Comparing Genetic and Linguistic Diversity in African Populations with a Focus on the Khoisan of Southern Africa

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Comparing Genetic and Linguistic Diversity in African Populations with a Focus on the Khoisan of Southern Africa Alma%Mater%Studiorum%–%Università%di%Bologna% % DOTTORATO%DI%RICERCA%IN% BIODIVERSITÀ%ED%EVOLUZIONE% % Ciclo%XXV% Settore%ConCorsuale%di%afferenza:%05/B1% Settore%SCientifiCo%disCiplinareM%BIO/08% % % Comparing%genetiC%and%linguistiC%diversity%% in%African%populations%% with%a%focus%on%the%Khoisan%of%southern%AfriCa% % % Presentata(da:(Chiara(Barbieri( ( ( Coordinatore(Dottorato(( ( ( ( ( ( Relatore Prof.(Barbara(Mantovani( ( ( Prof.(Donata(Luiselli ( ( ( ( ( Esame(finale(anno(2012( University of Bologna Doctoral Thesis Comparing genetic and linguistic diversity in African populations with a focus on the Khoisan of southern Africa Author: Supervisor: Chiara Barbieri Prof. Donata Luiselli A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the PhD program in Biodiversity and Evolution Department of Anthropology March 2013 ii Preface: A day in Dobe “Chiara, today we are going to visit Dobe! Arent you excited?” Brigitte Pakendorf, my supervisor at Max Planck Institute, conveys her expecta- tions to me on the incoming day of fieldwork. I know Dobe had been the center of intense ethnographic study in the 70s, on which some books were published: this is how the picture of the pristine society system of the indigenous foragers San was made popular to a broad audience. We will meet the Ju|’hoan com- munity there: will it be the same of the 70s? I dont think it will. But perhaps we will find people who remember the time spent with Richard Lee and how re- search was carried on for many years. On the other hand, we may find a touristic attraction spot. Brigitte and I have a kind of a di↵erent approach on fieldwork. She had read the ethnographies, she can remember the names of the people and of the villages, and she is trying to cross-check all her notes taken from our colleagues from the KBA (Kalahari Basin Area) project, some of the best experts of Khoisan in the academic world. In a word, she is organized. I would describe my attitude as oriented towards a na¨ıve immersion in the people and in their life, learning day by day on the field (the perfect way to become a source of desperation for your supervisor, after the fifth time that she has to explain you that the !Xuun and the !Xoon are di↵erent people). The truth is that, unfortunately, I did not have time to prepare myself too much. I have confused memories of the talks in Berlin with the KBA colleagues, I keep mixing the names and I do not remember that the same population can be called in di↵erent terms, I barely recall where the people are supposed to live, and the only thing that I really put an e↵ort into was learning how to pronounce the five clicks, thanks to the patience of iii Preface iv Hirosi Nakagawa and Alan Barnard who taught me the “clicks for dummies”. This was how I felt in my very early stages of the PhD: confused, excited, more disorganized than usual, trying to project my life into new responsibilities and panicking about the setting up of weeks of Spartan fieldwork in Botswana. The tent, the Swiss knife, the vaccinations, the equipment, and that young girl face which has to conduct a trip all over the country, persuade village chiefs to join the project, give orders to the driver, Justine, and the translator, Bless, and keep the mood up until the last day of work. With a shiny sun and a rather hot stream of dry air hitting our faces, this is going to be a typical fieldwork day, but on a special location. As usual, we ask directions about where to go to from the people we meet on the street, but this time our destination appears particularly inaccessible. Suddenly, we find ourselves on a white street that goes straight as a ruler, geometrically drawn until it meets the horizon. That must be the border between Botswana and Namibia. An infinite straight line. We turn around and explore the surrounding a bit better, and finally we park the jeep near a baobab, suspecting that that compound must be Dobe. The huts, a circular wall made with adobe with a conic roof of straws, are deserted. There seems to be nobody around. We walk a bit further and finally meet an old woman, who guides us to her hut. There are children and a young couple. The old woman is happy to see new people and chats a lot, even if Bless has some difficulties in translating straight from Ju|’hoan; she does not speak Tswana, the Bantu language spoken by the majority of people in this country. She shows us some items that surely will pique curiosity in our white faces: a big arrow, some traditional decorations, ostrich eggshell ornaments, and a turtle shell that contains some cosmetic powder used as a face sunscreen. Dobe is rather uninhabited nowadays; people are leaving for less isolated places, for finding better opportunities — the young couple is also very nice and they sit with us chatting in Tswana. At the present life in Dobe is difficult: the surroundings are very arid, as we noticed, and the government aid, usually in the form of a couple of cows, do not reach as far as here. In such conditions, people have to rely on hunting; but hunting is prohibited by some recent laws, and the officers sometimes patrol the area to keep an eye on the Khoisan communities. Preface v Occasionally, when it is necessary to do so, the men go hunting, albeit very cautiously. When they come back to the compound with some prey, usually an antelope, the children are sent inside the huts and hushed to sleep. Meanwhile, the women start to slaughter the animal and prepare the meat together with the men. A fire is set. When the food is ready, some water is sprinkled over the hut — “children, it’s raining” — and then the meal is served to everybody. Sometimes the officers get close to the villages and find some children playing around: they target them and start asking questions to check how frequently the adults go out hunting. “Children, when was the last time you ate meat” and they would answer: “the last time we had meat. it was raining!” No, it does not rain that much often in the Kalahari. Life in the Kalahari can be harsh: there is paucity of water, resources and infrastructure. Life as a Khoisan, or better a Mosarwa (the term that the Khoisan in Botswana commonly use to identify themselves) is definitely tough: in spite of some recent e↵ort from the government to recognize their identity and their critical status, the discrimination against them is tangible, and their conditions are highly unstable. Entire villages have been relocated; their social structure has been rapidly dismantled and rebuilt into something that would better fit the post-colonialist world. Most Khoisan have been somehow integrated as herdsman or laborers for members of other ethnic groups, but the majority of the extant Khoisan communities are a↵ected by social ills such as economic dependency, alcoholism, malnutrition, and societal breakdown, often associated with their abandoning the compounds to join the little urban centers. My fieldwork experience in Botswana represented an occasion to reflect on the need of anthropology today — or at least to what it means to me, to a certain extent. Ethnography in the third millennia has to face an exceptional reassess- ment of perspective, especially when the first material of study (pristine societies with a remarkable distinct cultural background) is disappearing. The encounter with distant culture excites the same enthusiasm it exerted for the Victorian explorers. Now however, a component of mutual exchange is intrinsic. In the era of globalization, we are facing people who share the same needs all over the planet, people who want to reach a better standard of living, a better prospec- tive, a better political and economical system. As we converse, I have to realize Preface vi that we are in the same conditions: citizens of the world with the respective traditions and cultures, which will be possibly passed to the next generations as a fading hologram. In that moment, I am the vulnerable observer described by the anthropologist Ruth Behar in her essays. Ethnography smoothly shifts towards political and social sciences. Nevertheless, my conclusions are clearer than ever: the need to study each other and to understand our past and our roots is strong and encompasses the fun- damental need of an identity: so many disciplines are involved in tracing this picture, in an intriguing dialogue. The study of the language, of the kin system, of the genetic makeup of a population, the reconstruction of their prehistory, is a fantastic storytelling; every culture is a great story to tell and not to be forgotten. Acknowledgements My first sincere gratitude goes to my supervisor at Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Brigitte Pakendorf, for her dedication, her strength, and her endless care for me over all the big and small research steps. I am thankful for being trusted and guided, and for having had the opportunity to participate in truly exciting projects. I also want to acknowledge the support I received from my colleagues of the Comparative Population Linguistic group and of the Population History group, and from Mark Stoneking, who also followed all the research projects I partic- ipated to, and so many times just had the right suggestion for me when I was stuck in some analysis. To my supervisors in Bologna University, Donata Luiselli and Davide Pettener, and to the colleagues of the Anthropology department: I want to thank you for the support I felt and for always keeping an eye on me.
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