک ميں پوشيدہ ہے وہ صاحة اضرار Dust shrouding that high knower of things unknown گردن نہ جھکي جص کي جہانگير کے آگے Who to Jehangir would not bend his neck, جص کے نفص گرم ضے ہے گرمي احرار Whose ardent breath fans every free وہ ہند ميں ضرمايہء ملت کا نگہثاں heart's ardour,

Whom Allah sent in season to keep watch ہللا نے تر وقت کيا جص کو خثردار

.In India on the treasure-house of Islam کي عرض يہ ميں نے کہ عطا فقر ہو مجھ کو

I craved the saints' gift, other-worldliness آنکھيں مري تينا ہيں ، و ليکن نہيں تيدار!

:For my eyes Saw, yet dimly. Answer came آئي يہ صدا ضلطلہء فقر ہوا تند

Closed is the long roll of the saints; this' ہيں اہل نظر کشور پنجاب ضے تيسار Land عارف کا ٹھکانا نہيں وہ خطہ کہ جص ميں Of the Five Rivers stinks in good men's .nostrils پيدا کلہ فقر ضے ہو طرئہ دضتار God's people have no portion in that تاقي کلہ فقر ضے تھا ولولہء حق country

Where lordly tassel sprouts from monkish طروں نے چڑھايا نشہء 'خدمت ضرکار'! cap

That cap bred passionate faith, this tassel breeds

Passion for playing pander to Government.

229

Bibliography a) Primary Sources

Punjab Archive Reports Home Department File-No.1382 Government of India Records, Punjab File-131/1575

Punjab Assembly Reports 1938-1946 and 1950-1958 The PLA Debates, Vol. XIV, 1940, printed by Superintendent Govt. Printing Punjab, 1942 The PLA Debates, Lahore: Superintendent Government Printing Punjab, 1955 Punjab Assembly Provincial Accounts Committee Report, 1994 and 2005.

National Archives, UK Indian Independent Act 1947, Original Statute from The UK Statute Law Database. Office of Public Sector Information, National Archives, UK. Retrieved 2013-04-06.

Auqaf Department Auqaf Department Internal Report, 1999. Auqaf Department Budget Reports. Auqaf Department Brochures and publicity material.

Court Records Records of the Lahore High Court cases and Records of the Supreme Court cases: APLD (All Pakistan Legal Decisions) Supreme Court Monthly Review (SCMR)

Newspapers, Journals and Reports Daily Dawn Daily Jang Lahore Friday Times, Lahore

208

Daily Nawai Waqt, Lahore Daily Imroz, Lahore Daily Mashriq, Lahore Inqilab, Lahore Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore Daily Lohkot

Gazettes and Notifications Punjab Gazette, Legislative Department, Notifications. Pakistan Gazette, Legislative Department, Notifications. The Gazette of West Pakistan. Government of Punjab, Cabinet Division Notifications.

Official Reports Gladstone, W.E. The Financial Statements of 1853, 1860-1863. London: John Murray, 1863. Press List of Records in the General Department. Lahore: Government of the Punjab, 1855/56. Progress Reports of the Public Works Department, for the Year 1854-1855, No. XIII. Calcutta: Thos. Jones, Calcutta Gazette Office, 1856. Punjab Castes: Being a reprint of the Chapter on “The Races, Castes and Tribes of the People” in the Report on the Census of the Punjab published in 1883 by the late Sir Denzil Ibbetson, KCSI. Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1916. Punjab Record, or Reference Book for Civil Officers, Vol. IV. Lahore: The Punjab Printing Company, 1869. Saunders, Leslie S. Report on the Revised Land Revenue Settlement of the Lahore District, in the Lahore Division of the Punjab, 1865-69. Lahore: Central Jail Press, 1873. Justice Munir Commission Report, printed by the superintendent, government printing Punjab 1954. The Report on Punjab Quran Board, 2005-2007. published by Religious Affairs, Auqaf Department, Government of Punjab.

209

Report of National Committee for religious schools, published by Idara Tahqiqat e Islami, Islamabad, 1979. Report on Cultural Tourism in Lahore and Peshawar, published by UNESCO. Performance Report of Data Darbar Hospital and Allied Dispensaries, Internal Report. Prospectus Jamia Hajveria hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh, published by the department of Religious Affairs and Auqaf. Punjab Castes: Being a reprint of the Chapter on “The Races, Castes and Tribes of the People” in the Report on the Census of the Punjab published in 1883 by the late Sir Denzil Ibbetson, KCSI. Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1916. Pakistan Tourism Department Brochure, 1985.

Interviews: Sahibzada Syed Nasir Mahmud Gilani, the sajjada nashin of the shrine of Shahdaula Daryai, Gujrat. January, 2010. Shahzad-ul-Hasan Gilani Chan Pir, the sajjada nashin of Mian Mir shrine, Lahore. March, 2010. Jandiala Sher Khan, Sajjada Nashin Waris Shah, March, 2010. Mian Mohammad Aslam, Sajjada Nashin of the shrine of the living Nuri Bori Sarkar, Kot Abdul Malik, Sheikhupura. April, 2010. Pir Ghulam Rasul, khalifa and sajjada nashin of the shirne of Jamat Ali Shah Lasani, village Pir Syeed Wala, Narowal. March, 2010. Baba Sadiq, former bank manager, Lahore, January 2010. Zonal Administrator, Auqaf Department, Lahore, October, 2011.

Books and Articles in Journal Ali, Maulvi Syed Iqbal. Syed Ahmad Khan ka safarnama-e-Punjab. Aligarh: Aligarh Institute, 1884. Ali, Allama Riyasat Mujaddadi. Chashma Faiz-e-Ganj Bakhsh (RA). Lahore: Maktaba-e- Hanafia, 2008. Bukhari, Professor Khurshid Hussain. Hazrat Shaikh Tahir Bandagi Lahori(RA). Sheikhupura: Maktaba-e-Karwan, 2003. Chishti, Nur Ahmad. tahkeekaty chishti. Lahore: Al-Faisal Publishers, 2006 [1867].

210

Chishti, Nur Ahmad. yaadgar-e-chisti, Lahore ki zatain ur on ki rasumaat. Lahore, Bookhome, 2004[1859]. Griffin, Lepel. The Punjab Chiefs. Lahore: Sang e Mil Publications, 1993 [1865]. Fauq, Mohammad Din. Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh. Lahore: Gauhar Publications, 2008. Hajweri, Ali. khashful majub, trans. Fazaluddin Gohar. Lahore: Zia-ul-Quran Publications, 2010. Hashmi, Rafi ud Din. Khatut e Iqbal. Lahore: Maqtaba e Khyaban e Adab, 1976. Khusrau, Ameer. Afzal-ul-Fawaid, trns. Mohammad Latif Malik. Lahore: Nigarshat Publishers, 2008. Kipling, J.L. and T.H. Thornton. Lahore as it was. Lahore: National College of Arts, 2001, reprinted. Ishaq, Badr-ud-Din. Sair-ul-Aulia, trns. Professor Mohammad Mueen-ud-Din. Lahore: You publishers, 2007. Iqbal, Javed. The Ideology of Pakistan and its Implementation. Lahore: Sheikh Ghulam Ali and Sons, 1959. Lal, Kanehia. Tarikh-e-Lahore. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2001[1884]. Latif, Shaikh Muhammad. Lahore, its History, Architectural Remains and Antiquities, with an Account of its Modern Institutions, inhabitants, their trade, customs, & c. Lahore: Sang-e- Meel Publications, reprinted [1892]. MacLagon, E.D and Rose, H.A. A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North- West Frontier Provinces. Vol. III. New Dehli: Nirmal Publications, 1997 [1919]. Maqbul, Chaudhary Noor Ahmad Naqshbandi Mujaddadi. Khazina-e-Karam. Lahore: Maktaba Hazrat Karmanwala, 1997. Maududi, Abul Aaala. Islami Tahzeeb aur us kai Asul e Mubaadi. Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1986. Mirza, Janbaz. Karwan e Ahrar,Vol. I- VII. (Lahore: Idara Maktaba Tabsara) Naqshbandi, Sajid Khan. Roidad e Manazra Kohat: Mrawwaja Jashan e Eid Milad un Nabi. Kohat: Anjuman Dawa Ahl e Sunna, 2011. Nizami, Professor Khaleeq Ahmed, Tareekh e Mashaikh e Chisht, Dar ul Musannafin, Islamabad, 1982. Qasuri, Mohammad Sadiq. Tareekh e Mashaikh Qadria Rizwia (Lahore: Zavia Publishers, 2004)

211

Quddusi, Maulana Ijaz-ul Haq. Tazkira Aulia-e-Punjab. Lahore: Kutab Khana Shan-e-Islam, 2008. Qaddusi, Ijaz ul Haq. Iqbal Kai Mahboob Soofia (Iqbal Academy Pakistan: Lahore, 1976) Ranjha, Muhammad Nazeer. Tareekh wa Tazkara Khankah Naqshbandia Mujaddadia Sharakpur Sharif. Islamabad: Purab Academy, 2007. Siyal, Maulana Captain Wahid Bakhsh (trans.). Sharah Kashf ul Mahjub. Lahore: Al-Faisal Publishers, 2009. Shikoh, Dara. Safeenatul Aulia, trns. Mohd. Ali Lutfi. Lahore: Matba-e-Aliya, 2004. Sarhadi, Aman ullah Khan Arman. Urs aur Mailai. Lahore, Kitab Manzil, 1958. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Asar al Sanadid. (1847 and 1854) Sarwar, Mufti Ghulam Lahori. Khazinat-ul Asfiya (Qadriya), trns. Pirzada Allama Iqbal Ahmad. Lahore: Maktaba-e-Nabwiya, 2010. Sarwar, Mufti Ghulam Lahori. Khazinat-ul Asfiya (Chishtya). trns. Pirzada Allama Iqbal Ahmad. Lahore: Maktaba-e-Nabwiya, 2010. Sarwar, Mufti Ghulam Lahori. Khazinat-ul Asfiya (Suharwardiya), trns. Pirzada Allama Iqbal Ahmad. Lahore: Maktaba-e-Nabwiya, 2010. Sarwar, Mufti Ghulam Lahori. Khazinat-ul Asfiya (Naqshbandia) trns. Pirzada Allama Iqbal Ahmad. Lahore: Maktaba-e-Nabwiya, 2010. Sabri, Amina Imdad Ali. Hadiqa-e-Irfan. Lahore: Sabiri Printing Press, 2004. Shah, Syed Akhtar hussain., and Farooqi, Muhammad tahir. Amir e Millat (karachi, Wahid Press, 2009) Shahzad, Ghafir. Data Darbar Complex: Taamir sai Taamir tak. Lahore: Idrak Publications, 2004. Subhan, John A. Sufism its Saints and Shrines. Lukhnow: Lukhnow Publishers, 1926. Walli-Allah, Shah. Hujjat Allah al-Baligha (The Conclusive Argument from God), trans. Marcia K. Hermansen. Leiden: Brill, 1996. b) Secondary Sources Abbas, Hassan. Pakistan's Drift into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America's War on Terror. London: M. E. Sharpe, 2005.

212

Ahmed, Aziz. Islamic Modernity in Sub-continent: from 1857 to 1964. Oxford University Press, 1967. Ahmed, Waheed. Diary and Notes of Sir Fazli Hussain, July 23, 1937, Lahore, 1970. Aijaz Ahmed, Postmodernism in History, in K N Panikkar, Terence J Byres and Utsa Patnaik (eds.), The Making of History: Essays Presented to Irfan Habib. New Delhi: Tulika, 2000. Alam, Muzaffar. The Languages of Political Islam: India, 1200-1800. London: Kings Hurst and Co. Publishers, 2004. Alavi, Hamza. Pakistan and Islam: Ethnicity and Ideology, in Fred Halliday and Hamza Alavi (eds.) State and Ideology in the Middle East and Pakistan. London: Monthly Review Press, 1988. pp.64-111.. Alavi, Hamza. “Kinship in West Punjabi Villages”, Contributions to Indian Sociology, Vol. 14, 1-27, 1972 Alavi, Hamza. Authoritarianism and Legitimation of State Power in Pakistan. In The Post- Colonial State in Asia, Subrata Kumar Mitra (ed.). Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1998. Alavi, Hamza. India: Transition from Feudalism to Colonial Capitalism. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 10:4 (1980). Extracted from Proquest Information and Learning Company, 2003. Ali, Mubarak. Ulema, Sufis and Intellectuals. Lahore: Fiction House, 2005. Ali, Arshad. Asaral-Sanadid: Tahqiqi wa Tanqidi Mutala‟a. Jehlum, Pakistan: Awaz-i-Alamgir Educational Publishers, 1998. Appadurai, Arjun. Worship and Conflict Under Colonial Rule: A South Indian Case. Cambridge University Press, 2007. Appadurai, Arjun. Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy, In Theory, Culture and Society, vol. 7, nos. 2-3: 295-310, 1990. Aziz, K. K. Religion, Land and Politics in Pakistan: A Study of Piri-Muridi. Lahore: Vanguard, 2001. Baloch, Jafar. Iqbal aur Zafar Ali Khan. Lahore: Iqbal Academy Pakistan, 1995. Beuhler, Arthur F. The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating Sufi Shaykh (California : University of California Press, 1998). Binder, Leonard. Religion and Politics in Pakistan. University of California Press, 1961.

213

Bouillier, Veonique and Khan, Dominique-Sila. Haji Ratan or Baba Ratan`s Multiple Identities. Springer Science and Business Media, Vol. 37 (559–595), 2009. Breckenridges, Carol A. and Veer, Peter van deer. (eds.), Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament: Perspectives on South Asia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993). Chaudhry, Abdul Wahid. Manual of Auqaf Laws. Lahore: National Law Book House, 2012. Cohen, Bernard S. Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996. Dirks, Nicholas B. From Little King to Landlord: Property, Law, and the Gift under the Madras Permanent Settlement, California Institute of Technology. Ernst, Carl. Eternal garden: Mysticism, History and Politics at a South Asian Sufi Center. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992. Ewing, Katherine. Arguing Sainthood : Modernity, Psychoanalysis and Islam. Durham [N.C.]: Duke University Press, 1997. Ewing, Katherine. The Politics of Sufism: Redefining the Saints of Pakistan. The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 42, No.2 (Feb., 1983), pp.251-268. Stable URL: 13-05-2010. Ernst, Carl W. and Lawrence, Bruce B. Sufi Martyrs of Love: Chishti Sufism in South Asia and Beyond. New York: Palgrave Press, 2002. Ernst, Carl W. “Situating Sufism and Yoga”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, Vol. 15, No. 1 (2005). Eaton, Richard M. Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700 : Social Roles of Sufis in Medieval India. Princeton University Press, 1978. Eaton, Richard M. “The Political and Religious Authority of the Shrine of Baba Farid”, in Richard M. Eaton (ed.) India‟s Islamic Traditions, 711-1750. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003. Eaton, Richard M. (ed.). India‟s Islamic Traditions, 711-1750. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003. Ewing, Katherine Pratt. Arguing Sainthood: Modernity, Psychoanalysis, and Islam. London: Duke University Press, 1997.

214

Feener, R. Michael. Muslim Legal Thought in Modern Indonesia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Feener, R. Michael. Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives. ABC-CLIO Inc., 2004. Timothy Fitzgerald, A critique of „religion‟ as a cross-cultural category, Method and Theory in the Study of Religion, 1997. Fox, Richard G. Lions of the Punjab: Culture in the Making. New Delhi: Archives Publishers, 1987. Frembgen, Jurgen Wasim. Sufi poster art: The friends of god—Sufi saints. In Islam: Popular poster art from Pakistan. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2006. Frembgen, Jurgen Wasim. Journey to God: Sufis and Dervishes in Islam, trans. Jane Ripken. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2009. Friedman, Prophecy Continuous: Aspects of Aḥmadī Religious Thought and Its Medieval Background (OUP, 2003) Geaves, Ron. Who Defines Moderate Islam 'post'-September 11?, in Ron Geaves (ed.), Islam and the West: Post 9/11. Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2004. Geertz, Clifford. Islam Observed: Religious Development in Morocco and Indonesia. Chicago: University of Chicago press, 1968. Gilmartin, David. Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989. Gilmartin, David. Religious Leadership and the Pakistan Movement in the Punjab. Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 40, No. 3 (Jul., 1998), pp.415-436. Stable URL 13-05-2010. Gilmartin, David. A Magnificent Gift: Muslim Nationalism and Election Process in Colonial Punjab. Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 13, No. 3 (1979), pp.485-517. Stable URL 13-05-2010. Gilmartin and Lawrence, Beyond Turk and Hindu. Rethinking religious identities in Islamicate South Asia. New Delhi: India Research Press. Gilmartin, David. Tribe, Land and Religion in the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan, Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Berkley, 1979

215

Gilmartin, David. The Shahidganj Mosque Incident: A Prelude to Pakistan, in Ira M. Lapidus and Edmund Burke III, eds., Islam, Politics, and Social Movements. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988. pp. 146-168. Glover, William J. Making Lahore Modern: Constructing and Imagining a Colonial City. London: University of Minnesota Press, 2008. Glover, William J. Objects, Models, and Exemplary Works: Educating Sentiment in Colonial India. The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 64, No. 3 (Aug., 2005). Green, Nile. The Bombay Islam: The Religious Economy of the West Indian Ocean, 1840-1915. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Guha, Ranajit. (ed.) Subaltern Studies IV: Writings on South Asian History and Society (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985). Habib, Irfan. „Sar Sayyad Ahmad Khan aur Tarikh-Nawisi‟, in Fikr-o-Agahi (Delhi), „Aligarh Number‟ (2000). Hobsbawm, Eric and Terence Ranger (eds). The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Huntington, Samuel P. Political Order in Changing Societies. New Haven, 1968. Ibad, Umber Bin. The End of History: Interpreting Hegelian and Heideggerian conception of “Ground” and “Being” Towards Their Way to Truth, The Historian, Vol.7, No.2, 2009. Ibbetson, Denzil., Mclagan, Edward., and Rose, H. A. A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North West Frontier Province. Lahore Superintendent, Government Printing Punjab, 1919. Ikram, S.M. Indian Muslims and Partitions of India (Delhi: Atlantic Publishers, 1992). Ingram, B. Sufis, Scholars and Scapegoats: Rashid Ahmad Gangohi (d. 1905) and the Deobandi Critique of Sufism, in the Muslim world : a quarterly review of history, culture, religions & the Christian mission in Islamdom. VOL 99; NUMBER 3 ; 2009, 478-501 -- Blackwell Publishing Ltd -- 2009. Iqbal, Allama Muhammad, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, chapter V. Lahore: Sheikh Muhammad Ashraf, 2007. Jalal, Ayesha. The Sole spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan, Cambridge university press, 1987.

216

Jalal, Ayesha (2001). Self and Sovereignty: Individual and Community in South Asian Islam Since 1850. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications. Kamran, Tahir. Early Phase of Electoral Politics in Pakistan: 1950s, South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies Vol. 24, No.2, July-December 2009, pp. 257-282. Kaushik, L. Patnayak, Rama. ed. Modern Governments and political systems, vol. III. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1995. Kepel, Gilles. Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. London: Tauris and Co., 2002. Khan, Muhammad Ayyub. Speeches and Statements, Vol, I. Karachi: Pakistan Publications, 1967. Khan, Ayub. Friends not Masters (London, 1967). Khan, Hamid. Constituional and Political History of Pakistan. Oxford University press, 2001. Kopf, David. Orientalism by Edward W. Said: a review, The Journal of asian Studies, Vol. 39, No.3 (May, 1980). Kozlowsky, Gregory C. Muslim Endowments and Society in British India. Cambridge : Cambridge University press, 1985. Krishan, Lajwanti Ram. Punjabi kai Sufi Shair. Trns. Amjad Ali Bhatti. Lahore: Book Home, 2004. Kurin, Richard. The Structure of Blessedness at a Muslim Shrine in Pakistan. Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 19, No. 3(Jul., 1983), pp.312-325. Stable URL 20-02-2010. Looney, Robert. The Musharraf Paradox: The Failure of an Economic Success Story, The Open Area Studies Journal, 2008, 1, 1-15. Malik, Jamal. Colonialization of Islam: Dissolution of Traditional Institutions in Pakistan. Lahore: Vanguard Books, 1996. Malik, Jamal and Hinnells, John (eds.). Sufism in the West. London: Routledge, 2006. Malik, Jamal. The Literary Critique of Islamic Popular Religion in the Guise of Traditional Mysticism, or the Abused Women. Die Welt Des Islam, New Series, Vol.35, Issue 1 (Apr. 1995), pp.70-94. 30-10-2009. Malik, Jamal. Waqf in Pakistan: Change in Traditional Institution, p. 97, Die Welt des Islams, New Series, Brill, Bd. 30, Nr. 1/4 (1990), pp. 63-97. Stable Resource: Jstor.

217

Martin Heidegger. The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays. Trans. William Lovitt. New York: Colophon Books, 1977. Metcalf, Barbara Daly. Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860-1900. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Melton, J. Gordon., and Baumann, Martin. edt. Religions of the World, Second Edition: A Comprehensive Encyclopedia. California: Santa Barbara Publications, 2010. Minault, Gail. The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India. New York: Columbia University Press, 1982. Mir, Farina (2006).Genre and Devotion in Punjabi popular Narratives : Rethinking Cultural and Religious Syncretism‟. Comparative Studies in Society and History, 48(3), 727−758 Murphy, Anne. The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in Sikh History. Oxford University Press, 2012. Naeem, C.M. Syed Ahmad and His Two Books Called „Asar-al-Sanadid‟ Modern Asian Studies: pp. 1-40 Cambridge University Press 2010. Navtej and Virinder, Women's „popular‟ practices as critique: Vernacular religion in Indian and Pakistani Punjab,p.389. Women's Studies International Forum 33, 2010. Nasr, Vali Reza. Islamic Leviathan: Islam and the making of State Power. New York: OUP, 2001. Nasr, Vali Reza. Mawdudi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism. OUP, 1996. Nicholson, Reynold A. The Mystics of Islam. New York: Penguin Books, 1989, first published 1914. O‟Hanlon and Washbrook, “After Orientalism: Culture, Criticism, and Politics in the Third World”, Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Jan., 1992), pp. 141-167, Jstore: http://www.jstor.org/stable/178988. Oberoi, Harjot. Popular Saints, Goddesses, and Village Sacred Sites: Rereading Sikh Experience in the Nineteenth Century, History of Religions, 31:4 (1992), University of Chicago Press. Oberoi, Harjot. The construction of religious boundaries: Culture, identity and diversity in the Sikh tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994. Amitabh Pal, Islam Means Peace: Understanding The Muslim Principle of Nonviolence Today. California: Greenwood Publications, 2011.

218

Pervaiz, Ghulam Ahmed. Islami Muashrat. Lahore: Idara Tulu e Islam, 1979. Pervaiz, Ghulam Ahmed. Nizam e Rabubiat. Lahore: Tulu e Islam, 1954. Pervaiz, Ghulam Ahmed. Iblees wa Adam (Devil and Adam). Lahore: Idara e Tulu e Islam, 1983. Pnina Werbner and Helene Basu (eds). Embodying Charisma: Modernity, Locality and the Performance of emotion in Sufi Cults. London: Routledge, 1998. Qasmi, Ali Usman. God's Kingdom on Earth? Politics of Islam in Pakistan, 1947-1969, Modern Asian Studies / Volume 44 / Issue 06 / November 2010, pp 1197 1253 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X09000134, Published online: 04 May 2010. Qasmi, Ali Usman, Questioning the Authority of the Past: the Ahl al Quran Movements in Punjab. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011. Rahman, Fazlur. Islam. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1979 [1966]. Rattigan, W.H. A Digest of Civil Law for the Punjab chiefly based on the Customary Law, < http://punjabrevenue.nic.in/cust9.htm > Rehman, Justice Dr. Tanzil ur. Objectives Resolution and Its Impact on Pakistan Constitution and Law. Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1996. Rehman, Tariq. Language, Ideology and Power. Oxford University Press, 2002. Rizwi, Saiyid Athar Abbas. A History of Sufism in India. Vol.1. Lahore: Suhail Academy, 2004. Robert Rozehnal, Islamic Sufism Unbound: Politics and Piety in Twenty-first Century Pakistan. Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. Robinson, Francis. Islam South Asia and the West. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007. Robinson, Francis. Technology and Religious Change: Islam and the Impact of Print. Modern Asian Studies, Vol.27, No.1, Special issue: How Political and Cultural Information is collected, Defined, Used and Analyzed (Feb., 1993), pp.229-252. Cambridge University Press. Stable URL 13-05-2010. Saeed, K.B. Pakistan: The Formative Phase, 1857-1948. New York: Oxford university Press, 1968. Samad, Younas. A Nation in Turmoil: Nationalism and Ethnicity in Pakistan, 1937-1958. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1995.

219

Saqi, Dr. Mahmud Ahmad. Qutab-e-Lahore. Lahore: Idara Ahl-e-Sunnat wal Jamat, 2008. Sarah F. D. Ansari. Sufi Saints and State Power: The Pirs of Sind 1843-1947. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Schimmel, Annemarie The Mystical Dimensions of Islam. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975. Shahzad, Ghafir. Punjab Mai Khankahi Culture. Lahore: Fiction House, 2007. Shahzad, Ghafir. Data Darbar Complex: Tameer sai Takmeel Tak. Lahore: Book Home, 2004. Shamloo (ed.), Speeches and Statements of Iqbal. Lahore: Al-manar Academy, 1944. Sharda, S.R. Sufi Thought: Its Development in Punjab and Its Impact on Punjabi Literature. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1974. Sheikh, Farzana. Making Sense of Pakistan. London: Hurst and Co. publishers, 2009. Siddiqi, Abul Lais. Iqbal Aur maslak e Tasawwaf. Iqbal Academy Pakistan: Lahore, 1977. Siddiqui, Abu Lillais. Iqbal aur Maslak-e-Tasawwaf. Lahore: Iqbal Academy, 1977. Singh, Khushwant. A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II. New Delhi: OUP, 1999. Singh, Gurdit. Mera Pind. Chandigarh: Sahit Prakashan, 1965. Stokes, Eric. The English Utilitarians and India. London: Oxford University Press, 1959. Strothman, Linus. Giving Comfort, Dispelling Fear: Social Welfare At The Shrine Of Data Ganj Bukhsh In Lahore, Pakistan , p.51, Erdkunde, Vol. 67- No. 1- pp.49–61. Subhan, J.A. Sufism: Its Saints and Shrines. Luckhnow: Luckhnow Publishing House, 1938. Talbot, Ian. Punjab and the Raj. OUP, 1988. Talbot, Ian. Pakistan: A Modern History. London: Hurst and Company, 1998. Tariq, A. R. (ed.). Speeches and Statements of Iqbal (Lahore: Sheikh Ghulam Ali, 1973). Thorburn, S.S. Musalmans and Money Lenders in the Punjab. Lahore: Book Traders, 1858. Trimingham, Spencer. The Sufi Orders in Islam. New York: Oxford University Press, 1971. Troll, Christian W. (ed.), Muslim Shrines in India: Their Character, History and Significance. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989. Yong, Tan Tai. The Garrison State: The Military Government and Society in Colonial Punjab, 1849-1947. Lahore: Vanguard Books, 2005. Waseem, Muhammad. Politics and State in Pakistan. Lahore: Sange-Meel Publications, 1989.

220

Unpublished PHd Thesis

Hussain Ahmed Khan, Artisans, Sufis and Colonial Art Institutions In Nineteenth-Century Punjba, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Singapore, 2012. Marianne Elizabeth Warren, The Maharashtrian Sufi Context of Hazrat Sri Sai Baba of Shirdi (1838-1918), PhD Dissertation, University of Toronto, Center for South Asian Stidies, 1996. Uzma Rehman, (2008). Sufi shrines and identity-construction in Pakistan: The mazars of Saiyid Pir Waris Shah and Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai. Ph.D. thesis. University of Copenhagen, Denmark. Warren, Marianne Elizabeth. The Maharashtrian Sufi Context of Hazrat Sri Sai Baba of Shirdi (1838-1918), PhD Dissertation, University of Toronto, Center for South Asian Studies, 1996.

Internet Sources Friday Times, http://www.thefridaytimes.com/beta2/tft/article.php?issue=20120203&page=3#sthash.pyFLqeJl. dpuf. History Today, http://www.historytoday.com Oxford Dictionaries, http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/ideology Essay by Muhammad Din Fauq, http://www.kashmirdispatch.com/others/05078557-mohammad- ud-din-fauq-remembering-the-first-journalist-of-kashmir.htm UK National Archive, http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ Pakistan Legal Acts, http://ns-1.pap.gov.pk/laws/797.html UNESCO Report, http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0013/001357/135776eo.pdf Essay about Shah Chiragh Complex, http://www.urbanpk.com/forums/index.php/topic/11950-lahore-shah-charag-complex/> Punjab Law Department: http://punjablaws.gov.pk/

221

GLOSSARY

Akhri Chahar Shamba- The last Wednesday of the month of Safar, the second month of the Muslim calendar. The day is observed with respect by Muslims, in general, as the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) felt better after suffering from serious illness. However the illness persevered and turned out fatal for the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). Astana- The abode of a living sufi Adab- Manners. Adab literature in Sufism describes the conducts of the followers of Sufis. Asar al-Sanadid- Remains of the past splendour. Ashrafia- Elite. Awliya- Sufi, or Muslim mystic. Badshah- king. Balahar – a community of agriculturists in medieval India, who were sharecropper and peasant proprietor. Baradari- literally means brotherhood. It denotes a variety of meanings extended family or tribe, a community which associates itself with the same place or profession. Baraka- Blessing powers of a Sufi given by God. Bayyath- A pledge to a Sufi for following the Sufi teaching. Bida- Any new thing which was originally not part of the religious tradition (Islam), and it contradicted the basic principles of the faith. Chaudheri- The village elder. Chishtiyya Silsila- The Chishti Sufi order was founded in India by Moinuddin Chishti Ajmari (1141-1230). Chishti Sufis believe that the divine experience and the experience of remembering God is possible through dhikr and sama. Dallal- Middleman. Dargah- Normally used for Sufi shrine. Dhamal- Sufi trance dance for experiencing the union with divine. Dhikr- reciting pious formulae for remembering God. Eid Milad un Nabi- Celebration of the birth of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) Fakir- derived from fakr (poverty), used for Muslim ascetic, wandering dervish, who taught Islam and lived on alms.

230

Fitna- causing chaos or problems among people, distracting them from religion or their traditions. Futuh- used for Arab-Muslim conquests and is also used for gifts, I have used in the latter sense. 300 Futuwwa- literally meaning youth or chivalry. In medieval period, futuwwa organizations, comprising different professional groups, volunteers and communities emerged in various parts of the Muslim world, to fight against injustice and evil. Giyarwi Sharif- A sacred day to commemorate birth of a famous sufi saint of Baghdad, Abdul Qadir Jilani (1077-1166 AD). Haal- An experience of divine presence. Humago- literally means everything. In the nineteenth century, Punjabi artisans used it for a design of a tree with a various fruits, vegetables and flowers. Humaost- Everything is He (God). It was a Persian Sufi concept according to which everything is created by God and would merge in him. Jagirdar- Jagir was a feudal land grant given by kings, and holder of that land grant was jagirdar. Jogi-normally used for a Hindu mystic. Karkhana- medieval craft establishment responsible for producing craft products (carpets, weapons, dresses, pottery, etc.) for the use of courts and military. These articles were rarely marketed. Kashigar- Potter, tile maker and decorator. Khalifa- Spiritual successor of a Sufi. Khanqah- a building where Sufis, their followers and journeymen could reside, discuss and practice Sufism. Such buildings were normally adjoined to Sufi shrines, mosques, madrassa (school). Madrassa- religious school. Mela- festival. Mistri- builder. Muhalla- residential area. Mureed- Follower of a Sufi.

231

Naqqashi- Wall painting. Naqshbadiyya- Bahaduddin Naqshband (b. 1317) founded the naqshbandiyya Sufi order. He was born in Bukhara. Qadiriyya- Qaderiyya Sufi trace their order to an Iranian mystic, Shah Abdul Qadir Jilani (1070-1166). Qasba- Small town. 301 Qazi- judge. Rohani- Spiritual. Sama- Sufi music/songs. Shari or Shara- Literally means a path. However, it means, commonly, the elaborated rules and laws, given by the prophet Muhammad (PBUH), for spending life. Sufi- Muslim mystic. Suharwardiyya-the Sufi order founded by a Persian Sufi, Abu Najeeb Suharwardi (1097- 1168). They are Sunni Muslims and follow Shafi’ school of thought. Tahsildar- Revenue officer. Tehqeeqat- Research Takia- A temporary abode of a mystic or sufi. Tariqat- A way or path of a mystic for the search of truth. It is considered to be an essential element of Tasawwuf. Tasawwuf- Sufism or the inner, mystical dimension of Islam. Taweez- charm, talisman. Tazkara- A biographical account of a sufi-saint. Waqf- Endowments Waqif- Waqf maker

232