Commodity Fetishism, ‘Tradition’

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Commodity Fetishism, ‘Tradition’ BOSTON UNIVERSITY METROPOLITAN COLLEGE Thesis FROM FRUITCAKE TO FOAM: COMMODITY FETISHISM, ‘TRADITION’, AND THE EVOLUTION OF THE WEDDING CAKE By LUCY R. VALENA B.A., Hampshire College, 2007 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Gastronomy 2015 1 2 Acknowledgements I am thoroughly indebted to my first reader, Ben Siegel, for his patience and help as I found my way through this process. This was very difficult for me, and I really would have been lost without him. Thank you also to my second reader, Karen Metheny, for the detailed edits and thorough proofread. My experience in the Gastronomy program was life-changing, and I feel very fortunate to have had the opportunity to complete it. Thank you to my former staff at Voltage Coffee & Art for covering my shifts when needed. Thank you to my parents Dale and Edso for their support in all of my wild adventures, including this one. Most of all, thank you to my husband John for so many delicious late night dinners of roasted vegetables and sparkling wine, and for patiently listening to many tangents about royal icing, etc. 3 Introduction Food is complicated. While food studies scholars have argued for decades about the proper approach with which to ‘read’ food, one thing that everyone in the discipline can agree on is this: the preparation of food is more than a survival mechanism, and when we consume food, we are consuming far more than mere calories and other nutrients. As a social ‘language’, food is often discussed as a site for identity creation and performance of status. However, the research done within the field of food studies tends to focus on everyday activities. Local foodways, food attitudes, and cooking practices are general components of daily life in any given society. The similarities and differences of how these practices manifest provide a useful ‘lens’ for understanding different groups of people, whether the focus is across cultures or class lines. This rigorous examination of daily activities was first called for by feminist scholars in the 1970’s, as the study of homelife and ‘interior’ female space serves to legitimize work traditionally done by women.1 These studies strive to level the fields of history and other social sciences which generally focus on the ‘exterior’, male-dominated spaces of war and industry. In the movement towards the everyday and away from the epic, a gap in understanding has emerged within the field of food studies. While the foods we prepare and consume on a daily basis have been examined through many different angles, not 1 A survey of these studies can be found in Felski, Rita. “The Invention of Everyday Life.” Doing Time: ​ Feminist Theory and Postmodern Culture. New York: New York University Press. 2000. 77-98 4 enough questions are asked about the foods that definitively fall outside of this category. The wedding cake, a food that for all intents and purposes one is expected to purchase only once in a lifetime, is an excellent example of such a foodstuff. A dream-like object that “speaks of the liminality of the wedding day itself—a transitory 2 state between two more prosaic realities,” the wedding cake serves as the centerpiece for a day that is absolutely unlike all other days in the life of an individual. The modern wedding, defined by an emphasis on luxury and romance, represents a separate space from ordinary life. As a ceremonial food inextricably tied to liminal space, wedding cake is worthy of serious inquiry. It is worth considering because it is not “a norm that ineluctably and directly guides everyday activities but rather is an image illuminating a 3 culture’s self-consciousness of the threat posed to its integrity.” Mary Douglas famously remarked that a “competent young anthropologist” visiting from Mars would be confused when attending a contemporary wedding, and would have a hard time deciding “whether the central focus of the ceremony was the 4 marriage or the cake.” Originating in Britain in the seventeenth century, wedding cake continues to be a very important part of Western culture. Given the extreme changes seen by the world in the past four hundred years, it is worth asking why. How has the wedding cake maintained cultural relevance for such a long time? This study will examine the wedding cake as an evolving food object that has maintained its cultural functionality through changes in its appearance. After reviewing 2 Humble, Nicola. Cake: A Global History. London: Reaktion, 2010. 83 ​ ​ 3 Taussig, Michael. The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America. Chapel Hill: UNC Press, ​ 1980. 4 Douglas, Mary. “Food as an Art Form.” In In the Active Voice, 105-113. London: Routledge, 1982. 105 ​ ​ ​ 5 the available literature, I will illuminate the functions of wedding cake that have remained consistent through time. To showcase these forces at work, I will then locate how these functions have been expressed within three distinct periods of change in wedding cake history. Following that, I will offer the phenomenon of the fake wedding cake industry, as well as the reaction to that industry in mainstream media, as ‘proof’ of the relevance of wedding cake in contemporary America. The methodologies used in this study include the unpacking of primary literature such as recipes, periodicals, and relevant online resources. To make sense of the fake cake trade, interviews were conducted. Literary analysis of a mainstream television show was also employed in order to showcase contemporary attitudes towards wedding cake. Literature Review and Theoretical Framework Studies of the wedding trade have been numerous. Within the modern wedding, the gradual effects of commercialization over the past two centuries have been examined, 5 6 and established as a site for status performance. In addition, particular aspects of 7 8 weddings, such as wedding photography, and wedding advertisements, have been highlighted as zones that often perpetuate the idea of a wedding as a sacred ritual. 5 Otnes, Cele and Pleck, Elizabeth. Cinderella Dreams: The Allure of the Lavish Wedding. Berkeley: ​ ​ University of California Press, 2003; Penner, Barbara. “A Vision of Love and Luxury: The Commercialization of Nineteenth Century American Weddings.” Winterthur Portfolio. Vol.39, No. 1, 1-20. ​ ​ 6 Dunak, Karen. As Long as We Both Shall Love: The White Wedding in Postwar America. New York: New ​ ​ ​ York University Press. 2013 7 Bezner, Lili. “’Divine Detritus:’ An Analysis of American Wedding Photography.” Studies in Popular ​ ​ Culture 18, No. 2 (1996): 19-33. ​ 8 Otnes, Cele and Scott, Linda. “Something Old, Something New: Exploring the Interaction Between ​ Ritual and Advertising”. Journal of Advertising. Vol. 25, No. 1 (Spring, 1996), pp. 33-50 ​ ​ 6 9 Various cakes have been studied as evolving foodstuffs and as sites for the 10 performance of tradition. The function of the wedding cake in particular has been 11 studied within the context of royal spectacle in Victorian England, and as a symbolic 12 object in Japanese weddings. These studies focus on highly specific moments in time and place, and do not attempt to draw conclusions about the persistence of this tradition over time. The question of how the wedding cake has remained relevant has been taken on by two different scholars, both of whom present theories that ultimately fall short. Douglas’ structuralist interpretation positions wedding cake as an elevated version of 13 common daily food —an argument that is inherently problematic, given the otherworldly quality of weddings. I argue that the wedding cake is an object that “cannot 14 be fitted like a cog wheel into a structural-functional ‘place’ in society.” Rather, it should be studied as a cultural ‘text’ that is expressive in nature. This expressive quality has been written off by Charsley, who attributes the 15 survival of the wedding cake to a phenomenon he terms ‘marooning’. His theory suggests that the meaningful quality that wedding cakes seem to have is a modern 9 Leach, Helen and Raelene Inglis. “The Archeology of Christmas Cakes” Food and Foodways. June 2010; ​ ​ 10 Gaudet, Marcia. “Ribbons Pulls in Wedding Cakes: Tracing a New Orleans Tradition”. Folklore. Vol. ​ ​ 117, No. 1 (2006); Henisch, Bridget. Cakes and Characters: an English Christmas Tradition. London: ​ ​ Prospect Books. 1984 11 Allen, Emily. “Culinary Exhibition: Victorian Wedding Cakes and Royal Spectacle”. Victorian Studies. ​ Vol. 45, No. 3 (2003) 12 Edwards, Walter. “Something Borrowed: Wedding Cakes as Symbols in Modern Japan”. American ​ Ethnologist. Vol. 9, No. 1 (2006) ​ 13 Douglas, Mary. “Food as an Art Form.“ In In the Active Voice, 105-113. London: Routledge. 1982. ​ ​ ​ 113 14 Taussig, Michael.The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America. Chapel Hill: UNC Press.1980. ​ ​ ​ 96 15 Charsley, Simon. Wedding Cakes and Cultural History. London: Routledge. 1992. 133 ​ ​ 7 construction resulting from the loss of historic context over time. While this argument is compelling, it does little to explain the actual survival of the cake, and fails to identify the forces at work that have allowed it to remain culturally relevant. Here ‘culture’ is understood to mean a “set of control mechanisms—plans, 16 recipes, rules, instructions […] for the governing of behavior.” Within contemporary American culture the wedding cake holds a unique position of both sentimentality and prestige, and ultimately possesses a ‘mystical quality’ of good luck while also serving as a site for status performance. Part of the importance of wedding cakes can be explained by Marx’s theory of commodity fetishism.17 In a capitalist society, the work that goes into producing objects is hidden from us, and is embedded in the product in the form of ‘congealed labor’, which we read as ‘intrinsic value’. Marx argues that commodity fetishism can be related to the same reasoning that allows for religious thought.
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