The Universities of the Renaissance and Reformation Author(S): Paul F

The Universities of the Renaissance and Reformation Author(s): Paul F. Grendler Source: Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 57, No. 1 (Spring, 2004), pp. 1-42 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Renaissance Society of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1262373 Accessed: 24-08-2015 21:00 UTC

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This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 24 Aug 2015 21:00:10 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE 2003 JOSEPHINE WATERS BENNETT LECTURE e Universitieso the Renaissance andRe,formation*

hy PAUL F. GRENDLER

European universitieshad great intellectualand religiousinfluence in the Renaissanceand Reformationand exhibitedconsiderable variety. Italian universitiestaught law and medicineto doctoralstudents. Their loose organizationmade itpossibleforprofessorsto produce original researchin law, medicine,philosophy, and the humanities.Northern European universities concentratedon teachingarts to undergraduates,while theology was themost important graduate faculty.Their stronger structure enabledMartin Luther and otherprofessorsoftheology in German, Dutch,Swiss, and Englishuniversities to createand lead theProtestant Reformation. By theearly seventeenthcentury universities everywhere were in decline.

persistentview holds thatRenaissance universities were conservative homes of outmodedknowledge. Professors droned on about Aristotle when theyshould have been teachingCopernicus and Galileo. Innovative researchand religiousrevolution went on outsidethe lecture halls. Students came to the universityonly to get the all-importantarts or law degreethat would givethem entry into the expanding bureaucracies of government,the importantareas of life. Once in theuniversity, they spent their time brawling and layingsiege to thevirtue of thewomen of thetown. So goes a stereotyp- ical judgmenton Renaissanceuniversities. Nothing could be furtherfrom the truth.Universities across Europe playedextraordinarily significant roles in the Renaissanceand the Reforma- tion. They hostedinnovative research in manyfields and changedforever European religionand society.They werestrife-ridden but seldom boring. Universitiesand theirprofessors may have had greaterinfluence on societyin the Renaissanceand Reformationthan in any era beforeor since. That in- fluenceendures to this day. This lectureexplores some of the roles that universitiesplayed in the Renaissanceand Reformation.

.This is an expanded versionof theJosephine Waters Bennett Lecture delivered at the RenaissanceSociety of America meeting in Toronto,Ont., on 28 March 2003. The mostim- portantchange is theaddition of theappendix documenting the university careers of religious leadersof the ProtestantReformation. For some of the pointsmade in the text,only a small numberof referenceschosen among manysources could be included.I am gratefulto professors ChristophLathy, James McConica, Charles Nauert,and Erika Rummel foranswering questions,and to professorsAnn Moyerand Arjo J. Vanderjagtfor providing me withhard- to-locatescholarly materials.The following abbreviation is used: OER = The OxfordEncyclo- pedia oftheReformation. Editor-in-chief Hans J. Hillerbrand.4 vols. New York,1996.

RenaissanceQuarterly 57 (2004): 1-42 1 1 1

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1. THE MAP OF EUROPEAN UNIVERSITIES RenaissanceEurope inheritedfrom the Middle Ages twenty-ninefunction- ing universitiesin 1400 (see fig.1). It thencreated twenty-eight new ones in thefifteenth century, almost doubling the total (see fig.2). Anothereighteen universitiesappeared between1500 and 1625, makinga totalof seventy- three,as two disappeared(see fig.3). The new universitiesappeared everywhere,but especiallyin centralEurope. Between 1400 and 1625, Spain added eight,France nine, the present-dayNetherlands and Belgiumthree universities,Switzerland two, Italy seven, and thepresent-day Germany fourteen. Scotland,which had no medievaluniversities, now had four.Scan- dinavia,which lacked universitiesin the Middle Ages,established the universitiesof Copenhagen and Uppsala. Only Englanddid not foundany new universitiesin theRenaissance. But bothOxford and Cambridgeadded sev- eralnew colleges. Renaissancerulers and citygovernments created new universitiesbe- cause theybelieved that society would benefitfrom university learning, and because Europeansthirsted for knowledge. On 4 March 1391, Pope Boni- faceIX issueda bull authorizingthe establishment of a universityin Ferrara. In grandiloquentlanguage, it explained thata universitywould produce men of matureadvice, crowned and decoratedin virtue,and learnedin the Principles of differentsubjects. Further, the community would have a flow- ing fountainto quench the thirstof all who desiredlessons in lettersand science.' Other bulls forother universities echoed such sentiments,some- timesin thesame words.2 Princesand leadersof citygovernments believed that scholarly expertise and analysiswere needed to resolvedifficulties, to createsolutions, and to at- tain desired goals. Humanism was essential to this attitude; its critical perspectiveand habitof seeking knowledge and inspirationfrom the ancient worldhonored and supportedscholarly investigation. Men also came to universitiesin orderto acquirethe degrees and marketableskills enabling them to securegood positionsin society.But thekind of marketabletraining that universitiesoffered was scholarlyanalysis, the abilityto thinkcarefully and

"Ut virosproducant consilii maturitate perspicuos, virtutum, redimitos ornatibus ac di- versarumfacultaturn dogmatibus eruditos, sitque ibi scientiarumfons irriguisde cuius plentitudinehavriant universi litterarum cupientes imbui documentis."The textof the bull "In supremedignitatis" is found in Balboni, 23, and the bull is reproducedon 24 and 25. However,Ferrara did not establisha teachinguniversity offering the rangeof universitysub- jects at thistime. It did in 1442. 2The foundationbull forthe Universityof Turin issued by the Avignoneseantipope BenedictXIII on 27 November1405 expressedthe same sentimentsin almostidentical language. The bull is foundin Vallauri,1:239-41; see 240 forthe nearlyidentical passage. The Universityof Turindid not begin teachinguntil 141 1 to 1413.

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FIGURE1. Universitiesinthe Renaissance in 1400.Adapted from Encyclopedia ofthe Renaissance.Ed. PaulE Grendleret al. 6 vols.New York, 1999, 6:190. Courtesyof CharlesScribner's Sons, New York. to applyanalytical reason to a problem.This was the deep universityfoun- tainthat quenched the thirstfor learning.

2. SOUTHERN AND NORTHERN UNIVERSITIES Southernand northernEuropean universities were very different from each other,although the differences are littleunderstood beyond the circle of historiansof universities.Organization, the relativeimportance of disciplines, the distributionof facultyand students,and the levelof instructionlargely determinedthe rolesthat southern and northernuniversities played in the Renaissanceand Reformation. All universitieshad some featuresin common.Latin was thelanguage of texts,lectures, disputations, and examinations.Professors lectured on the booksof Aristotle for logic, natural philosophy, and metaphysics.They corn-

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FIGURE 2. Universities in the Renaissance in 1500. Adapted fromEncyclopedia ofthe Renaissance. Ed. Paul E Grendler et al. 6 vols. New York, 1999, 6:190. Courtesy of Charles Scribner's Sons, New York. mented on the works of Hippocrates, Galen, and Avicenna for medicine. Professors of law made detailed examination of the Corpusjuris civilis and Corpusjuris canonici. Theologians lectured on Peter Lombard's Sententiarum libri quattuor and the Bible. And once universities welcomed the studio hu- manitatis into the curriculum, arts students heard lectures on Vergil, Cicero, and other ancient Latin and Greek humanistic authors. Students attended lectures on texts required by the statutes for several years before presenting themselves for degree examinations. Despite these common features, great differences separated southern European universities, especially those of Italy, from northern universities, above all, German and English institutions. Italian universities concentrated on law and medicine, while northern universities concentrated on theology and arts. The University of Bologna, the largest in Italy, had about forty professors of law and fourteen professors

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FIGURE 3. Universitiesinthe Renaissance in 1625.Adapted from Encyclopedia ofthe Renaissance.Ed. PaulE Grendleret al. 6 vols.New York, 1999, 6:190. Courtesyof CharlesScribner's Sons, New York.

ofmedicine, plus twenty-one in arts subjects (humanities, logic, philosophy, andmathematics), but no theologians,in the1470s. This grew to forty-five professorsof law, twenty-eight professors of medicine,and twenty-fivein arts,and still no theologians,in the1520s. Even in thelast third of the sixteenthcentury, when the size of its professoriate had declined a little,and the influenceof the Council of Trent was evident, Bologna still had thirty professorsof law, twenty-one professors of medicine, eighteen professors in 3 otherarts subjects, and onlyone to fourtheologians. Small Italian uni versitiesalso concentratedon lawand medicine.The Universityof Naples hada facultyof fifteen professors inthe sixteenth century, consisting of eight legists,two professors of medicine,three philosophers, one humanist,and

3 Grendler,2002, 8-9 (table), 15, 18.

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4 one theologian.In short,about seventy-five percent of Italianprofessors taughtlaw and medicine, another twenty percent taught arts, and fivepercent,at most,taught theology. Bycontrast, northern universities taught little law and medicine.Ger- manuniversities typically had only three or four professors of bothlaw and medicinein thesixteenth century in facultiesof twenty and more. This was thecase at theuniversities of Vienna, Heidelberg, and Leidenin thesix- teenthcentury, and Giessenin theearly seventeenth.' English universities taughteven less law and medicine. For example, Oxford had only one or two lecturersin medicineand a singlelaw professor at anygiven year in thesix- teenthcentury.6 Differencesin thequality of instruction and researchin lawand med- icineaccompanied the disparity in numbers.For example,Italian universitieshad used public anatomies for teaching purposes since about 1300. Bycontrast, the first known dissection of a humanbody at theUniversity ofParis occurred in thelate 1470s, and thefirst known public anatomy at 7 theUniversity of Heidelbergin 1574. Onlyin 1572 did newstatutes of theUniversity of Wittenberg require medical students to examinedissect- ed bodies.'Andthe differences in the quantity and qualityof publications

'Ibid., 44. See also the Universityof Catania, which had fivelegists, one professorof medicine,two philosophers,one humanist,and no theologiansin 1485. The Universityof Macerata had seven or eightprofessors of law, one professorof medicine,one philosopher, one logician,and one theologianin the late sixteenthcentury. Ibid., 107, 112. 5For example,the revisedstatutes of 1558 forthe Universityof Heidelbergallowed for fourprofessors of law, threein medicine,three in theology,and fivein arts,for a totalof fifteen.Maag, 15 5. This was an averagefaculty complement for the sixteenthcentury, as can be seen in the summarylists of professorsin DrUll, 569-97. The Universityof Vienna in 1537 and 1554, theUniversity of Heidelbergin 1591, and theUniversity of Giessen in 1607 all had fourprofessors of law and threeof medicine,in facultiesof eighteento twentys-threeprofes- sors. Freedman, 132-35. The Universityof Leiden had six professorsof law, three in medicine,six in arts,and two in theologyin 1590. Maag, 177-78. One caution is in order.It is oftendifficult to determinethe numberof artsteachers in German and Englishuniversities, because many did not have specificappointments. Some wereadvanced students, often clergymen in training,who had obtainedbachelor's or master5s degreesand thentaught for a shortperiod while theypursued advanced degrees, especially in theology.English universities had a regentsystem, in which MA studentswere requiredto teachfor a yearor two upon completionof the MA degree,unless they bought their way out of the requirement,as manydid. The regentsystem was decliningin the sixteenthcentury. The overallpoint is clear:there was a considerableamount of arts teaching and manyteachers, but not at an advanced level. 'For medicineat Oxford,see Lewis. For law,see Barton. 'For Paris, Alston, 230-31; and Park, 1995, 114-15, n. 16. For Heidelberg, see Nutton,96. 'Urkundenbuch,382. Since nothingwas said about a public anatomy,it is not clearhow studentswould have bodies to study.

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in medicineproduced by Italian professors ofmedicine, and northern Euro- peanprofessors of medicine, in thefifteenth and sixteenthcenturies, were equallygreat. The disparityin lawwas much the same. Beginning with Bar- tolo da Sassoferrato(1313-57) and Baldo degliUbaldi (1327?-1400), generationafter generation of famous Italian legists taught in Italianuniver- sities.They filled huge tomes with their treatises and lefttens, possibly hundredsof thousands of consilia, advisory opinions on casesundertaken by others.Italian universities conferred more doctorates of law, either in ut- roqueiure (in bothlaws), civil law alone, or canonlaw alone, than all other degreescombined.' By contrast, Oxford lacked famous professors of law.'o Instead,young men with bachelors' degrees who lectured, sometimes irreg- ularly,as partof the requirements for the doctoral degree delivered most of theinstruction. Oxford conferred only a handfulof law and medicinedoc- toratesin thesixteenth century. In short,Italian universities had in abun- dancewhat most northern universities lacked: a largecadre of scholars of medicineand law,many of them distinguished or at leastconvinced that theywere distinguished, who taught and advanced their careers by research and publication. Germanand Englishuniversities emphasized arts and theology.A majorityof the professors in Germanuniversities taught arts, which included thehumanities, logic, and philosophy, but not medicine. Arts and theology professorstogether typically comprised two-thirds ofthe professoriate." For example,the University ofWittenberg had twenty-one teachers in arts, eight forcanon and civillaw, three in medicine,and fivein theologyin 1507. Mostof the arts instructors were not professors holding advanced degrees,

9 For example,at the Universityof Siena seventy-sevenpercent of the degreesawarded were in law, seventeenpercent in arts (mostlymedicine), and six percentwere in theology, between 1484 and 1579. At the Universityof Pisa seventypercent of the degreesawarded werein law, nineteenpercent were in arts(mostly medicine), and elevenpercent in theology between1543 and 1600. It should be noted thatthe numberof theologydegrees rose sharply in the last thirtyyears of the century.At the Universityof Macerata,the figureswere seventy- fivepercent law degrees,eight percent arts degrees, and seventeenpercent theology degrees, between 1541 and 1600. Macerata, founded in 1540-41, conferredmore theologydegrees thanexpected because it did not confermany degrees until the lastthirty years of the century, when theologydoctorates were farmore numerousthan in earlierdecades. Grendler,2002, 50, 765 116. "The onlyprofessor of law (civillaw) of anydistinction at Oxfordin the sixteenthcen- turywas Alberico Gentili (1522-1608). an Italian Protestantrefugee, who held a regius professorshipof law from1587 untilhis death. He did not alwayslecture regularly, and he lived in London in his last years.However, he did publish extensively.A practitionerof humanisticjurisprudence, he published his most famous work, De iure belli, in threeparts between1589 and 1598. Barton,261, 265-665 289-93. "Freedman, 132-35.

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but studentsstudying for advanced degrees, often in theology.In 1536, the Universityof Wittenberg had fourprofessors of theology,three in medicine, fourin law,and elevenin arts,of whom manywere advanced students." The distributionof studentsby disciplineparalleled the distribution of professors.It is likelythat fifty to sixtypercent of thestudents at Italianuni- versitiesstudied law, thirtyto fortypercent studied arts(which included medicine),and less thanten percentstudied theology in the sixteenthcen- 13 tury. By contrast,eighty percent of the studentsin Germanuniversities in theperiod 1348 to 1506 werein arts,studying for bachelor's degrees. Ten to fifteenpercent studied law, mostly canon law.Three to ninepercent studied theology,and one or two percentstudied medicine.' Althoughthe percentageof the studentbody studyingtheology was similarin Italianand Germanuniversities, the position of theologywas very different.Professors and studentsof theology were central to theeducational missionand influentialin Germanuniversities, but marginaland lackingin- fluencein Italian universities.Theology was the major graduatestudy in Germanuniversities. Its professors and studentslived physically and intellec- tuallyin the centerof the university.But Italianstudents of theologylived and heardmost lectures in local monasteriesof the medievalorders, where theirprofessors - mostlyDominicans and Franciscans- livedand taught. Theologywas mostly"off campus physicallyand intellectually.

"Urkundenbuch,14-17, 167-69; Schwiebert,1950, 256-57. "These figurescan only be estimatesfor several reasons. Matriculation records for Ital- ian universitiesdo not survivefor the fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies. Nor can one estimate the distributionof studentsby looking at the numberof professorsin each discipline.The numberof law studentswas a lowerpercentage of totalstudent enrollment than the number of law degreesawarded was a percentageof all degreesconferred, because law studentswere morelikely to obtain degreesthan otherstudents. Although expensive to obtain,a doctorate of law was a valuable credential.A furthercomplication arises from the factthat Italian uni- versityterminology did not distinguishbetween medicine and otherarts subjects, such as philosophyand humanities.All were"arts." The overwhelmingmajority of artsdegrees were doctoratesof medicine.But a significantnumber of studentsconcentrated on otherarts subjects and thentook medical doctoratesor did not obtain degrees.For example,a numberof Italianprofessors of philosophyand humanitieslacked doctorates.This meantthat the number of artsstudents was higherthan the numberof medicaldoctorates conferred. Hence, law did not dominatestudent enrollment as much as the numberof degreesconferred suggested. Indeed, observersof the Universityof Padua noted thatonce in a while,the numberof arts studentswas higherthan the numberof law students.Grendler, 2002, 34, 36. Of course,this was unusual.The closestcorrelation between degrees awarded and numberof studentswas in theology,because thedegree was so clearlya professionaldegree of use onlyto clergymen,es- peciallymembers of religiousorders. 14 Schwinges,2000, 47. This shortarticle presents an Englishsummary of detailed researchin Schwinges,1986, esp. 465-86. See also Siraisi,57, 202 note I 1.

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The secondmajor difference is that Italian universities taught students at graduateand professionallevels, while northern universities, especially Englishand Germanuniversities, taught mostly undergraduates seeking bachelor'sdegrees. The bachelor'sdegree had disappearedin Italianuniver- sitiesby about 1400. Hence, students at Italianuniversities sought doctoral degrees.The licentiate,or authorization to teachanywhere in Christendom, wasnot considered a terminal degree but an appendageto thedoctorate. It 15 wasnormally conferred atthe same time as thedoctorate. In starkcontrast, thelargest number of graduatesin northernEuropean universities were youngmen for whom the bachelor of arts was the terminal degree. English andGerman universities conferred a very small number of doctorates in law and medicinein thefifteenth and sixteenthcenturies. This is whymany northernstudents, bachelor of arts in handor with equivalent preparation, cameto Italyfor doctorates in law and medicine. On theother hand, northernuniversities did confera significantnumber of doctorates in theology. The factthat the students in Italianuniversities obtained doctorates in lawand medicine, while the overwhelming majority at northern universities obtainedbachelor of arts degrees, meant that students pursued different ca- reersafter graduation. Students emerging from Italian universities with doctoratesof law became lawyers, judges, and administrators in civil and ec- clesiasticalchanceries, especially the Roman curia, which absorbed a large numberof law graduates. Those with medical doctorates received permis- sionto practice from local colleges of physicians and entered private practice, or Italiantown governments hired them as communalphysicians. In north- ernEurope, a largenumber of bachelorsof arts became teachers in Latin schools. The linksbetween regional university, bachelor of arts graduates, and municipalschools could be closeand tight.The rolethat the University of Pragueplayed in staffingthe Latin schools of the Kingdom of Bohemia is il- luminating.Bohemia needed about 300 teachersto staffits 114 municipal Latinschools between 1570 and 1620.Town councils wanted their teachers to bewell prepared in arts, to have a commandof the Czech language, and to be Protestant.In orderto guaranteea supply of well prepared teachers, the townsconceded the power to appointtheir teachers to therector of the Uni- versityof Prague, who chose them from the bachelor of arts graduates of his university.The accordwent beyond the power to make initial appointments. Ifa youngteacher performed well, the university rector had the authority to appointhim to teachat a schoolin a biggertown when a vacancyoccurred. Consequently,some teachers started in isolatedtowns, then moved to larger

15 Grendler,2002, 172-74.

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townscloser to Prague,where they might combine teaching with study for themaster of artsdegree. Prague graduated an averageof thirty-threebache- lorsof artsannually between 1601 and 1620, and about ninetypercent im- 16 mediatelybecame teachersin Bohemia. The agreementguaranteed a supplyof qualifiedteachers to the towns. But it offeredbenefits to thegraduates as well.The prospectof a good teach- ingjob at theend of theirstudies probably spurred students to performwell and to completetheir degrees. Since the rectormade appointments,young teacherswould not be completelyunder the thumbof the towncouncil or the local minister.In addition,the arrangementfacilitated a good deal of geographicaland socialmobility for the students turned teachers. They often came frommiddle class families,acquired bachelor of artsdegrees, then taughtin differenttowns from those of theirbirth. Some rosein thesociety of theiradopted townsto become membersof towncouncils, especially if theymarried locally. Overall, the arrangement demonstrated the close links betweena mostlyundergraduate university and thelarger society. The thirdmajor difference between Italian universities and mostnorthern European universitieswas organizationand cohesiveness.Northern universities,especially German universities,were highly organized, by Re- naissancestandards. They had senatesempowered to makeacademic policy. They had professorialrectors or deans who led significantparts of the university,such as the facultyof theology.Senates, rectors, and deans had real authorityover curriculum and teaching."A hierarchyof senate,rectors and deans,permanent professors, and mastersof artswho taughtundergraduate artscourses, existed. Some northernuniversities had furthercoherence because theywere closely linked to religiousorders. Before the Reformation the Universityof Wittenbergwas closelylinked to the AugustinianHermits, who providedprofessors, students, and a residence.Undergraduate resi- dencessupervised by live-in teachers helped unite teachers and students.The numberof permanentprofessors at mostnorthern universities - Pariswas an obviousexception - was small,sometimes as fewas tento fifteen,which also aided cohesion.The northernuniversity was much morelikely to be a communityof teachersand studentsthan an Italianuniversity. As a result,it was in a positionto speak and act as a body,so long as its memberswere in agreementor followeda leader." "Pes'ek forthis and the followingparagraph. "For a descriptionof the organizationof the Universityof Wittenberg,see Schwiebert, 1996,223-37. "Anotherdifference between Italian and Germanuniversities was thatGerman princes insertedthemselves more directly, deeply, and frequentlyinto the affairsof the universitiesin theirstates than did Italianprinces and citygovernments. This was particularlynoticeable af-

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ButItalian universities had hardly any organization and were not cohe- siveacademic communities. No facultysenate and no rectorwith power over curriculumand faculty existed." The professorswere more senior in age and accomplishmentsthan those at northernuniversities, partly because Italian universitieslacked regents, that is, young masters of arts required to teachfor a yearor twobefore they could get on withtheir lives. Almost all professors in Italianuniversities held doctorates and enjoyedlifetime tenure from the firstannual contract." There were no undergraduateresidences to supervise. Professorsdid not come together for degree examinations. Professional asso- ciations,that is, colleges of doctors of law, medicine, or theology,examined degreecandidates. The membershipof thesecolleges included some profes- sorsbut a muchlarger number of local lawyers, physicians, or clergymen withdoctoral degrees from the local university. Nor did Italianuniversities haveinstitutional links with religious orders. Indeed, law and medicine pro- fessorsoften viewed with condescension the one or twomembers of the regularclergy from local monasteries who taught theology in theuniversity. Finally,the size of major Italian universities, with forty to onehundred permanentprofessors, worked against community. Probably the only time that professorscame together was theformal opening of theacademic year, at whichtime the humanist professor orated about the benefits of learning and inspiredor boredhis colleagues. As a consequence,individual professors, especially the stars in lawand medicine,had almostcomplete autonomy. They had to followthe broad curricularprescriptions ofstatutes in theirteaching, such as lecturingon Ar- istotle'sPhysics in naturalphilosophy. But that was all: there were many ways terthe Reformation began, as Germanprinces imposed new statutes and confessions of faith, madecurricular changes, and invited in or forced out professors. By contrast, although Italian princesand citycouncils exercised ultimate control, they made few direct interventions and generallyheld the university at arm's length. An interveningmagistracy made appointments, determinedsalaries, and oversaw the daily affairs. The factthat several important Italian uni- versitieswere located beyond the capital cities (e. g.,the university ofthe Venetian state was in Padua,that of Lombardy was in Pavia,that of the Florentine state in Pisaafter 1543, while Bolognawas themost important university of thepapal state) further separated prince and university. "Italianuniversities had electedstudent rectors who led thestudent organizations. Sometimesthe student rectors also taught. But by the early sixteenth century, their power to choosea handfulof junior faculty members in some universities had disappeared. By the middle ofthe sixteenth century, student organizations in Italianuniversities were generally so unimportantthat rector positions sometimes went unfilled. Grendler, 2002, 158. 2'AlthoughItalian university appointments were for one or twoyears, occasionally four years,without guarantee of renewal, they were almost always renewed at thesame or higher salariesuntil the professor departed or died. Ibid., 160.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 24 Aug 2015 21:00:10 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 12 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY ofteaching Aristotle. The bestones spent their time writing and publishing, therebyacquiring great reputations in theirfields. Some Italian professors commandedloyalty from their students and won the friendship ofmembers ofthe government. But this did not translate into university cohesion. As of- tenas not,star professors were at loggerheadswith colleagues in thesame discipline.Indeed, the concurrent system, i.e., the practice of having two or moreprofessors lecture on thesame text at the same hour, encouraged bitter rivalries. The differentstructures ofItalian and German universities helped to de- terminetheir impact on Europeanlearning, religion, and society. The lackof structurein Italianuniversities made it possiblefor individual scholars to produceoriginal research, a scarcely noticed form of Renaissance individu- alism.And theydid. The listof their accomplishments in law, medicine, philosophy,mathematics, and thehumanities is verylong. German univer- sitieswere structured to makeit possiblefor the university to introduce changeinto religion and society.That is whatthe University ofWittenberg underthe leadership of Martin Luther did.

3. RESEARCH AND SCHOLARSHIP Renaissanceuniversities produced an enormousamount of innovative re- searchthat changed several fields of learningand whoseeffects lasted far beyondthe Renaissance. Research by university professors changed greatly medicine,mathematics, natural philosophy or science, the humanities, and, to a lesserextent, law. In theseareas, Italian universities led theway. Humanismwas the major agent of change in university research.2' But it wasmostly an indirectprocess. Leading Italian hum 'anists began to win uni- versityprofessorships in Italian universities in thesecond quarter of the fifteenthcentury. German humanists had a moredifficult time becoming facultymembers in Germanuniversities, because theologians often opposed theirentry into university faculties. Some of the battles were memorable. Butthe humanists succeeded in thefirst quarter of the sixteenth centur Y.22 However,humanities professors, often called professors of rhetoricand po- etry,had limited direct impact on Italianuniversities. Instead, professors in otherdisciplines used the method and approach of humanism to transform theirown disciplines. Humanistic training gave scholars the linguistic, philological,and historical skills to study the key works in theoriginal languages and to understandbetter the context. The criticalspirit of humanism, its tendencyto challengeold views, was even more important than philological

"This is also the view of Rflegg,1992, and Rflegg,1996, 33-39. 22 The bibliographyis verylarge. Start with Nauert; and Rummel,chap. 4.

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skills.For example, in Italy,humanistically trained professors of medicine sometimessneered at medievalmedical texts and revered the ancient texts of Galen.They sought out manuscripts and foundnew works. They were not contentwith medieval Latin translations ofGalen but used their knowledge ofGreek to producebetter Latin translations. Above all, the humanists were notcontent simply to followGalen. They sought confirmation ofwhat he wrotethrough their own anatomical studies. In time,they discovered Galen's inadequaciesand correctedthem. Eventually, their new research caused themto abandonmuch of Galen's physiology. 23 Thus,professors of medicineimbued with humanist values and armed withphilological skills created medical humanism, which led to greaterem- phasison anatomicalstudy, clinical medicine, and medical botany. In similar fashion,the humanistic quest to find, read, and translate into more accurate LatinAristotle's works produced "Renaissance Aristotelianisms" and much changein naturalphilosoph Y.2'The humanistic search for Greek mathematical textsinspired more sophisticated mathematical techniques. Led by AndreaAlciato (1 492-1 5 5 0), who taughtat theuniversities of Avignon, Bourges,Pavia, Bologna, and Ferrara,some legal scholars with humanistic trainingworked to achievea historicalreconstruction ofancient Roman law, andthen based their legal commentary on a betterunderstanding ofthe an- cienttexts. This was humanisticjurisprudence, or mosgallicus, because its centerwas in French universities, with German universities second in impor- tance.A professorof biblicalstudies in theout-of-the-way University of Wittenbergapplied humanist methodology and perspectivein hislectures 25 andresearch on theBible with original results. The keyitem was always the spiritof criticism that humanism engendered in thebest university scholars. In thatsense, humanism was thedriving force for innovation in university research. Allthe major creative professors invarious fields, from Andreas Vesalius (1514-64) and Giovannida Monte(1489-155 1), bothof whom taught at theUniversity of Padua in medicine,to GalileoGalilei (I 564-1642),who taughtmathematics atthe universities ofPisa and Padua, plus Martin Luther (1483-1546) and PhilippMelanchthon (1497-1560) at theUniversity of Wittenberg,had humanist training.

"The literatureon medical humanismis large.Start with Bylebyl, 1979 and 1985, and the studiesin Medical Renaissance. 14 "Renaissance Aristotelianisms" comes from Schmitt, 10-33. For mathematics, see Rose. For humanistic jurisprudence,see Kelley. These are only threeworks in large bibliographies. 15 The influenceof humanismon Lutherhas produced much scholarlydebate. Three scholarswho see it as significantare Junghaus; Spitz, 1996, StudiesVI-X; and Dost.

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4. WITHOUT UNIVERSITIES, No REFORMATION Italian universityprofessors changed scientific scholarship through innovativeresearch. German universities and professorschanged Europe by cre- atingthe Protestant Reformation. BerndMoeller, the well-known historian of the ProtestantReformation in Germany,made thestatement, "Without humanism, no Reformation."26 He was correct.But Moellershould have added anotherstatement: "With- out universities,no Reformation,"because university professors created and sustainedthe ProtestantReformation through its first century. The ProtestantReformation began as a common academic exercise,a proposeddisputation. Martin Luther had been concernedabout the indul- gence traffickingin and around Wittenbergsince 1514. This led him to examineand findwanting the biblical and theologicalsupport for indul- 21 gences. In late October 1517, Luther draftedNinety five Theses,or propositionsfor debate, concerning indulgences, in preparationfor a public disputationabout them.This was normalprocedure for a universitydispu- tation by a professorwho wished to attractattention to himselfand his views.Luther had engagedin previousdisputations in September1516 and April 1517, in whichhe attackedScholasticism.2' The ideas in theNinety- five Theses(or On thePower ofIndulgences) were revolutionary. But thetheses werewritten in academic disputationprose, which was just as drearyas it sounds.2' The numberof thesesthat Luther proposed to debatewas about averagefor a disputationled by a professor.Students might propose to de- fendonly fifteen to twentytheses (see figs.4 and 5)." GiovanniPico della Mirandola0 463-94) attractedwide attentionin 1487 becausehe offeredto defend900 theseswith unusual content. Becauseno earlycopy of Luther'snotice of thedisputation has survived, it is not knownwhether he proposeda date and time.Nor is it knownif the originalcopy was printedor handwritten(see figs.4 and 5). Sometimesthe announcementwith the thesesto be debatedwas printedand the place and

"'Ohne Humanismus keine Reformation."Moeller, 1959, 59; in English, Moeller, 1982, 36. 27 Brecht 1: 183-90. 28 Ibid., 1: 166-74. 2'For an Englishtranslation of theNinety-Five Theses, see Luther,489-500. See Brecht, 1: 192-99 fora summaryand commentary. 31 See Matsen; and Grendler,2002, 152-57, formore information,bibliography, and illustrationsof studentdisputation notices in Italianuniversities. On 27 April 15 17, Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt (1486-1541) published 151 theses against Scholasticism. On 4 September1517, Luther'sninety-seven theses against Scholasticism were disputed. Brecht, 1:170, 172.

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FIGURE4. Handwrittenannouncement ofdisputation by student Jacobus De Ferro Hispanusof 13 March1503 at the Universityof Bologna.Archivio di Statodi Bologna,Riformatori dello Studio,Dispute e ripetizionidi scolariper ottenere lettured'universita' 1487-1515, f. 175r.Courtesy of Archivio di Statodi Bologna.

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MW x

FIGURE 5. Printedannouncement ofdisputation by student Mattheus de Montibus Blanchorurnof 19 March1508 at theUniversity of Bologna.Archivio di Statodi Bologna,Riformatori dello Studio,Dispute e ripetizionidi scolariper ottenere lettured'universita' 1487-1515, f. 279r. Courtesy of Archivio di Statodi Bologna.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 24 Aug 2015 21:00:10 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION UNIVERSITIES 17 dateadded by hand. It is alsolikely, but not proven, that Luther posted the Ninety-FiveTheses on theuniversity's bulletin board, which was the wooden door of theCastle Churchof Wittenberg.After making his intentions known,Luther probably expected the disputation to takeplace in earlyNo- vember,after the two solemn feasts of All Saintsand All Souls, 1 and 2 November.While most disputations had onlylocal universityrelevance, therewas a growingtendency to usedisputations to reachbroader, but still limitedaudiences." So Luthersent a copyof the Ninety-Five Theses to thelocal archbishop,just as Picohad sent copies of his 900 thesesto thepope and others. 12 The disputationdid not take place. Had itoccurred, attendance would havebeen limited to membersof the university community and a fewout- siderswho understoodLatin and wereinterested enough to attenda disputationon abstracttheological points. Professors, students, and by- standerswould have engaged in a noisydebate lasting several hours and set- tlingnothing, just like sessions at theannual meeting of theRenaissance Societyof America, except that today's scholars are less garrulous and more polite.Some professors and students might have risen or fallen in reputation accordingto howwell - orloudly - theydisputed. It wasalso customary to mailcopies of the theses to professors and faculties of theology elsewhere. In due time,Luther might have received some comments in return.But probablynot very many. Luther was a relativelyyoung, unpublished profes- sorin a little-knownuniversity. Wittenberg was distant geographically and evenmore remote in prestige compared with Paris. But history is fullof sur- prises:an academicexercise that did nottake place launched the Lutheran Reformation. Muchmore important than the disputation that did nottake place was Luther'sposition in theuniversity and therole of the University ofWitten- bergin whatdid happen.Luther was a professorof biblical studies at the Universityof Wittenberg from the winter semester of theacademic year 1513-14until his death in 1546.He neverheld any other position, and he continuedto lecturedespite interruptions. Nevertheless, his teaching and writingset off a chainreaction among professors and studentsof theology. He taughtmany students, some of whom would become leaders of the Ref- ormation.They, in turn, also became professors oftheology and taught more students,who taught their students, and so on. Moreover,Luther's faculty

3'Brecht 1: 198-99, makes thispoint. 3'Althoughthis one did not takeplace, disputationsremained an essentialfeature of education at the Universityof Wittenberg.For example, universityrecords list twenty-two disputations,two with Lutherpresiding, from 29 September1538 through29 September 1539. Urkundenbuch,202-03.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 24 Aug 2015 21:00:10 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 18 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY colleagueswere initially his strongest and mostloyal supporters from the earliestdays of the Lutheran Reformation." Observers must have been sur- prised,because Renaissance professors were not renowned for supporting theircolleagues. Indeed, after Luther's death, his academic followers reverted to formand engaged in bitterdisputes with each other. The activitiesof the first four or five years of the Lutheran Reformation resembleda young faculty uprising. Led byLuther, professors and students engagedin what appears to havebeen a continuousseminar, as theydebated thefoundations of traditional Catholicism. That many taught and lived to- getherin thesame building must have encouraged this atmosphere. As in otherintellectual revolutions, neither Luther nor his followers could have predictedwhere their actions would lead. The UniversityofWittenberg reaped enrollment rewards for promoting theLutheran Reformation. Students and otherscame from all overGer- many,eastern Europe, and Scandinaviato hear Lutherand Philipp Melanchthon,who beganteaching at Wittenbergon 29 August1518. In earlyDecember 1520, an officialvisitor reported that about 400 students heardLuther's theology lectures and 500 to 600 studentsattended Melanch- thon'slectures." The lastfigure must have been nearly the entire student body.While enrollments plunged in other German universities as the Refor- mationspread, Wittenberg's soared, reaching one thousand and more in the 1540sand 1550s,probably the largest enrollment of any German university 35 inthose years. After studying at theUniversity ofWitten-berg, the students

"Colleagues of Lutherwho werestrong supporters include Johann Agricola, Nikolaus von Amsdorf,Viet Dietrich,Justus Jonas, Wenceslaus Linck, and PhilippMelanchthon. The exceptionwas AndreasBodenstein von Karlstadt,who began as a supporter,but by 1522 opposed him. Indeed, he was forbiddento publish in thatyear, and his public activitieswere limitedto teaching.He leftto become Professorof the Old Testamentat the Universityof Basel in 1534. See theAppendix for short biographies. 34 "So hab'ich gesternin magisterPhilipps lection fteilich bei 5 oder 600 auditores,un in doctorMartinus unter vierhundert auditores wenig befunden."Report of Georg Spalatinto Frederick,Elector of Saxony,no date but between3 and 7 December 1520. Urkundenbuch, 109. The matriculationnumbers support Spalatin's estimates. See nextnote. 35 This is an extrapolationfrom the semi-annualmatriculation figures found in Album. The annual numbersare summarizedin a tablein Schwiebert,1950, 605; and presentedyear byyear, 1502 through1540, in Aland, 217, n. I I 0, and 220, n. 164. Their countsvary a little. Aland adds matriculationfigures for the universitiesof Cologne, Erfurt,Leipzig, and Frankfurton der Oder. Wittenberg'snumerical superiority is clear.Wittenberg had 579 ma- triculantsin 1519 and about 400 in 1520. Matriculationsthen fell through most of the rest of the 1520s (only seventy-sixin 1526 and seventy-threein 1527), then rose steadilyin the 1530s, 1540s, and 1550s to a peak of about 800 in 1553. Since a studentneeded to enroll onlyonce in his academic career,the recordsdo not indicatethe size of the studentbody in a givenyear. Since the vast majorityof Wittenberg'sstudents were arts undergraduates, and it

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of professorsLuther and Melanchthon spread the Reformationthrough theirpreaching, by advising princes and citycouncils, and bydrafting Kirch- enordnungen(church orders) and Schulordnungen(school orders) for the new churchesin Germanstates. Aboveall, Luther'sfollowers became professors of theology. Eighty-eight leadersof the Lutheran,Calvinist, and SwissReformations were university professorsin the centuryfrom 1517 throughthe Synod of Dortrechtof 1618 and 1619. Anotherfourteen were teachers at theProtestant academies of Geneva, Zurich, Lausanne, Strasbourg,and elsewhere.Although these smallacademies did not conferdegrees, they taught some sub' pecially theology,at a universitylevel. In short,102 religiousleaders of the magiste- rialReformation were university professors or taughtat an advancedlevel in 16 major Protestantacademies. Like Luther,a largemajority of these men spentall or mostof theirprofessional lives as universityand academyprofes- sors. Although they also preached, acted as pastors, and oversaw the Lutheran,Calvinist, or SwissReformed churches in smallstates, they were primarilyprofessors. By contrast,no Anabaptistleader and onlytwo anti- 37 Trinitarianswere university professors. tookabout two years to obtain a bachelorof arts degree, it is reasonableto assumethat many studentsremained in residenceat leasttwo years, and thosewho camefor higher degrees stayedlonger. But many, many students did notstay long enough to obtaindegrees. In addition,students often attended two or three universities, staying a few months or a yearor so in each,before taking a degreein another university. And in the heady days of the early Lutheran Reformation,it is likelythat many came to seeand hearthe man who was setting Germany ablaze,but did not remain. If one multipliesthe annual matriculation records by the conser- vativenumber of 1.5, enrollments can be estimatedas 850 in 1519,600 in 1520,a lowof I IO in 15 27, a highof 1,200 in 15 5 3, andan averagebetween 400 and600. Butthese are only estimates.The mostimportant point is thatWittenberg in itspeak years probably had more studentsthan any other German university. 36 Thesestatements are based on an examinationof all thebiographies in OER.This ad- mirablework presents biographies of important Protestants from the present-day Germany, theNetherlands, Switzerland, France, England, Scotland, Italy, Spain, Austria, Hungary, the CzechRepublic (which was Bohemia in thesixteenth century), Slovakia, Poland, Denmark, Sweden,Finland, and Iceland. Excluding political leaders (kings, princes, and city leaders), as wellas artists,musicians, and humanistswho were Protestants but did notplay significant rolesin theReformation, 267 religiousfigures remained. Of these,eighty-eight were universityprofessors and fourteenwere professors at importantProtestant academies. See the Appendix.The 165 non-professorsincluded all the Anabaptists and all but two anti-Trinitar- ian or Unitarians(see thenext note). Othersexcluded are preachers,pastors, bishops, Protestantmartyrs, including several Anabaptists about whom little is known, and individuals whohad only local influence. A final comment: when it is rememberedthat a tiny,tiny number(perhaps .00 1%-.002% of the population) attended university, and the men who became professorseven fewer, the key role of universities and professors is really remarkable. 37 See Celio SecondoCurione and MatteoGribaldi in theAppendix.

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Wittenbergwas the mostimportant university of the ProtestantRefor- mationby a wide margin."Next came Heidelberg,which oscillated between Lutheranand Calvinistallegiance, Cambridge, which led theEnglish Refor- mation,and Leiden (founded1575), whichwas essentialto Calvinismand the Reformationin the Netherlands.The universitiesof Marburg,Tdbin- gen,and Oxfordalso contributedsignificantly. The GenevaAcademy played a unique rolein theCalvinist movement. Professorsof theology inside German universities, not outside as in Italy, createdand sustainedthe magisterial Reformation. The characterand structure of German universitiesmade this possible. Even though a German Protestantfaculty of theologynormally had onlythree to fiveprofessors, it was the most importantgraduate faculty and well organized.Luther and othersdid not haveto competewith numerous and prominentprofessors of law and medicinefor the attentionof colleagues,students, and outsiders. Had MartinLuther been an Italian- call himMartino Lutero - in an Ital- ian university,he would have attractedlittle attention. He probablywould not have been a universityprofessor at all. Most likelyhe would have spent his entirecareer lecturing to othermembers of his orderin a monastichouse of studies.He would not have had the stageand followingthat the Univer- sityof Wittenberg gave him. Exceptfor religious doctrines, the Reformationdid not changeuniver- sitiesvery much. Indeed, some Germanuniversities quietly restored subjects and textsjettisoned in the firstwave of Protestantreforms. For example, Wittenbergbrought back the teachingof canon law in a second round of universityreforms between 1533 and 1536.31Moreover, Protestant universities,whether Lutheran or Calvinist,continued to use Aristotelianscholastic methodto teachsuch subjectsas naturalphilosophy and ethics.Later in the century,they developed a ProtestantScholasticism to teachtheology.

5. PROFESSORS OF THE REFORMATION AfterLuther's death in 1546, intellectualleadership of the Reformation passed almostcompletely to professorsof theology.But withoutLuther to impose order,they behaved more and more like academics. They spent much time and energyattempting to best otherprofessors in rancorous theological quarrels.The split between the Gnesio-Lutherans(genuine Lutherans)and the Philippists(the moremoderate and accommodationist followersof Melanchthon),which began in 1548, was a harbingerof things to come. Lutherantheologians made valiantefforts to draftconfessions of

"Three good, succinctstudies of therelationship between universities and the Reforma- tion are Benrath,1966, reprintedas Benrath,1970, and Spitz, 1981 and 1984. '9LUck,76, 78, 82.

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faithand formulas of concord to healdivision, without great success. Mean- while,Calvinism grew and attractedfollowers from Lutheran ranks. Luth- erantheologians and princesbegan to viewthose within their own ranks whodisagreed on somedoctrinal issues as crypto-Calvinists,sometimes with goodreason. But the Calvinist community had no moresuccess in preserv- ingunity. The ArminianControversy inthe Dutch Reformed Church in the earlyseventeenth century exposed deep divisions within the Reformed community.The religiousleadership of professors of theology and universities cameat a price. It wasto be expectedthat professors at Catholicuniversities who pro- claimedallegiance to Protestantismwould lose theirposts. And whena universityturned Protestant, Catholic professors who refused to acceptthe newfaith were dismissed.4' But Protestant universities proved to be equally in- tolerantof other Protestants. Lutheran universities did notwant Zwinglians teachingtheology, Calvinists rejected Lutherans, Lutherans dismissed Cal- vinists,and Gnesio-Lutherans would not tolerate Philippist Lutherans. Professorsoftheology could not dismiss other professors, however much theymight have wished to do so. Butthey did draft confessions of faith and formulasof concord. Princes who accepted these formulas imposed them on theprofessors and clergyof their states. Many professors, especially theolo- gianswho could not accept the confessions, lost their jobs in thesecond half ofthe sixteenth century. A fewexamples illustrate the point. ViktorinStrigel (1 524-69), a PhilippistLutheran professor of theology at theUniversity ofJena in ErnestineSaxony, became embroiled in a bitter theologicalcontroversy with another professor there, Matthias Flacius 111yr- icus(1520-75). This led to theimposition of a doctrinalstatement by the ruler,Elector Johann Friedrich 11. Strigel refused to signand was briefly im- prisonedor placedunder house arrest for several months. He movedto the Universityof Leipzig, another Lutheran institution, in 1563. Butin 1567, he was suspendedfrom his Leipzig professorship on suspicionof holding Calvinistviews on theLord's Supper. He immediatelymoved to theCalvin- 41 istUniversity of Heidelberg,where he taughtuntil he died.

"For example,when the Universityof Tflbingenbecame Lutheranin 1534 and 1535, Catholic professorswere forced out. Mobley,83. But see the sad case of PhilippApian, professorof mathematics.In 1569 he losthis positionat the CatholicUniversity of Ingolstadt for being a Protestant.He was then hiredat the LutheranUniversity of Tflbingenin 1570, but lost his positionthere in 1583 forrefusing to signthe Formulaof Concord of 1577. Mobley, 221-23, 229, n. 268, 293. The note also listsseveral other Tflbingen professors who losttheir positionsfor religious reasons. Apian and Matteo Gribaldi Mofa (see Appendix) may have been theonly professors who lostpositions at both Catholic and Protestantuniversities for re- ligiousreasons. 41 See Strigeland Flacius Illyricusin theAppendix.

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Many professorslost theirpositions at the Universityof Heidelbergas the Palatinateoscillated between Lutheran and Calvinistallegiance. It had become stronglyCalvinist during the reignof ElectorFrederick III (ruled 1559-76). But when ElectorLudwig VI (ruled 1576-83) returnedthe Pa- latinateto Lutheranismin 1576, he insistedthat all professorsand students signa Lutheranoath of obedienceand swearallegiance to severalLutheran doctrinalstatements. Three theologianswere immediately dismissed, two professorsdeparted before being asked to sign the oath, and six professors refusedto sign and lost theirpositions, between 1576 and 1579. Since Heidelberg had only sixteenprofessors in 1569, it was a huge turnover. Lutheranprofessors were hired in theirplace. However,in 1583, Ludwig's brother,Johann Casimir, a Calvinist,began a nine-yearregency for Ludwig's underageson, the futureElector Frederick IV, duringwhich time he ruled the state.Now Lutheranprofessors were let go and Calvinistshired. Many studentsalso left.42 Luther'sown Universityof Wittenbergsaw severalprofessors dismissed or sufferother penalties for religious reasons in the last quarterof the century.In 1574, Elector August I (ruled 1553-86) had Caspar Peucer O 525-1602), a professorof medicine,imprisoned for crypto-Calvinism. He was not releaseduntil 15 8 6. In 15 8 1, professorshad to decide whether to sign the Formulaof Concord of 1577, designedto end the controversy betweenGnesio-Lutherans and Philippistsbut stronglyfavoring the former. Two jurists,two professorsof medicine,and one mathematicianchose to leave. But the nextruler, Elector Christian I (ruled 1586-91) favoredCal- vinism. PolykarpLeyser (1552-1610), a Lutheranprofessor of theology appointedin 1577 and a keyfigure in enforcingthe Lutheran position, was dismissedin 1587. The rulersof the 1590s again favoredLutheranism and moredismissals followed, including that of Samuel Huber (1 547-1624), for 43 his viewson predestination,in 1594. Niels Hemmingsen(1513-1600), a Lutheranand the mostimportant Danish Reformer,suffered the same fate.Appointed professor of Greekat the Universityof Copenhagenabout 1543, he became a professorof theologyin 1553. He was the mostprominent member of the universityand the

"See the biographiesof Johann Grynaeus, Thomas Ldber,Zacharias Ursinus,and Gi- rolamo Zanchi in the Appendix. See also Maag, 155-71, esp. 159-61; OER 2:216-17; Wolgast,24-54; and the biographiesof Heidelbergprofessors in DrUll,passim. In addition, DrUll,593-97, provideslists organized according to religiousaffiliation of all universitypro- fessorswho taughtthere between 1522 and 165 1. One can easilyfollow the changes. 43 See the biographyof Peucer in the Appendix. See also OER 2:117-21; 3:251-52, 255-61; 4:285-86. See also Friedensburg,263-345, 395-415; and Aland, 178-209, forthe long theologicalbattles at Wittenbergfrom the 1570s throughthe 1620s.

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authorof many works. However, he was dismissedfrom his positionin 1579 forbeing a crypto-Calvinistand forattacking the Gnesio-Lutheran position. He neverheld anotherprofessorship." These werenot theonly professors to lose theirpositions.

6. THE DECLINE OF UNIVERSITIES

Europeanuniversities enjoyed one of thegreatest and mostproductive peri- ods in theirhistory during the Renaissance and Reformation.They produced an enormousamount of innovativeresearch. They createda religiousrevolution. They enjoyeda near monopolyas educatorsof Europe3s scholarly, civic,and ecclesiasticalelites. They trainedan abundance of Latin school teachers.But theirsuccess did not continuein the seventeenthcentury. The causes of declineand loss of influencewere numerous. War, espe- ciallythe Thirty Years' War, whose tentaclesstretched across central Europe and entangledItaly, disrupted universities in manyplaces, especially in Ger- many.English universities suffered the upheavalsof civilwar, regicide, and the Puritanascendancy. Great ills,such as famineand plague in northern Italybetween 1629 and 1633, damagedthe society which supported universities. Internalproblems, such as increasedprofessorial absenteeism and studentbrawling, weakened universities.' In curricularmatters, universities hung on to theAristotelian synthesis too long. For example,Italian professorsof naturalphilosophy only discarded Aristotle for a moreexperimental approachto sciencein thelast half of the seventeenthcentury.'6 War,plague, studentbrawling, and intellectualconservatism were se- riousproblems but not new.Competition from other institutions of higher educationtipped the scale towarduniversal decline. Renaissance universities 47 -centuryuniversities had no significantcompetitors. But seventeenth did. New kindsof schools rose in bothCatholic and ProtestantEurope in thelast

44 OER 2:222-23; and Lyby and Grell, 117, 119-22, 125, 130; and biography in Appendix. 45 For example,Annibale Roero (no lifedates available) published in 1604 an accountof his careeras a law studentat the Universityof Pavia between1596 and 1602. He wrotethat all studentsshould carryswords and be willingto fight.Those who did not wereconsidered cowards. He mocked thosewho closed theireyes when hit in the face. The only reasonfor closingone's eyes was to avoid theblood spurtingfrom an opponent'swound. Roero, 133. For more on studentviolence in Italian universitiesincluding the new problemof firearms,see Grendler,2002, 500-05. 46 See Soppelsa; and Schmitt,5-7, 103-08. 47 Monastic orderstudio generalia, i.e., the schools of the Dominicans, Franciscans,and othermedieval orders, which taught philosophy, biblical studies, and theology,were the only competitorsto Renaissanceuniversities. But theydid not teachlaw or medicine.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 24 Aug 2015 21:00:10 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 24 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY thirdof the sixteenth century. They multiplied in numberand expanded theirenrollments in theseventeenth century. They offered fierce compe- titionfor scholarly leadership and students,especially the wealthy noble studentsthat all universitiessought. The newschools were not universities teachingthe full range of arts, theology, law, medicine, philosophy, science, andmathematics. Rather, they taught part of the university curriculum and gaveyoung men specific professional skills and religious preparation for life. In theCatholic world, the new religious orders as theJesuits, the Barn- abites(the Clerks Regular of St. Paul), Somaschans(Clerks Regular of Somascha),and Piarists(Clerks Regular of the Mother of God ofthe Pious Schools)established new schools in Italy,Spain, and centralEurope." For example,the Society of Jesus founded its first school for external students, meaninglay students who were not members of the Society, in Messina, Sic- ily,in 1548.It taughta corecurriculum of Latin grammar, humanities, and rhetoric,and some Greek, to boysaged ten to sixteen.Jesuit schools spread incrediblyquickly; by 1599,there were 245 Jesuitschools for external stu- dentsacross Europe, 444 in 1626, and 578 by 1679.49TheJesuits, the Doctrinaires(Secular Priests of the Christian Doctine), and Oratorians (the FrenchCongregation of the Oratory) founded many schools in France. In a fewcases - Cologne,Ingolstadt, Mainz, Trier, and Parmain Italy areexamples - theJesuits became part of universities, where they domi- natedthe faculties of theology and playedan importantrole in artsand 51 philosophy.In suchcases, they may have attracted students who would not otherwisehave come to theuniversity. However, their presence meant fewer professorshipsforlay scholars. Butmost of the new schools founded by the Jesuits and other religious orderstook students away from universities. In the last third of the sixteenth century,the Jesuits began to add instructionin highersubjects in manyof theirschools. They added a three-yearcycle of logic in thefirst year, natural philosophywith an emphasison physicalscience in thesecond year, and metaphysicsand naturalphilosophy emphasizing psychology in thethird year,always based on Aristotle. They also taught mathematics, theology, and casesof conscience. Jesuit schools teaching higher subjects were usually lo- catedin largertowns, often those hosting universities. For example, Italian Jesuitschools teaching higher subjects were found in theuniversity towns of "For the religiousorders, start with the comprehensivearticles on the orders,their founders,and importantfigures in Dizionario degliistituti di perfezione. "Farrell,365; Brizzi,1976, 20. 51 See Hengstfor a survey,and Mobley,234-374, fora morerecent study of the Jesuits at the Universityof Ingolstadt.For Parma, see Grendler,2002, 129-37, includingadditional bibliography.

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Padua, Rome, and Naples, as well as Milan and othertowns lacking uni- 51 versities,in thelate sixteenth and earlyseventeenth centuries. Many membersof religiousorders were excellent scholars who publisheda greatdeal in theology,biblical studies,philosophy, physical science, and mathematics. Their scholarlyaccomplishments often equaled or surpassedthose of uni- versityscholars. Professionalassociations recognized the qualityof the higherstudies of thereligious order schools and reactedaccordingly. A decisionof the College of Physiciansof Milan, the professionalassociation that licensed physicians to practicein Milan, made thisclear. The College,which also had thepower to conferdoctorates of medicine,decreed in 1584 thatcandidates for doc- toratesmight count threeyears of philosophicalstudies at theJesuit school in Milan towardthe sevenyears of philosophyand medicinetraining re- 52 quired forthe doctorof medicinedegree. The Milanesestudents who did theirphilosophical studies at theJesuit Brera School of Milan would otherwise have studiedat the Universityof Pavia, the universityof the Milanese state,or at otherItalian universities. Religiousorder boarding schools for the sons of nobles competedsuc- cessfullywith universitiesfor the most prized students.Beginning in the mid-1 570s, the Jesuitsbegan to found or accept the directionof schools open onlyto boysof noble blood.5' They wereeither independent boarding schools or special classeswithin larger Jesuit schools. Unlike otherJesuit schools,these schools were not freebut quite expensive.By the firstquarter of theseventeenth century, the Jesuits in Italyalone operatedschools for nobles in theuniversity towns of Turin, Parma, Bologna, Ferrara, Siena, Rome, and Naples, as well as the non-universitytowns of Milan, Genoa, Brescia, Verona, Ravenna, Prato, Palermo, and Cagliari in Sardinia. They had schoolsfor nobles in Madrid,Graz, Sopron, Vienna, and Olomouc in Hab- sburglands, and Kaschau in Hungary.They also operatedmany boarding schools open to both nobles and wealthycommoners, especially in France 54 and Germany. Jesuitboarding schools taughtboys fromabout the ages of eleven to twentyand had largeenrollments. For example, the noble boarding school of 55 Parmahad 550 boysin 1605, 644 in 1646, and 903 in 1660. Those in ad

"While well knownto historiansof Jesuit education, the expansionof higher studies in Jesuitcolleges has receivedless attention than it merits.For Milan, see Rurale,136-45; forIt- aly as a whole, see Grendler,in press. 52 Rurale,145-46. 53 Brizzi,1976, is the fundamentalstudy. 54 Ibid., 26. 55 Brizzi,1980, 150-51.

This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 24 Aug 2015 21:00:10 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 26 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY vancedclasses, approximately one thirdof the student body, were young menaged seventeen to twentywho might otherwise have attended universities.In France,the famous Colle'ge Henri IV (usuallycalled La Fle"che), operatedby the Jesuits, had 1,200to 1,400students in the1620s, of whom 300 wereboarders and 230 in higherstudies.56 Its most famous pupil was Rene'Descartes O 596-1650),who spent the years ten to nineteenthere. He studiedphilosophy, mathematics, physics, and Galileo Galilei's optic discov- eriesin thelast three years. The boardingschools offered curricula designed to attract the high born and wealthy.In additionto humanities,philosophy, mathematics, and theology,Jesuit boarding schools for nobles in northernItaly taught horse- manship,French, and dancing,none of which universities offered.57 Most important,noble boarding schools offered the opportunity for young patri- ciansto minglewith their peers from other parts of Italy and abroad, because nobleboarding schools attracted a European-wide clientele. Noble boardingschools and other boarding schools for wealthy commoners became the schoolsof choicefor Europe's elite. In additionto thesocial advantages, parentssaw a Jesuitor Barnabiteboarding school as offeringa better envi- ronmentfor learning than universities. Religious order boarding schools offereda physicallysafe, religiously disciplined, and tightlystructured education,in contrastto theviolence, licentiousness, and loosely organized curriculumof many universities. Religiousorder schools generally, and their boarding schools in particular, strippeduniversities of themost highly prized students, the future leaders ofsociety. Earlier, an indeterminatebut discernible number of thesons ofrulers and high nobles had studied in Renaissanceuniversities.5'They did notoften graduate, because they did notneed degrees in orderto getahead in life.But they did attenduniversities and were very welcome. Their pre- senceenhanced the prestige of the university, their free spending supported thelocal economy,and professorsprofited from association with them. Whenthese students reached positions of power, they might turn to a favorite professorfor advice or to fillan office.But by the early seventeenth century theseprized students usually attended religious order boarding schools.

16 Mazin, cols. 905-06. 57 Brizzi 1976, 207-56, 261-92. 5'Ercole Gonzaga O 505-63), a futurecardinal and de factoruler of Mantua fora few years,and Giovannide' Medici (1475-1521), the futureLeo X, are two examples.Grendler, 2002, 166-67, 461. Indeed, many Renaissancepopes, cardinals,and bishops obtained law degrees.But it is more difficultto documentthe universitystudies of princesand otherno- bles,because theyseldom took degrees.

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The schoolsof theJesuits, Barnabites, Somaschans, Doctrinaires, et al., competedsuccessfully with universitiesfor students without awarding degrees.From 1561 onward,all schoolsof the Society ofJesus had theauthority to conferdegrees, including the doctorate,in theologyand philosophy,so long as the candidatewas examinedrigorously. 5' But so faras can be deter- mined,the Jesuits did notgrant degrees to externalstudents and onlyawarded a limitednumber of degrees to theirown members, usually just those who had studiedat the Collegio Romano, the Society'sleading school.61 In the Protestantworld, academies rose to competewith universities. Theyhad variousnames, including academy, Hochschule, and GymnasiumII- lustre,e. g., the BremenGymnasium Illustre (Distinguished or Illustrious 61 HigherSchool of Bremen). Whateverthe name, thesewere small schools offeringuniversity-level instruction in a limitednumber of disciplines, especially artsand theology,but withoutthe formalstructure of a university facultyof theology.Most important,they did not conferdegrees because theylacked papal or imperialcharters authorizing them to grantdegrees recognizedthroughout Christendom. Indeed, no Calvinisteducational in- stitutionreceived an imperialcharter until the Holy Roman Empire rec- ognizedCalvinism at the Peace of Westphaliaof 1648. Despite thishandi- cap, academieshired university-level scholars and took studentsaway from universities.If the theologyand artsteachers were distinguished, academies offeredexcellent instruction and wieldedconsiderable intellectual and religious influence. The mostimportant was theGeneva Academy, which began teaching in June1559. It usuallyhad twoprofessors of theology, one or twoprofessors of arts,a professorof Greek,a professorof Hebrew,and one or two professors 62 of law,for a totalof six to eightprofessors through 1620. The facultyin cluded severaleminent scholars, although some leftafter a fewyears for 61 positionsof higherprestige and salary. On the otherhand, universitypro-

51 Scaduto, 207-10. Earlier,Pope JuliusIII had grantedthe Societythe powerto award degreesto its own studentsin 1552, and Paul IV had authorizedthe Societyto grantdegrees to all students,Jesuit and non-Jesuits,at theCollegio Romano in 15 56. Now all Jesuitschools had thisright. 60AIthoughbased on researchin progresson theJesuits and Italianuniversities in thesix- teenthand seventeenthcenturies, the statementis tentative. 6 1See Stauffer;Menk forsurveys of CalvinistHochschulen or academies in the late six- teenthand earlyseventeenth centuries. 62 Maag, 196-98 et passim. 6'The mosteminent scholars at the Geneva Academywere Jean Calvin who taughtthe- ologyfrom 1559 to 1564, Theodore de Be"zewho taughttheology from 1559 to 1595 and in 1598 and 1599, Franois Hotman who taughtlaw from1572 to 1578, Joseph-justeScaliger

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fessorswillingly accepted positionsat Geneva and otherProtestant acad- emieswhen theylost universitypositions for religious reasons. The student bodyat Genevawas small:fifty to one hundred(rising to 149 matriculated 64 studentsin 1584) wereaverage annual numbersbetween 1559 and 1620. In the academy'sfirst decade, a largemajority of the studentsbecame Cal- vinistministers. But by the 1570s, the majorityof studentsentered civil serviceor became lawyers.Many studentswere young nobles who did not 65 pursueprofessional careers. Even thoughthe GenevaAcademy did not offerdegrees, it acted like a university.It taughtseveral university disciplines. It trainedclergymen and otherswho became professorsof theologyin Calvinistuniversities such as Heidelbergand Leiden.Foreign students from France and Germanycame to study.But thecity authorities of Genevadecided not to attemptto transform 66 the Geneva Academyinto a universitywith the powerto conferdegrees. They perceivedthat awarding degrees was not necessaryin orderto hold an honoredplace in highereducation in the expandingCalvinist world. And theydid notwant too manyrowdy young foreigners disturbing the peace of theirgodly city. The Geneva Academyremained a prestigiousacademy of- feringhigher education in a limitednumber of disciplines.It became the model forsimilar small, focused institutions of higher education that spread acrossProtestant Europe. Thus, Europeanuniversities lost thepreeminent place in highereduca- tionand scholarshipthat they had enjoyedin theRenaissance. Nevertheless, in thecentury between Luther's first lectures on theBible at theUniversity of Wittenbergin the winterof 1513-14, and Galileo Galilei'sdeparture from theUniversity of Padua in 1610, universitiesplayed a role in Europeanhis- torythat has neverbeen equaled.

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO, EMERITUS

who taughtarts from 1572 to 1574, Isaac Casaubon who taughtGreek from1582 to 1586, and 1587 to 1596, and Giulio Pacio who taughtlaw and sometimesarts from 1575 to 1597. See theAppendix. 64Maag,28-33, 53, 82, 85. 65 Ibid., 30, 33, 56, 84, 86. 66 Between1592 and 1599, the Geneva citycouncil explored the possibilityof awarding degreeson its own authorityand attemptedto persuade firstFrance, and then the United Provincesof the Netherlands,to recognizethem. Although the United Provinceswere en- couraging,Henry IV, stilla Protestantin 1592, was not, and the cityabandoned the effort. Ibid., 80-81, 187. The traditionallegal positionthat only pope or emperorcould chartera universitybegan to breakdown in theseventeenth century, as kingsand citiesauthorized uni- versitiesto grantdegrees.

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Appendix

RELIGIOUS LEADERS OF THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION WHO WERE UNIVERSITY AND ACADEMY PROFESSORS

This is a listof 102 Protestantreligious leaders who wereprofessors in universitiesor Protes- tant academies during part or all of their careers.A handful of religious figureswhose universityexperience was limitedare included because theymade significantcontributions towardmaking a universityProtestant. Johannes Brenz is the best example. On the other hand, a fewProtestant reformers who taughtin universitiesonly fora yearor two,and made no knownsignificant contribution to theuniversity, or whose universityexperience is unclear, have been omitted.Each biographygives summary information about thesubject's university careerbased on the biographicalentries, a handfulof otherarticles in OER, additionalstudies of individualuniversities, and a fewother sources. No attemptis made to presentthe restof the sometimesvery extensive careers of the Protestantprofessors. Although each biographyin OER was writtenby a deeplyknowledgeable scholar, names of the authorsof the biographies have been omittedin orderto conservespace. Readersare encouragedto consultthe fullbi- ographyand additionalbibliography. Protestantreligious leaders who were fellowsof collegesat Cambridgeand Oxford for severalyears are included.Oxbridge colleges included scholars, tutors, fellows, readers, lectur- ers,and sometimesprofessors. But the lack of preciseinformation about theirduties makes it difficultto say withprecision how and underwhat circumstancesfellows taught. Neverthe- A less, theynormally both studied and taughtin theircolleges. They soughtand obtained bachelor's and master'sdegrees, usually in arts,or theology,or both. Degree regulations obliged themto teachwhile studyingfor degrees or as regentsafter obtaining degrees. Some- timesfellows were required to takeresponsibility for the education of younger members of the B college. In addition,fellows participated in the intellectualand religiouslife of theircolleges and oftenthe largeruniversity, at a time when Oxford and Cambridge providedreligious leadershipfor the EnglishReformation. The same was truefor masters of colleges.

Agricola,Johann (I 492 - 1566). GermanLutheran theologian and earlysupporter of Luther, activein Wittenberg,Eisleben, and Berlin.Received BA in theologyand MA in artsfrom the Universityof Wittenberg,where he lecturedon the Bible in the early 1520s. Re- turnedto Wittenbergto teachtheology 1537-40, but he differedwith Luther in thefirst antinomian controversy.Left for Berlin in 1540. OER, 1:10; OER, 1:52; Brecht, 3:158-71. Alesius,Alexander (1500?-65). Scottish-GermanLutheran theologian and biblical scholar. RepresentedWittenberg theologians to HenryVIII, thentaught theology at University of Frankfurtan der Oder ca. 1539-42 and Universityof Leipzig 1542-65. OER, 1:18-19. Amsdorf,Nikolaus von (1483-1565). German Lutheranchurchman and friendof Luther. Taught philosophyand possiblytheology at the Universityof Wittenberg1507-24. OER, 1:27-28; Friedensburg,66, 68, 100, 109; Urkundenbuch,15, 118, 119; Schwie- bert, 1950, 271, 294, 295; Schwiebert, 1996, 227, 237, 242, 249, 451, 453-54, 456, 460.

ASee McConica, 1986b, 1-48, 64-68; McConica, 1986a; and privatecommunication of 30 Octo- ber 2003. BMcConica, 1986b, 2-3, 45, 66.

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Andrex,Jakob (I 528-90). GermanLutheran professor of theologyand chancellorat theUni- versityof Tdbingen 1561-76 and 1580-90; co-drafterof the Formula of Concord of 1577. OER, 1:36-38; OER, 2:117-21; Kolb. Arminius,Jacobus (1559-1609). Dutch professorof theology at Universityof Leiden 1603-09. His viewson predestinationled to intensecontroversy in Calvinistchurches. OER, 1:72-73. Aslaksen, Cort (1564-1624). Norwegian Lutheran theologian. Professorof pedagogy 1600-03, of Greekand Latin 1603-07, thentheology 1607-24, at Universityof Copen- hagen. OER, 1:84. A Baduel,Claude (149 1?-I 561). Frenchrector and professorat theAcademyofNimes 1542-48; exposed as a Calvinist,he became a pastorin Switzerlandand professorof philosophy and mathematicsat the Geneva Academy1 560-6 1. OER, 1: I I 0- I 1; Maag, 197. Bernhardi,Bartholorneus von Feldkirchen(I 487-1 5 5 1). EarlyGerman follower of Lutherat the Universityof Wittenbergwho representedLuther's views in a disputationof 1516. Rectorin 15 18 and 15 19 and (probablystudent) lecturer in theologyin thoseyears. Pro- vost at Kemberglater. OER, 1: 145-46; Friedensburg,98-99, 112, 127, 132, 157. Bernhardi,Johannes (ca. 1490-1534). Youngerbrother of Bartholorneusand followerof Lutherwho studiedat the Universityof Wittenbergand taughtnatural philosophy, history,and rhetoricthere 1520-34. OER, 1:146. Beurlin,Jacob (I 520-6 1). GermanLutheran professor of theologyat theUniversity of Tdbin- gen from1551 and chancellorin 1561. OER, 1:148. Beize,Theodore de (1516-1605). Frenchand Genevan Calvinist.First rector of the Geneva Academyand professorof theology1559-95 and 1598-99. OER, 1:149-151; Maag, 196 and A indice. Bibliander,Theodor (I 504?-64). SwissReformed theologian and biblicalscholar. Professor of Old Testamentat ZurichAcademy 1 5 31-60. OER, 1: 171-72. Bodensteinvon Karlstadt,Andreas (1486-154 1). Earlyfollower of Luther who latersplit with him. Professorof theologyat Wittenberg 1511-23; professorof Old Testament at Universityof Basel from 1534 to death. He also taught Hebrew. OER, 1: 178-80; Friedensburg,A indice; Urkundenbuch,A indice. Bogermannus,Johannes (1576-1637). Dutch Orthodox Calvinistminister, theologian, and translatorof the Bible. Appointedprofessor of theologyat the Universityof Franekerin 1633, but because of illnessand othercircumstances did not take up dutiesuntil 1636. OER, 1:181-82; and personalcommunication from Professor Christoph Ldthy, Uni- versityof Nijmegen, who consulted materialsin the Netherlandsnot easilyavailable elsewhere. Borrhaus,Martin (1499-1564). German Protestanttheologian who may have held limited Anabaptistviews. Professor of rhetoricat Universityof Basel 1541-46, thenprofessor of Old Testament1546-64, and rectorof the universityin 1546, 1553, and 1564. OER, 1:202-03. Brenz,Johannes (1499-1570). Theologian and influentialorganizer of the LutheranRefor- mation in the duchy of Wdrttemberg.During his one year (I 537-38) as professorof theologyat the Universityof Tdbingen he reorganizedthe universityin an orthodox Lutherandirection. OER, 1:214-15; Mobley,315. Bucer,Martin (I 491-15 5 1). Born in Alsace. Veryinfluential theologian and leader of the StrasbourgReformation. Regius professorof theologyat Universityof Cambridge 1549-51. OER, 1:221-23. Bugenhagen,Johannes (1485-1558). GermanLutheran organizer of the Reformationin several northGerman towns. Appointed pastor of the townchurch of Wittenberg in 1523, he also lecturedtwice weekly on theologyand theBible. Upon obtaininghis doctorateof

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theologyin 1533,he became a professorof theology but with less teaching because of his pastorship.OER, 1:226-27;Schweibert, 1996, 331, 336,484, 489, 543 note91. Calvin,John 0 509-64). French-bornProtestant leader of the Reformation at Geneva. Pro- fessorof theology at GenevaAcademy 15 59-64. OER, 1:234-40;Maag, 196 etpassim. Carnerarius,Joachim 0 500-74).German Lutheran humanist; close associate and biographer ofMelanchthon. Professor at theUniversity ofTdbingen 1535-41; professor of Greek, Latin,and moralphilosophy, also rectorand dean,at Universityof Leipzig 1541-74. OER, 1:249;Die Matrikelder Universitdt Leipzig, 721, 740, 748. Capito,Wolfgang (1478?-1541). Germanhumanist, Lutheran theologian, and Hebrew scholar.Professor ofOld TestamentatUniversity ofBasel 1515-21, also rector and dean offaculty of theology. In Strasbourg,helectured informally on theologyto the citys leading clergymenand laymenand arguedfor educational reform. 0ER11 1:259-60; Kittelson,1975. Cartwright,Thomas (1535-1603). English Presbyterian theologian. For many years scholar and fellowat Cambridge,he becameLady Margaret professor of divinity at Cambridge in 1570,then lost his position for his views, went to Genevawhere he mayhave taught, returnedin 1572,was again exiled and went to Heidelbergand Basel.OER 1:269-70. Casauban,Isaac (1559-1614). French-Swiss Calvinist scholar of ancient church history. Pro- fessorof Greek at GenevaAcademy 1582-86, 1587-96. OEX 1:270-71; Maag,197 et passim. Castellion,Se'bastien 0 515-63). FrenchProtestant humanist scholar and proponentof reli- gioustoleration. Professor of Greek at UniversityofBasel 1545-63. OER 1:271-72. Chaderton,Laurence (ca. 1538-1640).English Puritan preacher and educational administrator.Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge, from sometime in the1560s to 1576,then masterof Emmanuel College, Cambridge, from 1584 to 1622.Although he held no for- malteaching post while master, his policies, example, and influencein trainingPuritan clergymenwere great. 0ER, 1:299-300; Bendall,Brooke, and Collinson,30-42, 177-86. Chernnitz,Martin 0 522-86). GermanLutheran theologian, co-drafter of theFormula of Concordof 1577. Professor oftheology at the University ofWittenberg from 1554 until he was appointedsuperintendent ofchurches in Braunschweigin thelate 1550s.He lecturedinformally in Braunschweig. OEX 1:309-10;Kramer. Chytraeus,Nathan (1543-98). GermanLutheran humanist, pedagogue, and devotional writer;professor of Latinat Universityof Rostock1564-93. As he turnedtoward Calvinism,his positionat theUniversity of Rostockbecame untenable and he left forCalvinist Bremen. Chytraeus was the youngerbrother of David Chytraeus 0 530-1600),a Lutheranprofessor of theologyat the University ofRostock 1551-1600, whoperhaps merited a biographical article in OER. OER,,1:351-54; Olechnowitz, 1:33, 36, 38, 44-49, 51 (forboth Nathan and DavidChytraeus). Coolhaes,Caspar 0 534-1615).Dutch Calvinist who argued for the authority of civil mag- istraciesover the church. Appointed professor oftheology at the University ofLeiden, he deliveredthe inaugural lecture at the founding of the university on 9 February1575, and beganlecturing. But he wassoon driven out of the university (exact date unknown) for his latitudinarianCalvinism and was excludedfrom the ministry in 1582. OER,, 1:423-24;Jurriaanse, I 1; Clotz,33. Corro,Antonio del 0 527-9I). Spaniardwho became a moderateCalvinist and, later, a mem- berof the Church of England. Taught theology at theUniversity ofOxford 1577-86, andwas there unofficially insubsequent years. OER,, 1:433-34; The Collegiate University, 326,384-85,390,392,417-18,430,440,725-

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Cruciger, Caspar (1504-48). German Lutheran theologian and ally of Melanchthon; launchedWittenberg edition of Luther's works. Professor of philosophy at theUniversity ofWittenberg 1528-33, thentheology 1533-48. Expertin Aramaicand Hebrew.OER, 1:455-56; Friedensburg,196-97, 226, 251-52, 254; Kathe, 81-82, 465; Schwiebert, 1996,334,336,480,489-90. Curione, Celio Secondo 0 503-69). Italian Protestantwith anti-Trinitarianand Unitarian views. Professorof humanitiesat Universityof Pavia 1536-39; professorof rhetoricat the Universityof Basel 1546-69. OER, 1:460-61; Biondi. Daneau, Lambert(1530?-95). FrenchCalvinist pastor and theologian.Taught theology un- officially1572-76 at Geneva, then as professorof theology at Geneva Academy 1576-80; professorof theologyat the Universityof Leiden 1581-82. Objected to the measuresimposed by the Leiden citygovernment over the churchand left.Taught theologyin Calvinistacademies in Ghent 1582-83, Orthez 1583-90, and Lescar 1590-91. OER, 1:463-64; Maag, 42-46, 175-76; Fatio. Dering,Edward (ca. 1540-76). EnglishPuritan and preacher.Fellow of Christ's College, Uni- versityof Cambridge,1560-70. OER, 1:475. Dietrich,Viet 0 506-49). GermanLutheran. After arriving at theUniversity of Wittenberg in 1522, he becameLuther's amanuensis, editor, companion on journeys,and supervisorof thestudents who lived in Luther'shousehold; reformer at Nurembergfrom 1535. After obtaininga MA in artsin 1529, he probablytaught arts at Wittenberguntil 1535. Dean of artsin 1533. OER, 1:485; Friedensburg,220. Diodati, Jean(Giovanni) 0 576-1649). Son of Italianimmigrants to Geneva, Calvinisttheo- logian and translator.Produced Frenchand Italian Calvinisttranslations of the Bible. Professorof Hebrew 1597-1606, and theology1599-1645, at Geneva Academy.OER, 1:485-86; Maag, 196-97. Draconites,Johann (1494-1566). GermanLutheran biblical scholar. Professor of theologyat Universityof Marburg 1534-48; resignedduring antinomian controversy. Professor of theologyat Universityof Rostock 1551-60. OER, 2:4; CatalogusProfessorum, 6; Olech- nowitz,1:34. Du Moulin, Charles 0 500-66). FrenchCalvinist legal scholarand theologian.Professor of law at Universityof Tilbingen 1553-54, wherehe insertedtheology in his law lectures and provokedopposition. Taught law at the Universityof D0^1e1555-56, and brieflyat the Universityof Besanon. OER, 2:1 1. Eber,Paul (1511-69). German Lutheransupporter of Melanchthon.Professor at University of Wittenberg1537-69, teaching Latin, arts,and philosophy at first,then Hebrew 1557-59, and theologyafter 1559. OER, 2:17; Friedensburg,258-61; Kathe, 94-98, 458,461,465. Episcopius,Simon (1583-1634). Dutch CalvinistRemonstrant theologian. Professor of theologyat Universityof Leiden 1612-20. His viewsgenerated great opposition and he was banished.OER, 2:54-55. Flacius Illyricus,Matthias (I 520-75). Croatian-bornLutheran theologian and churchhisto- rian. Professorof Hebrew at Universityof Wittenbergfrom 1544 until 1549, when differenceswith Melanchthon caused him to leave. Professorof theologyat the Univer- sityof Jena from 1550 until 156 1, when he was deprivedof his professorshipbecause of his adherenceto the Gnesio-Lutheranposition and loss of supportof ElectorJohann FriedrichII of ErnestineSaxony. OER, 2: 1 10-1 1; Seeber,1:38-43, 54; Olson. Fontanus,Johannes 0 545-1615). Dutch Calvinistminister who taughtat severalCalvinist schools and in 1600 helped founda school at Hardewijkwhich became a universityin 1647-48. OER, 2:116-17.

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Foxe, Edward (1496?-1538). Architectof HenryVIII's propagandacampaign for divorce and co-drafterof Anglicanconfessional statements. Provost of King's College, Cambridge, 1528 to death. OER, 2:121-22. Foxe, John 0 5 17-87). English Protestantchurch historianand martyrologist.Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford,from 1538 to 1545, when forcedto resign.OER, 2:122-23. Gornarus,Franciscus 0 563-164 1). Dutch Calvinistminister and predestinariantheologian. Professorof theologyat Universityof Leiden 1 5 94-161 1, at Calvinist seminaryin Saurnur,France, 1614-18, and at the University of Groningen 1618-41. OER, 2:181-82; Huisman, 322; van der Ven, 243, 246, 257, 258. Gribaldi,Matteo (ca. 1500-64). Italianlegal scholarand Unitarian.Taught law at the Cath- olic universitiesof Toulouse 1535-36, Cahors at unknowndates, Perugiaperhaps in 1540, Valence 1540-41, Grenoble 1543-45, and Padua 1548-55. He thentaught at the LutheranUniversity of Tdbingen 1555-57, but lost his positionfor his religiousviews. He taughtat theCatholic Universityof Grenoblein 1559-60, but again losthis position forhis religiousviews. OER, 2:194-95; Grendler,2002, 187-88. Grynaeus,Johann Jacob 0 540-1617). Swiss Reformedtheologian. Professor of Old Testa- mentat Universityof Basel 1575-84; oversawreorganization of Universityof Heidelberg 1584-86; professorof New Testamentat Universityof Basel 1586 until death. OER, 2:199-200. Grynaeus,Simon (1493-1543). German humanistand leader of the Reformedchurch in Basel. Professorof Greekat the Universityof Basel 1526-36; lecturedon the New Tes- tament1536-43; rectorof the universityin 1543. OER, 2:200-01. Hedio, Caspar (1494/95-1552). GermanProtestant preacher, translator, and educationalre- formerat Strasbourg.He helped organizethe StrasbourgGymnasium and was a school inspectorfrom 1526 untildeath. OER, 2:215-16; ContemporariesofErasmus, 2:169-70. Hernmingsen,Niels 0 513-1602). Danish Lutherantheologian who eventuallybecame a Calvinist. Most importantScandinavian Protestanttheologian. Professor of dialectics and exegesisat the Universityof Copenhagen 1545-53, thenprofessor of theologyuntil dismissedin 1579 forCalvinist views. OER, 2:222-23; Lybyand Grell, 117, 119-22, 125, 130. Hesshus,Tilernann 0 527-88). GermanGnesio-Lutheran theologian involved in severalcon- troversies.Professor of rhetoricand dogmaticsat the Universityof Wittenberg 1 5 50-5 3, professorof theologyat the Universityof Rostockin 1556 but expelledin 1557; professor of theologyat the Universityof Jena 1 5 68-73 and Universityof Helmstedt1 577-8 8. OER, 2:237; Olechnowitz,1:32, 34; Seeber,43-44. Hessius, Eobanus (1488-1540). German Lutheranhumanist and poet. Professorof Latin at the Universityof Erfurt1517-26; taughtat Egidien-Gymnasium,founded by Melanch- thon, in Nuremberg 1526-32; professorof classical studies at Universityof Erfurt 1533-36; professorof poetryand oratoryat Universityof Marburg1536-40; university rectorin 1538. OER, 2:238; Contemporariesof Erasmus, 1:434-36; CatalogusProfes- sorum,311-12. Hotman, Franois 0 524-90). FrenchProtestant legal scholar. Taught law or liberalarts at the universitiesof Valence and Bourgesand Protestantacademies of Strasbourg,Lausanne, and at Geneva 1572-78. OER, 2:256-58; Maag, 196. Hunnius,Aegidius 0 5 50-1603). Germantheologian who followedLuther's positions closely. Professor of theology at the universities of Marburg 1576-92 and Wittenberg 1592-1603. OER, 2:276; Friedensburg,398-99, 404; CatalogusProfessorum, 10-1 1. Hyperius,Andreas 0 511-64). Dutch Protestanttheologian whose positionscombined Luth- eran, Calvinist,and Erasmian views. Professorof theologyat Universityof Marburg 1541-64. OER, 2:299-300; CatalogusProfessorum, 7.

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Jonas,Justus (1493-1555). German Lutheranchurch administrator, biblical scholar,and friendof Luther. May have lectured on canon law at the Universityof Wittenberg 1521-23; priorof the Castle Church in Wittenbergand lectureron Old and New Tes- tament1 523-4 1. Dean ofthe faculty of theology 1 523-25, perhapslonger, and rectorof theuniversity in 1531 and 1536. OER, 2:352-53; ContemporariesofErasmus, 2:244-46; Friedensburg,144-46, 194-96. Junius,Franciscus: (1545-1602). FrenchCalvinist theologian and biblical translatorin the Netherlands.Taught theology and Hebrew at NeustadtAcademy 1578-84; professorof dogmatic theology at the Universityof Heidelberg 1584-89 and Old Testament 1589-92; professorof theologyat Universityof Leiden 1592-1602. OER, 2:360; DrUll, 344-45; De Jonge. Krafft,Adam (1493-1558). GermanLutheran theologian and churchadministrator. Profes- sor of theologyat Universityof Marburg 1527-58; dean of facultyof theology1536, rectorof the university1529, 1540, 1553. OER, 2:382; CatalogusProfessorum, 4. La Faye,Antoine de (1540-1615). French Calvinist theologian. Professorof theologyat Geneva Academy 1581-1610; named supremedoctor of theologyand Be"ze'ssuccessor in 1600. OER, 2:383. Lambert,Franqois (1487-1530). Frenchby birth, he held bothLutheran and Zwinglianviews and wrote many biblical commentaries.He studied and lecturedat the Universityof Wittenberg 1522-24, and was professorof theology at the Universityof Marburg 1527-30. OER, 2:387; CatalogusProfessorum, 5. Latimer,Hugh (ca. 1485-1555). Church of England preacherand bishop. Fellow of Clare Hall, Cambridge, and teacherfrom 15 10 to about 1530. OER, 2:399-400; Leader, 322-29,342. Linck, Wenceslaus (1482-1547). German Lutherantheologian, friend of Luther,preacher, and churchorganizer at Nuremberg.Professor of theologyat the Universityof Witten- berg 1511-22 and dean of the faculty of theology in 1512-13. OER, 2:425; Friedensburg,49. Lubbertus,Sibrandus (ca. 1555-1625). Frisianorthodox Calvinist and authorof theological polemics. Professorof theology at the Universityof Franeker 1585-1625. OER, 2:455-56; Ekkart,39. Ldber (Erastus),Thomas (I 524-83). Swiss Reformedtheologian, controversialist, and advo- cate of stateauthority over church (Erastianism). Professor of medicineat the University of Heidelberg1558-80 althoughbanned 1572-76. Helped reviseuniversity statutes in 1558 and 1559. Lost Heidelbergprofessorship in 1580 forfailure to subscribeto Luth- eran Formulaof Concord. Professorof medicineat the Universityof Basel 1580-83 and moralphilosophy in 1583. OER, 2:456-57; Wolgast,41, 43-45; Maag, 155, 158, 159; DrUll, 141-42. Luther,Martin (1483-1546). Germanleader of the LutheranReformation. Lecturer on Aris- totle'sNicomachean Ethics, 1508-09, and professorof biblicalstudies from the winter of 1513-14 untildeath at the Universityof Wittenberg. Lydius,Martinus (ca. 1539-1601). Dutch Calvinistminister and theologian.Professor of theologyat Universityof Franeker1585-1601. OER, 2:477-78; Ekkart,40-42. Major,George (I 502-74). GermanLutheran theologian. Professor of theologyat theUniver- sityof Wittenberg1545-74, with interruptions.Leader of Wittenbergfaculty from 1560. Centralfigure in the MajoristControversy over the efficacyof good works.OER, 2:501-02; OER, 3:257-58; Friedensburg,197-99, 257-58. Marbach,Johannes (I 521-8 1). German-bornLutheran theologian and controversialist.Pas- tor in Strasbourgand professorof theologyat the StrasbourgAcademy from 1545. Presidentof the Company of Pastorsfrom 1552 and school visitorfrom 1556. Differed

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with JohannSturm over governanceand theologyin the Academy.OER, 3:1-2; OER, 4:116-17; Spitz and Tinsley,32-40, 376 et passim. Melanchthon,Philipp (1497-1560). German Lutheranhumanist, theologian, and educationalreformer. Came to theUniversity of Wittenberg as professorof Greekin 1518 and remainedfor the restof his life.He also taughtethics, geography, history, Hebrew, logic, and theology.From 1527 Melanchthon had the rightto lectureon any subject. He draftednew statutesfor the facultyof theologyin 1533, and fortheology and artsin 1545, advised other universitiesand schools, and wrote textbooks. OER, 3:41-45; Friedensburg,A indice; Kathe, ab indice. Melville,Andrew (1545-1622). ScottishPresbyterian churchman and educationalreformer. Principalof Universityof Glasgow and reformerof the curriculumalong humanistand Presbyterianlines 1574-80; head ofSt. Mary'sCollege, a divinityschool, at Universityof St. Andrews1580-1607. OER, 3:49. MiInster,Sebastian (1480-1553). GermanProtestant Hebraist and biblicalscholar. Professor of Hebrew at the Universityof Heidelberg1524-29; professorof Hebrew and theology at the Universityof Basel 1529-53. OER, 3:99; DrUll,397-99. Musculus, Andreas (I 514-8 1). German Lutherantheologian. Co-drafter of the Formula of Concord of 1577 and leaderof the LutheranChurch in Brandenburg.Professor of theology at the Universityof Frankfurtan der Oder 1542-81. OER, 3:103; Nischan, 35, 37-39,41,44,49,128. Myconius,Oswald (1488-1552). Swissfollower of Zwingli.Professor of theologyat the Uni- versityof Basel 1532-52. OER, 3:118. Oecolampadius,Johannes (1482-1531). SwissProtestant, leader of the Reformationat Basel. Taughtarts at the Universityof Heidelbergin 1505 and mayhave taughtGreek there in 1514; professorof biblicalstudies at the Universityof Basel 1523-31. OER, 3:169-71; DrUll,420-21. Oldendorp,Johannes (1480/90-1567). GermanProtestant jurist. Taught at theUniversity of Greifswald1517-20, at the Universityof Frankfurtan der Oder in 1520, at Greifswald 1521-26. Helped introducethe Reformationin Rostock 1526-34; taughtat the Cath- olic Universityof Cologne from1538 untilforced to leave in 1543; professorof civil law at theLutheran University of Marburg1543-67, plus deacon offaculty of law and rector severaltimes; helped to draftnew universitystatutes of 1560. OER, 3:173-74; Catalogus Professorum,78-79. Osiander,Andreas (1496?-1552). German Lutherantheologian. Leader of the Reformation at Nurembergand drafterof Lutheranchurch ordinances elsewhere. Professor of theology at the Universityof Kbnigsberg1548-52, wherehe engaged in polemicswith his colleagues. OER, 3:183-85. Osiander,Lucas 11(I 571-1638). OrthodoxLutheran theologian and polemicist.Professor of theologyat the Universityof Tdbingen 1619-38; chancellorand provost 1620-38. OER, 3:1 8 5. Pappus,Johann (I 549-16 10). GermanLutheran minister and churchorganizer. Professor of Hebrew at StrasbourgAcademy 1564-74 and theology1574-81; leader of the Stras- bourg Company of Pastors 1581-1610. Disputed with JohannSturm, rector of the StrasbourgAcademy, concerning the school's authority over the theologians in theAcad- emy.OER, 3:2 10-1 1; Kittelson,1992. Parker,Matthew (1504-75). EnglishAnglican churchmanand archbishopof Canterbury 1559-75. Fellow of Corpus ChristiCollege, Cambridge,master from 1544, thenvice- chancellorof the Universityof Cambridgein 1545 and 1548. Lost officeswhen Mary Tudor came to throne.OER, 3:215-16.

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Pellikan,Konrad (1478-1556). AlsatianProtestant theologian, biblical scholar, and Hebraist. Professorof theologyat the Universityof Basel 1523-26; professorof Old Testamentat ZurichAcademy 1526-56. OER, 3:241-42. Peucer, Caspar (1525-1602). German Philippist Lutheran theologian and physician. Melanchthon'sson-in-law. Professor of geography1545-60, mathematics1554-60, medicine 1560-74, and universityrector 1560, at the Universityof Wittenberg.Lost professorshipwhen imprisoned1574 to 1586 on suspicionof beinga crypto-Calvinist. OER, 3:251-52; Friedensburg,275-77, 290-92, 296-98; Kathe,458, 464 et passim. Pfaiza,Paul (ca. 1540-86). Czech Protestanttheologian and humanist;coauthor of Bohemian Confession of 1575. Taught Hebrew at Universityof Prague 1568-71, philosophy 1575-77, was dean of the philosophyfaculty 1575-76. OER, 3:322. Ridley,Nicholas 0 502?-55). EnglishAnglican theologian and bishop of Rochesterand Lon- don. Fellowof PembrokeHall, Cambridge,in 1520s; returnedto Cambridgein 1530s; professorof Greek1535-38. Appointedmaster of PembrokeHall in 1540, althoughnot resident.OER, 3:431-32; Leader,300-01, 337. Schegk,Jacob 0 511-87). German Lutheranphilosopher, medical scholar,and theological controversialist.Professor of logic and naturalphilosophy 1531-53, of logic 1564-78, professorof medicinepossibly 1553-77, alwaysat the Universityof Tiibingen. Rector severaltimes. OER, 4:2; Lohr,718-20; Mobley,218-19. Schnepf,Erhard (1495-1558). GermanLutheran churchman and theologianwho organized the Reformationin Wiirttemberg.Professor of theology at Universityof Marburg 1527-34; professorof theologyat Universityof Tdbingen 1544-48; forcedout because of his opposition to the Interim.Professor of Hebrew at Universityof Jena 1549-58. OER, 4:16-17; CatalogusProfessorum, 4-5; Seeber,1:39, 53-54. Selnecker,Nikolaus (1530-92). GermanLutheran theologian and co-drafterof the Formula of Concord of 1577. Professorof theologyat Universityof Jena 1565-68; forcedout by the Gnesio-Lutheranruler. Professor of theologyat Universityof Leipzig 1568-86. Forced out when AlbertineSaxony turnedtoward Calvinism but called back in 159 1. OER, 4:42; Vartenberg,66, 70-71; Seeber,1:42-43. Snecanus,Gellius 0 540-96?). Dutch Calvinistminister and theologian.Played key role in foundingof the Universityof Franekerin 1585. OER, 4:70. Stangi6Horvath de Gradecz,Gregor (1558-97). Slovak Lutherantheologian and educator. Founderin 1588 and teacherof dialectics,rhetoric, and ethics,at the Lutheransecond- aryschool in Staiiky,Slovakia. OER, 4:108. St6ckel,Leonard (1510-60). Leading Lutherantheologian and pedagogue in Hungaryand Slovakia. Taught at the Lutheran school in Bardejov from 1539 to 1560. OER, 4:113-14. Strigel,Viktorin 0 524-69). German PhilippistLutheran theologian and controversialist. Professorof philosophyat Jena 1548-62, with Jena becoming a universityin 1558. When the rulerasked the facultyto drafta doctrinalstatement, Strigel and Matthias Flacius Illyricusstrongly disagreed about its content,with Flacius prevailing.Strigel refusedto sign the statementand was eitherimprisoned or placed underhouse arrestfor severalmonths in 1559. Professorof philosophyand theologyat Universityof Leipzig from1563 untilsuspended in 1567 on suspicionof holdingCalvinist views. Professor of ethicsand historyat Universityof Heidelberg,then Calvinist,from 1567 untildeath. OER, 4:119-20; Seeber,1:31, 36-42, 48, 53; Drilll, 523-25. Sturm,Johann 0 507-89). Protestanteducator and diplomat.Rector of the Strasbourggym- nasium from1538 and the StrasbourgAcademy from1566 until dismissedin 158 1. OER, 4:122-23; Spitz and Tinsley.

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Tausen, Hans (1494-1561). Leading Danish Lutherantheologian and bishop. Professorof Hebrew at Universityof Copenhagen 1537-38. OER, 4:145-46; Dunkley, 43-44, 117-31 et passim;Scandinavian Reformation, ab indice. Toussain, Daniel 0 541-1602). Swiss Calvinistpastor and theologian.Court preacherand school inspectorat Heidelberg.Professor of Hebrew at Universityof Orleans 1560-62; professorof New Testamentat the Universityof Heidelberg 1586-1601; rector,vice- rectorand dean of facultyof theologyseveral times. OER, 4:164-65; DrUll,530-31. Triglandus,Jacobus 0 583-1654). Dutch Calvinistminister, theologian, and historianof the Reformationin the Netherlands. Professorof theologyat the Universityof Leiden 1634-54. OER, 4:178. Trotzendorf,Valentin (1490-1556). German Lutheran pedagogue. Taught at Zlotoryja (Goldberg) 1523-25, Liegnitz 1525-29, and Zlotoryja again from1531 until death. OER, 4:179-80. Ursinus,Zacharias (1534-83). GermanCalvinist theologian, principal author of the Heidel- berg Catechism of 1563. Studied at Universityof Wittenberg1550-57; professorof theologyat the Universityof Heidelberg 1562-67 duringa Calvinistphase. Taught at LausanneAcademy 1571-77 and at Neustadtin 1578. OER, 4:202-03; OER, 2:216-17; Visser;DrUll, 536-38. Valera,Cipriano de (1532?-1603?). Spanish Calvinisttheologian, polemicist, and translator of Calvin's works into Spanish. Fellow and theologyteacher at Magdalen College, Oxford,ca. 1560-68. One ofseveral continental scholars brought in to strengthenProt- estantinfluence at Oxford.OER, 4:214. Vermigli,Peter Martyr (1499-1562). Italian Protestanttheologian with greatinfluence on the Church of England. Professorof theologyat StrasbourgAcademy 1542-47; regius professorof theologyat Christ Church, Oxford, 1548-53; professorof theologyat StrasbourgAcademy 1553-56; thenprofessor of Hebrew at ZurichAcademy 1556-62. OER, 4:229-31; The CollegiateUniversity, 353, 369-74 et A indice. Vossius,Gerardus Joannes 0 577-1649). Dutch humanistand ecclesiasticalhistorian. Profes- sor of rhetoricand historyat Universityof Leiden 1622-49. OER, 4:250-5 1. Whitaker,William 0 548-95). Puritantheologian and anti-papalpolemicist. Regius professor of theologyat Universityof Cambridge 15 80-9 5, electedmaster of SaintJohn's College in 1586. OER, 4:269. Whitgift,John (ca. 1530-1604). Anglicantheologian and bishop.Fellow of Peterhouse, Cam- bridge, in 1555; Lady Margaret professorof divinity 1563-67, regius professorof theology1567-77. Archbishopof Canterbury1583 to death. OER, 4:270-71. Wigand,Johann 0 523-87). GermanLutheran theologian and bishop. Professorof theology at Universityof Jena 1560-61, wherehe supportedGnesio-Lutheran position against Philippists;left under pressure from the court.Again professorof theologyat the Uni- versityof Jena 1568-73 but forcedout again. Professorof theologyat the Universityof Kbnigsberg1573-75. OER, 4:272-73; Seeber,1:40-41,43-44; Diener. Zanchi, Girolamo 0 516-90). ItalianCalvinist theologian and fatherof ProtestantScholasti- cism. Professorof theology and Aristotelian philosophy at Strasbourg Academy 15 53-63. LeftStrasbourg after controversy with Johannes Marbach overthe Lord's Sup- per. Professorof theologyat the Universityof Heidelberg 1568-77. Forced out when Heidelberg became Lutheran.Professor of New Testamentat the Neustadt Academy 1578-83. OER, 4:305-06; DrUll,564-65.

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