Marshall University

From the SelectedWorks of Brian A. Hoey, Ph.D.

2006

Grey Suit or Brown Carhartt: Narrative Transition, Relocation and Reorientation in the Lives of Corporate Refugees Brian A Hoey, Marshall University

Available at: https://works.bepress.com/brian_hoey/4/ JOU ALof

ANTHROPOLOGICAL GREY SUIT OR BROWN CARHARTT Narrative Transition, Relocation, and Reorientation RESEARCH in the Lives of Corporate Refugees

Brian A. Hoey Centc:1 for the Et:mography ofEveryday life, 1Jmvcrn1ty o{ , Published by the University of New 426 Thon19so:-i Slreet, A:tn Arbor, Ml 48106- ! 248 Email: [email protected] in the interest ofgeneral anthropology since 1945. This amcle examines relocation stones of people who leave behind corporate ------·····------~ ----- nork cuhure, relocate from metropolt1a11 areas to smafl town:; and rurc;[ places, VOLUME NUMBER 3 FALL 2006 and attempt to reonent rhemse!ves 10 work aadfamiiy obligations. Decisions to start over take place witlwt the comext ofmoral questions about what makes a life Early Stale Dynamics as Political Experiment worth living tindwha! does not through a process m which geography has a bearing. For these migrants, a choice about where to live is also one about lww to live. hy HemJ' T Wright Choices ofhow to live oneS lfe are made ofmore than simple eco110111lcs, tliey are also moral. The restructuring and corporate downsizing that defines the contemporary ,vorkplace has led some workers and their families to challenge Louis Dumont and the Essence of Dravidian Kinship assumptions ofthe America11 Dream that promisejilfLJre rewurdjOr loyally to a11 Tcrminoloi,,y: The Case ofMuduga employer, hard work, and seff•sacrifice. These lifestyle migm11ts r,docale. in their by George Tharakan C. attempt to find potemial seives and ideali::edfamilies in new places.

KEY WORDS: Career chaoge; Narrative analysis; Postindustrial economic Grey Suil or Brown Carhart!: Narrative Transition, Relocation, restructuring; Urban-to-rural migration; Work and family studies and Reorientation in the Lives of Corporate Refugees "Do YOU GET TOLD WHAr THE GOOD UFE JS, OR DO YOU FJGURE IT OUT FOR YOURSELF?" by Brian A. Hoey 347 Alan poses the question rhetorically but 1 can se-e :hat he is considering how he might answer it. His query comes In the course of animated conversation as we drink strong coffee at his kitchen table. We sit together in the g!ow oflight reflected Book Reviews 373 off deep drifts of snow blown in off Lake :vikhigan during one of many sudden squalls that blartket the communities of northern ~ichigan during the loug. cold Editorial: JAR Goes Electronic by Lawrence Guy Straus 447 winters. This weather keeps the area from growing even faster through i1Hnigration. A fonner Town-Car-driving, suit.wearing corporate manager who underwent a pen.ona! transfonnation through which h-:: became a canvas-Cathar1t-jackct-dad, pickup-truck-driving landlord, Alan left behind a self-professed career as "professional people hater'' to move here. After a few moments have passed in thoughtful silence. Alan leans forward XVI JAR Distinguished Lecture: over his steaming cup-for cmphasJS and answers his own question. "In corporate America 1 started getting told." Pausing briefly, he continues: "'I look back now Henry Wright on the Origins of'States and I was told what the good life was. It was a four-bedroom coloninl house in the Plus Dravidian Kinship, & ."iffl~ Journal ofA11thropolog1cal Rcsean:l;, voL 02, 2006 U.S. Corporate Refugees ~.UII'.\ · Copyrigill 'SJ by The: Unlvw,ify of New Mexico ·. .· 347 - 348 JOCRNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGK AL RESEARCH CORPORATE REFUGEES IN THE MIDWEST 349 suburbs and workJng for a main company, dressing in a suit every day, going to the R~searcb presented here atlempb lo answc:r several questions. w·11y arc some job, weekends off and getting to go someplace on the weekend, I had that, but l downsized and downshifting corporate workers relocating to certain, largely rural. wasn't happy. l just didn't know it at the time." places? How do these migrants understand and frame their decision'! Ho·.v docs I first met Alan \vbile looking :'or a place to live. I was moving here to conduct this frame serve to .-;hape the themes that then inform au ongoing process ofidcnlity two years of ethnographic ficldvvork. During a plam1ing visit, I called about renting fonnation in the telling of a narrative of relorntion antl starting over'! Finally, in an apartment in the broad glacial plains above the long blue anu ufLakc Michigan what wcty~ Uggestcd earlier, they urc naturafly storii.:s of to say, seeking refuge in a lifestyle where the individual is thought to have the travel (e.g.,dc Certcau 1984: 115 }, The extent to which there is ham1ony in a p.::r::;on·s greatest degree of discretion (e.g .. Putnam 2000; Weiss 1999: Zukin 1991 ). life and continuity in one's sense of self "rcsidc.s in the unity of rn:irnHivc \.Vhii.:b Life-styk migrants seek geographic places as personal refuges that they believe links birth lo life to death as narrative beginning to middli.:: to end'' (MacIntyre will resonate with idealized vislons of self and family. in her study of how fatuities 1984:205). Lifo•stylc migrants ai.:hievc that unity in part through describing their at a ;\,1idv<'estem comp;;my coped with the :.queezc of a work-family "tlme hrnd," transitions from one life or lifostyk to another, faelli:alcd by lhc a(;t of rdocation, 352 JOCRNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH CORPORATE REFUGEES IN THE "l!DWEST 353 as a kind of self-transfonnative conversion experien..::?. Within thi.s transfomrntive to s.tart over somewhere else. "When l go back there, people act differently, For process, certain key events may become turning points in the way they see the me to get my pc:r&onality to where ! liked people. I harl to get away from the \vodd. Tl:iese are the personal watersheds, as J rder to thenL, that give essential environrncnt where l didn't trust people," A iife-s'.yle migrant who :noved here as contours to cr:tical narrative transitions in a ::;tory told on the "road of life" (cf. a single, thiny~~umtthing woman, Paula invokes J similar sense of distance frorn Taylor 1997; McAdam::. ct al. 2001 ). former lives: "My lifestyle was too hectii:, too mw.:h time wOJking and cnunmmg As in actual and metaphorical storie::. of travel that compose narratives of fun in ... drinking and smoking, I decided to move: and start over. [After moving} ;::onversion, Alan's :-wry shows us how finding or bchevmg in a plAcc- of personal it became a comple!dy different life, different pace. [At first/ I would stand in line refuge can be essential to people at crucial poinb in their moral careers. Although at the bank, tap my foot. snap my fingers: and say 'Come on, come on, I've got the particular case pre~c-ntl;'.d here comes from an informant who voluntarily somewhere to go.' Everybody is chatting so that you cuulJn 't do anything fast. I downshifted from hi:; corporate cares:r, his experience illustrat.!s i1 commonality was forced to slow down.'' The act of relocation and specifically the choice to between lifo-stylc migrants who s~art over through relocation not only after relocate to a rum/ place, with pcrct:ivcd deme:Hs or ncighborlines~, greater tiov...--n~hifting but also in the wake of involuntary job loss or duwnsizing, 1 found authenticity, and slower pace, is an indispensable part of the story for Iifr-stylc that both groups underv.'.-:nt an experience of loss. This was somet.hjng akin to migrants. Numerous scholars, inciuding John.son and Beak ( 1998 ). Murdoch and what is generally tem1~d "displacement'' in the literature on space and pfoce. Day (1993), Hummon (1990) and Shi (1985, 1986). tiave commented ot'l the­ Displaeement is described as a rlisrnption !n the c:r.ot10nal attachment of pcopk rn enduring American at'..achmcnt to a rural ideal and a persistent connection between specific geographic locations (e.g., see Altman and Low l992). Although the notions of the good or ''simple'' iifc and "The Rural.'' li1erature tends to focus on involumary change, wch as forced relocation frmn a Like ull Hfe-style migrants, Aian saw his work, family lifo, and personal identity panicular place (e.g., see Erikson 1976; Fried 1963, 2000; Malkki 1995), life­ as bound up with his sense of place-both hi;; se;1sc of the limits of what was style migration presents a case in which relocation. while sometimes involuntariiy possible for him in Detroit and the potential for new beginning~ through relocating precipitated by job loss, for example, is a voluntary act, David Hunur.on ·s research to the study area. In the Great Lakes states people call the region where tht' study on the meanmg of cornmwtity in American life t 1986, 1992; cf. Brown and Perkins area is located "Up North" not only a~ a basic geographic distinction, but more 1992; de Ccrteau 1984; Stewart 1996) suggests expanding !he notion of importantly in order to signify a fundamental sta!C (!fb1d11g. For many, it is a way displacement beyond a focus on involuntary dislocation and loss of place attachment of literally locating onescl f spatiaHy and onenting oneself ideologically to thEurope. some kind of line. Doing work in the Midwest, the geographers Andrew Clark aml Frequently dire consequences to financially dependent conununiti1;;s and the lives Roy Officer (1962) theorized this line as an ohjective!y verifiable boundarv. ft is of workers in all socioeconomic classes are widely docun,ented (Charlesworth in part a kind of ecotonc--a transition between distinct ecological systems. Gc~logic 2000; Doukas 2003; Newman 1993; Read [996; Zukin 1991). and climatic conditions of these ecosystems have favored different economies,

\Vhile the experience of life~style migrants ranges from voluntary downsh.ifting Today1 broad fields of modem agriculture spread southward to give way to' vast to being involuntarily dm,vnsized, following these changes in work life they all indusmal areas reaching out from Detroit along the river valleys. To the north, attempt to redefine themselves. Through the act of rclo(:ating to particular places forests are now recovering from the heyday of logging :hathelpeconomics and planning-studies of internal migration in the United Slates over in the area during winter. He hoped to get out and piow hefore the snow became the past 30 years have focused on providing macro-kvci explanations of the causes too deep. I hoped to .ioin him, By this time, 1 had lc:amcd something of Alan's past and c<.1nsequences of migration patterns ( e,g., Frey and Johnson 1998; Jobes 1992; work as a so-called hired gun brought in by companies to cut costs. Union busting Pandit and \Vithers 1999), Worki11g primarily, if not exclusively, from secondary made up a cons idem bk part of the work. He describes what he was ca lied lo do: data sources, this systems-level research provides an important context within which to embed more detailed, local and individual~level analyses. A limited number of The obJective was to "keep the union~ out," "keep the morale up,'' and scholars from a number of these disciplines, together with others from fields "reduce the workforce.'' Kind of hard to do all that at once, but that was the including anthropology, have taken a micro-level approach to explore processes deal. The guy who was. running the fv'lidwcst division Iof a large processed­ ofmigration decision making and examine an array of economic and non-economic foods company] said, "I want a guy like you, (notJ a team player, We don't issues which weigh on those decisions {e.g., Beyers and Neh,on 2000; De Jong care if you fire ev~rybody because we're going to close the plant, bui w~'ll and Gardner 1981; Jobes 2000), Rather than provide another model of decision keep you if,ve like you," making, this elhnographically informed article offers insight into how non-economic migration decisions a.re framed and understood by migrants as \Vcll as how this Going from that son of work to a jack-of-all-lradcs fix-it man and manager frame serves in shaping the narrative themes that infom1 identity and sclfhoo 1997: Parker 1994) not busin~~s- of," ~u~ rather as a fuHy flexible portfolio of potentially reinforcing only provides a valuable account the everyday experience temp echnographic of of capab1htics. This 1.s part ofa trend toward greater '"unbundling." wherein businesses. workers, she also establishes the role that the temporary hdp industry plays in undergo a deliberate disintegration into separate. presumably more efficient, creating a denmnd for its services despite claiming merely to fulfill a marketplace er.terpnses, In a parallel way, \.Vorkers are also encouraged to take rhcrnselv,.;;s need. Companies like Manpower fiourish with swcHing personnd at the same apart and define themselves not by a career but by their range of abi!itks and to tirr.c that J\me:r:ka's traditional business heavyweights cut pcuplt: from their O\VIl establish skills that can be rapidly Jmmitmcnt {Moen 2001), business owner, temporary or contract worker. Many are born of sweeping Today the trnst or faith workers 1mght have had in findinb and keeping a meaningful changes taking place in everyday Hfe as the C:.S, economy moves from the job is eroding. Instead of rewarding loyalty, companies .shed "excess" long-time industrial/corporate job system that defined the working world for more than a employees from thdr payroi!s while hiring younger, oft;;:n pa1i-time and thus less­ century to a postindustrial order. Whether by default (downsizing being a regular expensive ~tatl These younger workers enter the field at an already insecure stale part of the postindustrial economy) or design (voluntarily opting~out of with virtually no guarantee and little expectation of :.tability in their career. Sorne unsatisfactory corporate career paths), increasing numbers of U.S. workers arc free agents may have no choice but to accept the uncertainty of what is quickly becoming free-agents. bccuming the status quo and adhere to a puttern o:· temporary. dependent. or Speaking of the "organization man." Whyte explained that these devoted contingent work. Lifi>styk: migrants have both the ,viii and the means to reject po51\var '\Vorkcrs not only worked for their companies, they "belonged" to them as this rclativt: passivtty and 10 employ Jc fac10 free-agc11cy In a dc!ibcratcly sci f­ ,veIL For \Vhyte. they wen; '·the ones of Ollr middle class who have left home. fuifilling and creative \vay by relocating and startmg O\-cr. spiritually as well as phystcally, to take the vows of organjzation life, and it 1s they 362 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGJCAL RESEARCH CORPORATE REHJGEES IN THE MlDWEST 363 Active Free-Agen9· When Alan and I thought through it, making rough cakulations on the back Alan continues to drive through the nearly blinding snow We are now on a of a newspaper, we figured that Afan put m much mvre fonc doing things related mission. He wants to show me th~ place where he was driving a few years carUer to his present work than he genernHy accountc

111-: old American Dream wa!:i to buy a house ... or is it a dream of haviug That's one of my commitments to IIIJ' lifestyle. Growing up, my chwghter a job. a career, aad aH of the thing::,; you rt'ct:ivc because of that? You start wat~hed me wearing suits and dnving a co1npany car an a~ birth of a child or u promotion al \Vork. Typically. though. way you want to. they come m the form of more episodes, h>r example, one 43-ycar-old 364 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH CORPORATE REFl'GEES IN THE MIDWcSJ 365 life-style migrant tells a story of a profound and deliberate lifestyle shift in l was corning up [to Traverse City] on weekends, I'd cornc up here and the aftermath of personaJ tragedy. Describing the work she did before her wouldn't have anything to do. I said. "'Ge1.\ this is diffCrcnt up here. There's injury, she explains that her job selling electronic components to the U.S. something different that I can't quite put my fingers on," l was not ah!e to military \VUS very demanding and stressfuL Her husband had long wanted to i

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