A Thesis Presented to

The Faculty of Alfred University

Women in : From Civil War to Postwar To Present

Erika Aleman

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Alfred University Honors Program

May 8, 2013

Under the Supervision Of:

Chair:

Dr. Jeffrey Sluyter-Beltrao

Committee Members:

Dr. Laura Greyson

Dr. Robert Reginio

In the 1980s, El Salvador underwent a long lasting, violent civil war. This war, though high in casualties and extremely traumatic for those who endured it, provided the opportunity for political change in the Central American country. The revolution helped shape political agendas and society seen in El Salvador today, but the subject is rarely spoken about in Latin American politics courses. Usually themes such as feminism, war, violence, and political developments in

Latin America are applied to other influential countries like , , or Argentina. The academic works on these countries identify patterns of political changes in , but I would like to focus solely on El Salvador.

My parents immigrated to the United States from El Salvador in an effort to escape the violence of the revolution during the ’80s. They would tell my siblings and me about the brutality of the war and made an effort to keep my family aware of its importance. Their distaste for the revolution was apparent, but it seemed that they were very desensitized to the extreme violence they were witnesses to all those years ago. Their tranquil tones when describing these situations only increased my curiosity. The atrocious human rights violations during this 12-year period were never a secret to me when I asked, but what baffled me the most was how “normal” it seemed to be for my parents.

My research on El Salvador began when I entered Alfred University, and my interest grew as I took courses on international politics. New knowledge about the politics of revolution allowed for better, more in-depth discussions with my parents about the motivations and issues that lay behind the war. When my mother recounted her story about her attempt to join the left- wing FMLN (Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front) group, my curiosity was piqued. That news sparked an interest to research revolution and political change from a minority perspective that is rarely spoken about in scholarship: women. The objective of my independent research is to compare and contrast women’s roles, rights, and influence in politics before and after the revolutionary war in El Salvador. It is important to analyze the feminist agenda during the war, rights that women had gained or lost during the war, and progress since then. I also identify the roles women filled during the war, how feminist agendas are being dealt with in El Salvador today, the changes of women’s roles since the war, and the national changes brought about with the rise to power of the FMLN after years of rule by ARENA (Nationalist Republican Alliance and the current right-wing political party).

Women Joining the FMLN

Women in guerrilla movements faced different hardships than men throughout the civil war. Although the FMLN (Frente Farabundo Marti para la Liberacion Nacional) was considered to be less sexist than the society in which it was formed, women constantly faced discrimination and threats within this group, all through the war, and thereafter. One of the most important factors to consider is the societal context that gave women the desire to join in dangerous combat against their repressive government. Karen Kampwirth in her book, Women & Guerrilla

Movement: Nicaragua, El Salvador, Chiapas, and , explains the factors that led to mobilization of women to revolutionary activism and guerrilla movements. After analyzing interviews of guerrilla women, Kampwirth identified multiple influences that led the “radical” involvement of women in armed resistance movements.

One of the factors was a history of repressive governments. Before the peak of the civil war, El Salvador had gone through decades of oppression by elites. Rural poor and indigenous peasants carried on the legacy of Commandante Farabundo Marti, a communist revolutionary leader that united and organized masses of indigenous peasant farmers into a guerrilla force that revolted against the repressive military dictatorship of El Salvador. Their rebellions ultimately led to the infamous day known as “” (The Massacre). La Matanza took place in 1932 and was a mass execution of indigenous people by the Salvadoran government as a response to the insurgency. Under the order of dictator Maximiliano Martinez, the Salvadoran military liquidated targeted villages. It is said that anyone who resembled or even dressed like an indigenous person was murdered. This military action obliterated much of the indigenous population in the country, quickly suppressed the rebellion, and caused a death toll of about

30,000 people. The use of severe oppression underlay a long reign of military presidents in El

Salvador, some using more force than others, but tyranny did not derail the memory and legacy of La Matanza and Farabundo Marti. Poor families and survivors of these regimes were essential in continuing the message of Farabundo Marti by promoting his ideology using intimate family ties and close communities. This gave the newer generations a sort of inheritance of repressed ideology, and this inheritance allowed them to draw correlations between their current living situations and what Farabundo Marti fought for.

“Family networks were the single most important network that channeled the women interviewed into revolutionary activism,” argues Kampwirth (60). Close relationships to family members who were politically involved, faced prior oppression, or supported the revolution had strong influences over women, and posed a threat to family safety. It was fairly common for the family members of a military target to be harassed, kidnapped, tortured, or even killed.

Another factor that influenced women to join the war effort was their participation in student organizations (Kampwirth, Women & Guerrilla 65). University students developed the capacity to comprehend the political issues facing El Salvador in a different manner than the urban poor. A university education provided students with the advantage of available academic resources, the capacity to think critically about their government, an opportunity to discuss and analyze their current condition, and the possibility of gaining additional information. Due to their privileged circumstances, college students also had more willingness and time than the working class to participate in revolutionary activities. As Julie Shayne points out “Universities are, typically, the nexus for the development of revolutionary ideas” (41).

A third and equally important factor that led women to join the FMLN was Church involvement. Liberation theology paved the way for a massive response against the authoritarian government in El Salvador. This type of Catholicism was not limited to El Salvador; liberation theology was actively promoted in various Latin American countries at the time, including

Colombia, Mexico, Peru, Nicaragua, and Brazil. “In response to the Bishops Conference in

Medellin in 1968, the progressive Salvadoran began to define poverty and oppression of the masses as a sin” (Stephen 811). Church priests, like Oscar Romero in El

Salvador, became increasingly powerful and the most important voice against inequality and government violence. The assassination of Oscar Romero was a pivotal event for many, fueling their decision to join the guerilla movement.

Women’s Roles and Patriarchy in the FMLN

Throughout modern history, women have played pivotal roles in countless revolutions, although they were rarely recognized by male counterparts, who “naturally” gained more notoriety. As Cuban revolutionary Che Guevarra in Guerrilla Warfare states:

Women can play an extraordinarily important role in the development of a revolutionary process. This must be emphasized, for those of a colonial mentality tend to underestimate and discriminate against women. They are capable of the most difficult deeds, of fighting with the troops, and they do not cause sexual conflicts among the troops, as has been charged. Women, although weaker than men, are no less resilient. (Shayne 45)

Many goals of the Salvadoran guerrilla group FMLN would not have been achieved or carried out without the strategic help of women. Women represented about 35% of FMLN forces, yet were continuously underrepresented and discriminated against within the group. During the revolution most women were used logistically, taking on communication, networking, and “care taker” roles. This included health and first aid services, food distribution, and political/diplomatic work (Shayne 36).

It was also rare to find a woman who was able to advance into the decision-making positions of the FMLN. Women did not gain membership in the higher ranks of the FMLN easily. Irma Amaya, an ex-combatant and elected representative of the FMLN stated:

For a man it was easy, because just by virtue of being a man, having a penis, that already earned him a vote of confidence to put them in charge. But being a woman, no; women had to prove two, three or more times, as many as necessary to demonstrate that they could do it too. (Shayne 40)

The few women that rose in the ranks within the FMLN were usually educated women who came from middle-class households. Poor families produced few highly educated women due to their lack of money, while also emphasizing the idea that women must dedicate all of their time to the family. The oldest daughter would take care of whole families, and those who were married dedicated their lives to their husband and children. Middle-class students, on the other hand, had the free time and autonomy to be more deeply involved with the FMLN movement.

Within Salvadoran culture at the time were found broad stereotypes of femininity. Many believed that women followed a higher code of morality. “Hence, their roles are not only confined to attack missions, but also conflated with societal images of women’s responsibility”

(Sajjad 4). This made the general public more susceptible to revolutionary rhetoric conveyed by women, as opposed to men. Women were perceived as unthreatening and timid, which helped some get through the revolution unnoticed by the opposition, even while assisting others with the spread of revolutionary ideologies. On the other hand, men would be perceived instantly as threatening and intimidating by some communities if they joined the FMLN. This made it more difficult for them to build support for the revolution. There were also tactics used that took advantage of feminine stereotypes. For example, women would be able to visit military prisons by pretending to be a relative. They would also be more effective at passing on FMLN messages and letters, since they were searched less on the streets and in the markets (Shayne 38).

Although the FMLN used the “moral superiority” belief in their favor, their strategy can also be considered a double-edged sword. Any woman who violated this code would instantly become a double deviant. Not only were they breaking the law by defying their government, but they were also breaking the morality pedestal they had been placed upon. Being this sort of double deviant caused women to be punished and tortured just as harshly, if not more harshly, than men. There were also torture tactics developed specifically for women’s detainess, usually including sexual violence. These harsh punishments were not limited to women who were formal members of the FMLN. Women activists, non-governmental organizations (NGO) leaders, human rights advocates, and union members were not necessarily FMLN affiliates, but were still in great danger. These non-combatants “were taking risks perhaps more dangerous than actual combatants, since they themselves were unarmed yet were met with the same military tactics that the armed guerillas were” (Shayne 34).

Evidence of military violence against non-combatants can be seen through the military’s response to women non-governmental officers. CO-MADRES and ANDES were groups mostly made up of women and were also considered enemies by the military. ANDES (National Association of Salvadoran Educators) advocated for teacher unions. The leaders of this group were mostly women and were detained and tortured for their efforts (Shayne 27). CO-MADRES

(Committee of Mothers of Political Prisoners, Disappeared, and Assassinated of El Salvador), were advocates for human rights of prisoners and the disappeared. “In the 1980’s, the death squads published a statement in which they claimed that they would cut off the heads of every member of the CO-MADRES” (Shayne 30). It is also reported that some active members of CO-

MADRES were arrested, tortured, and raped (Stephen 814). Regardless of the relationship some groups with high female membership had with the FMLN, it was clear that the Salvadoran military saw the threat in organizations. The office of the CO-MADRES was bombed in 1980 and “since then their offices have been bombed on 4 additional occasions” (Stephen 814).

Many leftist women or women participating in the FMLN’s efforts either did not take notice of the sexism, of the Salvadoran patriarchal society, or believed that through their war efforts these issues would be addressed and reformed. The FMLN promoted and fought for an ideology of civil rights and equality, but it later became apparent that most of their rhetoric catered to men. This is not to say that all FMLN members, or even those on the right, explicitly worked for the oppression of women, but the majority consensus and decision-making worked strongly against them.

Peace Accords, Autonomy, Early Postwar Backlash

With the end of the war and the 1992 Peace Accords, the discontent of women with the

FMLN (now a political party instead of a guerilla group) and the newly adopted rightwing

ARENA party (Nationalist Republican Alliance) took hold. The discussions that took place around the 1992 Peace Accords agenda hardly tackled women’s issues in El Salvador. “Instead of being included in the building of structures for the new El Salvador, [women] were expected to return to their domestic (private) spheres” (Sajjad 11). What the two parties declared as war- ending priorities were policies that did not address problems women were facing at the time.

The women activists of the FMLN expected that their sacrifices and contributions would be recognized in the Peace Accord and that they would gain new rights for all the risks they had undertaken. To their dismay, their agenda was almost completely ignored by both the left and right in the forging of the accords. (Blumberg 164)

Most of these problems were not brought up for negotiation because of the strong desire for the peace talks to continue without generating too many obstacles. This decision caused a great undermining effect with regard to certain specific issues. For instance, land reforms returned ownership of land to “heads of households,” yet provisions only took into account males as heads of households. Women who fought in the war effort or were left without a father, husband, or son were completely excluded from these kinds of reforms.

This policy among others ignored women rights and caused the rise of autonomous women NGOs, some who even split off from the FMLN itself. This turned out to be a crucial moment of progress for women’s rights in El Salvador. Instead of using violence, women became political activists and worked within the system to fight the system. Unfortunately women not only faced opposition from their conservative rightwing governments for this decision, but also from their leftist ex-combatants, their families, and their communities. The decision for these groups to become autonomous was not received lightly in El Salvador, by both either FMLN or ARENA. Feminists were ridiculed, opposed, and oppressed. Many rightwing conservatives attacked and tried to undermine feminist organizations by making preposterous accusations. Members of these organizations were written off as lesbians and even accused of inflicting AIDS upon El Salvador (Kampwirth, Feminism & Revolution 91). One of the first women groups to seek autonomy from the FMLN was Las Dignas

(Women for Dignity and Life). The RN (National Resistance), a guerrilla subgroup of the FMLN who founded Las Dignas, responded harshly to their independence. Kristina, now a political activist for Las Dignas, stated “They made fun of us and of the name we had chosen, they made up stories to undermine our reputations, they closed off our access to the former war zones and to material and financial support” (Kampwirth, Feminism & Revolution 83). Las Dignas were not the only group that was ostracized for its independence and feminist ideas. Other groups like

CEMUJER (Center for the Study of Women), Las Madres Demandantes, CONAMUS (National

Coordination of Salvadoran Women), and MAM (Melida Amaya Montez), had to face harsh criticism and verbal abuse from various sectors of their patriarchal society. Resistance towards these groups also came within family life. It was reported that women would be abused within their households because of their affiliation with a feminist group (Stephen 815). And yet it is essential to highlight the importance of women in the immediate postwar period. Their decision to form autonomous women’s organizations despite facing great opposition and danger was crucial to the advancement of women. Doing so demonstrated that women would not conform, returning to their pre-revolutionary war roles.

Interestingly enough, there are still women facing this sort of ridicule and threats from males in El Salvador. All of the women in my interviews mentioned the backlash they face for belonging to their group, or for even declaring themselves feminist. Angelica Rivas, a member of

Feminista Collectiva Para el Desarollo Local (Feminist Collective for Local Development), mentioned how their group decided to no longer promote themselves through bumper stickers on their vehicles. Apparently, this kind of advertisement caused rocks to be thrown at their cars and even had people cause driving accidents with their representatives on purpose. Other groups spoke about office vandalism and robberies aimed at their organization, receiving death threats, verbal abuse on the streets, and forms of humiliation aimed at their followers. As I traveled from organization to organization, I also noticed that they all employed armed security officers, had surveillance cameras inside and outside their facilities, and adopted the style of heavy metal doors that were only unlocked to allow a person to enter or leave.

Child Support: Early NGO Interest

As early as 1994, Las Dignas had already commenced a campaign demanding child support reforms and providing legal advice to women who were facing this particular issue

(Ready 61). The popularity of their effort led to the formation of the subgroup “Las Madres

Demandantes” (Demanding Mothers or LMD). Despite economic hardships, the power of right- wing conservatives, and strong backlash against women NGOs at the time, LMD were still able to achieve many objectives. “Part of what the activist women were unable to obtain from the

Peace Accords they managed to extract from the national political system” (Blumberg 164). The success of LMD is attributed to specific factors that facilitated their ability to organize and promote their efforts.

Established in the 1950s, the institution responsible for handling child support disputes was the Procuraduria General de la Republica (Attorney General of the Republic or PGR). This power was given to them with the new Family Code established in El Salvador in 1994 (Ready

62). Soliciting the help of the PGR or filing a claim was nearly impossible for women in the early stages. There were countless obstacles that a woman had to face in order to complete her claim. Women had to prove the paternity of the father, which in itself was incredibly difficult since DNA testing was not available (Ready 62). Arrest warrants delivered to men who did not show up in court were often ignored, while women had to attend recurrent court dates. It was often very difficult for poor women to keep on using their resources in order to attend a court date, where nothing could get done without the presence of the defendant (Ready 62). Many women would give up before completing the process. Women still faced issues even after the courts set a child support quota. Many payments would not arrive and it would be the woman’s job to submit the process for investigation (Ready 62).

All of these barriers and obstacles in place deterring women from gaining child support were propelled and enforced by El Salvador’s culture of machismo. “ In soliciting a quota,

Salvadoran women were confronting what is regarded by most as a cultural trait of

Salvadoran men: la paternidad irresponsable (irresponsible fatherhood)” (Ready 62). Aside from the permissibility of a man walking away from a child without much stigma compared to what a woman would receive, it is also emphasized that mothers have a greater responsibility to provide and raise children than fathers. In their efforts to eradicate this inequality and provide women with child support rights, Las Madres Demandantes and Las Dignas adopted very effective organizational tactics that promoted their cause.

Las Madres Demandantes: Their Tactical Methods and Ultimate Downfall

An essential tactic used by the LMD was to bring national attention and awareness to their campaign and the cause itself. They began by preventing politicians who were behind on their support payments or guilty of domestic battering from being elected (Blumberg 166). They were so successful that women demanded the completion of missed payments from politicians in their own party. Later, a scandal broke out when it emerged that employees of the Attorney

General’s Office were keeping money meant for child support payments. LMD responded by making the news public, sharing the story with key sectors of the media, taking out full-page ads in newspapers, and demanding restitution (Blumberg 166).

Their organizational skills were just as important as their use of the media. Las Madres

Demandantes were attacking a single issue that was experienced by all kinds of women in El

Salvador. In order to be successful, this group had to effectively unite women from both the left

(FMLN) and right (ARENA), national and local political actors, rich and poor women, religious and non-religious, educated and uneducated. The fact that the child support process was not failing one particular group of women was an advantage to LMD. It is much easier to fight a cause that affects a wide range of your demographic. The unity of all these women not only increased the size of the organization, but also facilitated a stronger lobbying effort for their cause.

The achievements of the LMD and Las Dignas would not have been obtained without the experience and organizational skills women developed during the war (Blumberg 162). Women who worked closely with the FMLN were able to gain organizational experience and learn grassroots tactics from the guerrilla, while women non-combatants secluded into designated refugee areas created grassroots support systems in order to survive (Blumberg 170). After the war, many of these women used their experience to take up leadership positions in women

NGOs, including the leadership of Las Dignas. The main factors attributed to LMD’s successful campaign were their tactical use of the media, the help of international feminists, the use of their organizational and grassroots experience gained from the war, the inclusion of women from the top to the bottom of society, their strong lobbying at in the national level, and their bipartisanship

(Blumberg 166). Although Las Madres Demandantes successfully fought for a feminist objective, they still fell into harmful patterns that caused their disbandment. Some of the same factors that helped the group obtain success and notoriety became detrimental over time. Women NGOs in El Salvador today risk facing the same problems that LMD went through in the ‘90s.

LMD’s founders and leaders were the individuals responsible for the successful strategies that gained LMD its recognition. Las Dignas were trying to achieve child support reforms, while trying to also raise awareness about women’s roles, the ideas of motherhood, and sexuality. In contrast, many women members who made up the rank and file of the LMD were simply concerned about obtaining child support (Ready 64). They did not question Salvadoran society’s opinions on the role of motherhood and women’s sexuality. Many of these women took immense pride in and pleasure out of motherhood (Ready 65). These ideological differences were expressed and discussed within every organization meeting.

Ultimately the LMD leadership failed to develop an effective analysis of the appeal of motherhood as a strategy for survival and affirmation for poor Salvadoran women. The failure adequately to address these differences in perspective eventually created contradictions, which have since torn the organization apart. (Ready 65)

The women who where higher up in rank tended to adopt the belief that they were “political figures” allowing them to be more critical of the motherhood role, yet they failed to persuade followers to think differently.

Another problem faced by the LMD was the increasing gap between what Kelley Ready defines as the afiliadas and the decision-making members of the group. The term afiliadas

(affiliates) is used to represent members “who participated actively in the LMD on a voluntary basis” (Ready 66). Tension was becoming more and more apparent between the paid staff and the afiliadas, “Despite the claim that ‘they were all demandantes’, the paid staff did not participate in the meeting with other demandantes on equal terms” (Ready 66). Paid staff also had more voice when it came to decision making, while afiliadas had little to no input. Funding was not transparent and the afiliadas had little access to it. Kelley Ready spoke to afiliadas in the

LMD in an effort to identify their main concerns. “According to what they told me, they did not know where the financial information was kept, who the funders where, or how to contact them”

(Ready 66). Tensions and gaps between the two groups grew, causing a great schism in the

LMD. Later, afiliadas realized that paid staff had been filling in forms with higher salary amounts, in an effort to receive additional funds from donors (Ready 67). Afraid that the afiliadas would go public with their corruption, the paid staff agreed to open up negotiations and address complaints. It can be said that if the afiliadas had not used this form of intense pressure, it is probable that negotiations would not have risen, corruption would have continued, the afiliadas would have been continuously ignored, or the LMD would have been disbanded much sooner.

At the same time it is important to emphasize the sense of unity in the women’s NGOs.

Unfortunately it is relatively easy to cause divisions in a group. Women NGOs in El Salvador today must also be wary of the issues that faced the LMD. Focusing on a single issue without a convincing leadership and deep analysis of different perspectives can cause a split, between the members who joined only to solve their personal problems and the ones who want to eradicate/criticize societal roles. The most influential members of the LMD had the opportunity and momentum to change many women’s perspectives and ideas of motherhood, but did not have the capability to do so.

International funding and national donors also have the capacity to cause great tension.

Paid members have to be cautious when handling the organization’s funds. A lack of transparency about the group’s spending is likely to decrease trust between the members who make key decisions and those who do not. Tensions, mistrust, and discontent between these two types of members in the LMD reached its limit in 1999, when three leaders were convicted of embezzlement and later incarcerated (Ready 67). This event not only diminished the professional reputation of the group, but also helped form a schism within the women’s movement and caused the final disintegration of a once-vital organization.

The paid staff of organizations are able “to control the organization’s goals and strategies, and the tactics through which these would be realized, with little input from the afiliadas”

(Ready 67). Their power can generate an organizational hierarchy that marginalizes women who are not able to make it up the ranks. Women who are poor, live in rural areas, have weak computer kills, have limited literacy, or even the inability to speak English due to its importance for communicating with international groups and donors, would be the first ones excluded. Paid members should comprehend that their organization’s volunteers, or afiliadas, are co-workers in a sense; both parties are dependent on each other’s support. Volunteers are working for the same cause and would benefit from some sort of representation or voice in the group’s decision- making process. This can prevent tensions by informing organizational leaders of their follower’s main concerns. Debates and disagreements are inevitable, but negotiations and compromises can decrease the likelihood of divisions.

Funding in general can be used to help women’s organizations to grow, unfortunately many agencies limit what these groups can do with these funds.

Many funding agencies are hesitant to provide funds for non-capital expenses, but these costs are integral to ensuring that poor and rural women can participate in workshops and events. The income of many potential participants is so low that without these costs being covered, they cannot afford to attend. (Ready 67)

Organizations are more successful at criticizing and campaigning on issues that affect all types of women. Although this tactic can increase the size of a group, they still face the danger of marginalizing poor/rural women that are willing to attend events and volunteer, but do not have the financial resources to do so. LMD circumvented donor limitations by falsifying reports to pay women’s expenses. This type of practice could then lead to bigger sanctions and directly affect the group’s legitimacy if made public. The presence of poor women in women NGO’s or in the women’s movement in general, is essential. They usually are the ones that face the most discrimination, lack of opportunities, and marginalization.

For the Salvadoran women’s movement to avoid the fragmentation that has afflicted the feminist movement in the Unites States, leaders need to listen better to women who are not the founders or organizers of organizations, and have no had the same privileged access to resources (Ready 68).

Current Women Non-Governmental Organizations and New Strategic Methods: Feminista Colectiva, Las Melidas, and Las Dignas

Since the early postwar era, women organizations in El Salvador have increased in number and influence. During my trip to El Salvador, I interviewed representatives of three separate women NGOs. These interviews demonstrate the recent concerns women organizations confront, the factors that have facilitated their influence, and the evolution of their strategic planning and organization.

A women’s NGO that has survived since their decision to become autonomous from the

FMLN in 1990 is Las Dignas. Their ex-subgroup, Las Madres Demandantes, came to an abrupt end years ago due to fundamental organizational problems, yet Las Dignas remained strong. In

2005, Las Dignas established a new organization with a much different approach than LMD.

“Colectiva Feminista para el Desarollo Local” (Feminist Collective for Local Development or

Feminista Colectiva) began in a very similar way as the LMD. The group began as a department of Las Dignas, but through an increase in popularity and influence they were able to form their own independent organization. I traveled to the office of Feminista Colectiva also known as “La Casa de Todas” (The House of All Women) and interviewed a representative of the organization.

What sets Colectiva Feminista apart from other current women’s organizations in El

Salvador is their focus on the local empowerment of women’s groups, associations, or organizations. Angela Rivas, a legal consultant for Colectiva Feminista, explained the purpose of the NGO: “We aid and support women’s groups, so they can strengthen within their localities and can then demand the realization or fulfillment of their rights, as women in that particular territory”. Feminista Colective extends their help to local groups undertaking feminist issues regardless of their political affiliation, socioeconomic standing, or religious stance (Rivas,

Interview).

The strategic aid given by Feminista Colectiva to local women groups, with the purpose of fortifying and reinforcing its presence, accomplishes many things. First, it increases the number of local women associations, making them more accessible to women that do not have the capacity to undergo long-distance trips. Second, the establishment of organizations in specific municipalities allows these groups to cater to the women in their territory and address their specific concerns. Certain problems affecting women throughout El Salvador can easily vary by region. For example, rural women face different obstacles than urban women. Angelina

Rivas emphasized this when she stated that the women groups in her municipality are not going to fight for the local issues of the women across the nation (Rivas, Interview). Thirdly, the national and international unification of women groups and organizations in El Salvador has put tremendous pressure on El Salvador’s federal government. This has led to many federal level changes, but pressuring municipalities and local officials is just as important. Local officials and municipalities of El Salvador face a countless number of issues varying from high levels of poverty to high amounts of street violence. My interview with the newly elected mayor of Usulutan, Francisco Meardi Guevarra, showed the numerous issues he must face that ultimately take priority over women’s issues in Usulutan. Taxation of informal businesses, road repairs and construction, proper disposal of wastewater, and high rates of violent crime are the mayor’s main concerns. While these issues are incredibly important and still affect the lives of women in Usulutan, the mayor’s office seemed disconnected from the main concerns of feminist groups and organizations. “Alcaldias”, equivalent to city halls or mayor’s office, have much greater influence and power in El Salvador, compared to the city halls of the United States. This association with municipalities and local officials has become a strategic and necessary effort by women groups, in their effort to advance women’s rights. Also, women’s groups dedicated to achieve changes within their local region have a much greater capacity to engage more women in political activism, while pressuring their localities to promote and enforce women’s rights.

There were many similarities between the statements of the women I interviewed, showing that women organizations use similar methods to engage and recruit women. All agreed that the involvement of groups within their localities is important. Carmen Rios, a lawyer working for Las Melidas, stated for example that one of the best tactics used by women NGOs is to educate women on the issues and their rights, while maintaining a close contact with the women in their community.

Women organizations in El Salvador are starting to build strong alliances amongst each other. I was given memorabilia by these organizations that all included the name of another organization, either a Salvadoran or international one. Groups refer to this type of relationship as “aliadas”, or allies. Through these alliances a common demand can be agreed upon that all groups can jointly fight for (Rios, Interview). For example, one very powerful international collaboration by both Salvadoran women groups and groups from neighboring countries is “LA

RED” contra la Violencia Hacia las Mujeres. La Red Centroamericana focuses on the erradication of . Las Melidas, Ormusa, Las Dignas, Feminista Collectiva,

MSM, AMES (), CODEMUH (Honduras), MEC (Nicaragua), plus other organizations all united in effort to empower LA RED and jointly focus on this international issue (Rios, Interview). Although all these groups provide separate services that promote the development of women, they unite to tackle this single international issue.

In “La Casa de Todas” occupied by Feminsta Colectiva you can also find ANDRYSAS

(National Association of Counselors, Mayors, and Salvadoran Syndicates), the Women’s Union, and Citizen Grouping for the Decriminalization of Abortion (Rivas, Interview). The unification of so many women groups makes their efforts much more effective in many aspects. Women who seek help by an organization that cannot provide them with assistance are referred to their

“aliadas” (Rivas, Interview). Carmen Rios from Las Melidas stated, “We also work together through our national mobilizations. We unite to coordinate on March 8th International Women’s day, September 28th Salvadoran day against the criminalization of abortion, and November 25th

International day Against Women’s Violence, with the intension of demonstrating and presenting our concerns to the institutions of the state” (Rios, Interview).

Another great change that has influenced the power of women organizations in El

Salvador is their achievement of stronger ties between their groups and the Salvadoran government, which was not possible in the past. Both Carmen Rios and Angelia Rivas pointed out that this came about with the national election of the FMLN president in 2009. There is a connection between public institutions and Las Melidas that has not been seen in the past. Government agencies are more open to us. We are working with the Attorney General of the Republic, the National Police, and the Ministry of Employment in many ways. Courts refer women to us for psychological or judicial services. ISDEMU (Salvadoran Institute for the Development of Women) asks for our support all the time. It is essential to establish a level of credibility and trust between us. (Rios, Interview)

Angela Rivas also stated,

With FMLN accession to power there have been changes that ARENA would not have allowed. ARENA did not permit the inclusion of social organizations. We have now signed an agreement with the National Police and have good relations with ISDEMU. It was hard to achieve, but it would never have taken place with the right in power. (Rivas, Interview)

Ana Milagro Guevara, an attorney working for the National Institute for the Defense of Human

Rights, specified working closely with women NGOs CE-MUJER, Las Dignas, and AMS pertaining to issues of violence against women (Guevara, Interview). Emma Julia Fabian, an

FMLN member of parliament, stated that women NGOs have deeply influenced the Parliament’s decision making process, “many of the legislative proposals made stem from these groups”

(Fabian, Interview).

Although the FMLN’s electoral success has made possible more opportunities for women organizations, it is not the political party alone that has provided these. America Rumualdo, a coordinator for the department of feminist research in Las Dignas, attributes the rise of organizational opportunities to different political factors.

I believe the opportunities have been achieved through the current political context. Many people say that President has provided better possibilities to reach our goals, and yes it’s relative, but it is not the political party or the president alone that provide these opportunities. It is the political pressures and the correlation between the two parties that force possible negotiations. (Rumualdo, Interview)

The political context in El Salvador has changed to favor these organizations. The decisions that were permitted and accepted by past governments against women’s rights are no longer as widely accepted. Also, the number of women voters has surpassed the number of male voters (Rumualdo, Interview). Like the Republican Party in the United States that recognized the power of the Latino vote in the last election, ARENA has recognized the political power of women voters in El Salvador. “Even the most sexist party must know that if they make a decision against women, they will lose votes. These decisions are no longer considered as legitimate or widely accepted as they were before” (Rumualdo, Interview).

The correlation and interdependence of the two parties in both parliament and the executive branch has also produced important changes. There has been a split of the right political party in parliament that gave rise to a new party GANA (Great Alliance for National

Unity). Although ARENA is still the majority party in Parliament, this schism narrowed the gap between left and right and made negotiations essential in order to successfully pass any law.

Women organizations have also found an opening to work with parliament members, due to these factors. LA RED was a highly influential actor that supported and successfully lobbied for the Violence against Women Act in El Salvador. Emma Julia Fabian, an FMLN Member of

Parliament, has also seen how the change in political circumstances within the country has affected the women’s movement.

The issues have always been on the political agendas, and the demands from women’s organizations have always existed, but the significant changes came about recently. First the FMLN wins the presidential elections, changing who runs the county, and then a split in the right provides the opportunity to reintroduce the themes pertaining to women. (Fabian Interview)

Although many women organizations in El Salvador prefer the left political party to the right, all three women emphasized that this does not prevent organizations from being critical of the left or stop them from seeking support from the more conservative politicians. Las Dignas has recently criticized Mauricio Funes for appointing fewer women to his cabinet than his

ARENA predecessor, Elias Antonio Saca (Rumualdo, Interview). Feminista Colectiva criticizes the lesser number of women that have been able to occupy governmental offices, compared to men (Rivas, Interview).

It was also common to see current women organizations want to maintain the memory of the FMLN women combatants during the civil war. Las Melidas powerfully commemorates the efforts of Melida Anaya Montes by using her name and her picture in the organization’s logo.

Melida Anaya Montes was one of the few women that made it to the top ranks of the FMLN and achieved major influence over educational and social justice movements during the war (Rios,

Interview). In 1983, Melida was stabbed eight times by a male FMLN colleague at a home in

Nicaragua. Her growing influence over social movements and an FMLN faction that favored negotiations posed threats to the strength of her male counterparts. Her assassination provides a clear example of what many Salvadoran women organizations fought to define as “feminicidio”.

Melida Anaya Montes is one of numerous women that are venerated and honored by Salvadoran feminists. Many organizations contain pictures of women ex-militants or feminist war art within their offices. Although women organizations pride themselves on using democratic national means to bring about change, they note the importance of their predecessors. Female ex-FMLN combatants established the strongest current Salvadoran women organizations including

CEMUJER, Las Dignas, Las Melidas, and ORMUSA. Not only are these ex-combatants honored as the founders of women organizations, but they are also used to portray the strength of a

Salvadoran woman. “They can be seen as examples, predecessors, inspirations, or the pioneers of women’s rights” (Fabian, Interview).

Executive Orders: Ciudad Mujer and Vaso de Leche

In 2009, for the first time in Salvadoran history, the FMLN presidential nominee won the election. Mauricio Funes came into power with great popularity and countless promises to help the poor.

One of his well-known executive orders established a social program to help school children named “Vaso de Leche” (Glass of Milk). Under this educational social plan elementary school children are given school uniforms, shoes, school utensils, daily school lunches, and a glass of milk as they begin their school day. Although this program aims above all to keep children in school, it also affects the lives of many women. Salvadoran culture makes women much more directly responsible for the well-being and upkeep of their children, than men. It is also important to note that the number of single mothers and young mothers is increasing throughout the country, and that these women earn much less in the job market than their male counterparts. Vaso de Leche ultimately relieved many women family providers, who did not have the capacity to pay for a school uniform or daily school lunch for their children of an increasingly heavy burden. I recall traveling to El Salvador at a time when this social program was nonexistent. Poor women built up a sense of shame if they did not have the capacity to provide their child with the necessary amenities to attend school. Many opted to avoid the burden by keeping their children at home, even if their children had the desire to continue their education. I recall watching a poor elementary school girl scrounge up saved pennies to buy a single 40cent Bic Pen, while I tended to lose count of the pens I had lost throughout the semester.

Although something as simple as a pen has become insignificant to American students, it was something cherished by poor students in El Salvador. Vaso de Leche has increased school attendance and allowed working women to spend their meager savings on other essentials. Poor women now send their children to school with the comfort that they will be provided with food and crucial necessities, averting the stigma of an unsuccessful mother.

The second well-recognized executive order by Mauricio Funes, with the assistance of his wife (Secretary of Social Inclusion) Vanda Pignato, was the establishment of “Ciudad

Mujer” (Women’s City). Ciudad Mujer is a “facility where the fundamental rights of Salvadoran women are guaranteed through specialized services, such as sexual and reproductive health, comprehensive care for gender violence, economic empowerment, and the promotion of their rights. In addition, Ciudad Mujer has child care areas where children are cared for while their mothers receive different services” (ciudadmujer.gov.sv). The initial goal was to construct a

Ciudad Mujer facility within all the 14 departments of El Salvador, but funding for a construction plan that large is not currently available. As of now, there are three separate Ciudad

Mujer facilities, in the departments of San Salvador, Usulutan, and Santa Ana.

Generally, Ciudad Mujer brings together pre-existing government institutions and consolidates them within one facility with the purpose of explicitly providing services to

Salvadoran women. Some of the governmental institutions participating in the facilities of

Ciudad Mujer is the Ministry of Health, the National Civil Police, ISDEMU (National Institute for the Development of Womena), the Ministry of Labor, the Agriculture Development Bank, the

Attorney General of the Republic, the Ministry of Culture, Solidarity Fund for Family Micro

Businesses, National Council of Micro and Small Businesses, and many more

(cuidadmujer.gov.sv). Claudia Castillo, the module coordinator of Ciudad Mujer in Usulutan, explained the three major issues faced by Salvadoran women, and showed how Ciudad Mujer is trying to confront these problems through aid and services. The three major subdivisions within

Ciudad Mujer focus on violence against women, women’s economic autonomy, and education of sexual and reproductive health (Castillo, Interview). An interesting aspect of these facilities is that the entrance of males is prohibited, enforcing the literal meaning of “women’s city”. Those few men that cannot be prevented from entering, like those who must accompany an elderly woman or those that help fund the facility, must enter through a back entrance. The reasoning behind this rule is to create a safe space for the women who use the services provided by Ciudad

Mujer. “This is a space dedicated to women. We handle many cases of violence and our services tend to be very intimate. These women need to feel secure and protected” (Castillo, Interview).

This program provides an impressive array of services and aid. “Ciudad Mujer has attended to 78,438 women in a year and a half and has provided 193,000 services” (Fabian,

Interview). These services include help with obtaining personal or business loans, access to vocational education, and health tests to identify HPV, STDs, and cancer (Castillo, Interview).

There are even day care facilities where children can be held and taken care of while mothers receive the necessary services. Interestingly enough, there were many cases of domestic abuse and violence discovered through the children’s day care attention (Castillo, Interview). It was important to my interviewee to explain that although all the services provided by Cuidad Mujer are free, it is not promoting a welfare state. The program is intended to ensure the human rights of women, while providing them with the opportunities that are taken away from them by the general public (Castillo, Interview).

Violence against Women’s Act, and Women’s Equality and Anti-Discriminations Act

The executive branch of El Salvador has provided many opportunities that help the development of women, but the biggest changes can be seen through the efforts and organizational methods of Parliament. Within the last 3 years, the Parliament in El Salvador has passed two laws that directly influence the rights and opportunities of Salvadoran women: “Ley

Especial Intergral para una Vida Libre de Violencia para las Mujeres” (Violence against Women

Act) and “Ley de Igualdad, Equidad y Erradicacion de la Discriminacion contra las mujeres”

(Women’s Equality and Anti-Discrimination Act).

The Violence against Women Act, passed in 2010, identified a life free of violence as a woman’s legal right. Article 9 of the law recognizes seven types of violence that women must be protected. These include economic violence, feminicidio (or femicide), physical violence, emotional and psychological violence, patrimonial violence, sexual violence, and symbolic violence. Emma Julia Fabian, the secretary of the women’s commission and FMLN Member of

Parliament, specified that it was necessary to reform El Salvador’s penal code in order to effectively enforce this law. In her interview published by parliament, Emma Julia Fabian stated:

We agreed that if we kept the prior criminal code, the special character of the new defined crimes and their treatment by the executors of justice would be lost. We had to identify and classify crimes like femicide and aggravated femicide (up to 30-50 years in prison) as well as other crimes that are not covered by existing legislation. (Campos 2011)

I was introduced to the term “feminicide” during my trip to El Salvador and was surprised that it took me so long to realize this term existed. The term united the words feminism and homicide to refer to the murder of a woman for being a woman. Usually, the offender’s misogynist or sexist beliefs motivate this extreme act of violence.

The Women’s Equality and Anti-Discrimination Act, passed in 2011, seeks to guarantee equality between the two sexes by eradicating discrimination against women in both the public and private sectors of life. Building upon article 3 of the Salvadoran constitution that specifies that all people are equal before the law, this legislation argues that “ in all spheres of life are fundamental conditions for the achievement of development, governance, peace, and democracy in El Salvador” (asamblea.gov.sv).

ISDEMU is the national governing institution that is responsible for overseeing the correct application and completion of these two laws. In 2010, after the ratification of the

Violence against Women Act, funds directed to institutions that provided women services were increased. “This year, we increased the funds to the Ministry of Health and also increased funds to ISDEMU by $250,000” (Campos 2011).

Grupo Parlamentario de Mujeres & Comision de la Mujer

These two laws could not have been passed without the cooperation and careful planning of the “Grupo Parliamentario de Mujeres” (Women’s Parliamentary Group or GPM). This group, equivalent to a Woman’s Caucus in the United States, started in 2009 with 23 members of parliament and 25 substitute members of parliament- all women. This caucus is specifically tailored to tackle issues women face in El Salvador today. These women assemble regularly to discuss the possible current women’s issues as well as their possible policy solutions, all in an effort to lower the likelihood of disabling dissent by other parliament members when it comes time to vote for the law (Campos 2011).

This particular goal was reached when it came time to vote for the Violence against

Women Act. The efforts of women within their respective parties were essential. Emma Julia

Fabian, who is now in her 9th year in the Salvadoran Parliament as an FMLN representative, and

Mariella Pena Pinto who is now in her 16th year in the Salvadoran Parliament as an ARENA representative, had critical roles. After reaching an agreement within the GPM, women members of parliament take their particular policy ideas and negotiations back to their party headquarters and commissions in order to gain wider support for the law. Emma Julia Fabian explained,

Mariella Pena Pinto played an important role with the ARENA party; she spoke to the leader of her fraction and sought consensus, while I did the same with my group in the FMLN. We spoke to other parties, those who have no women Members of Parliament like the PCN and GANA, and we all came to an agreement to pass the Violence Against Women Act on November 25, 2010 by parliamentary consensus. (Campos 2011)

This effective strategy used to promote negotiations and discussions allowed Parliament to reach bipartisan consensus, and the law was enacted on the official International Day against Women’s

Violence. Not only was the Violence Against Women Act passed using this strategy, but also the

Women’s Equality and Anti-Discrimination Act. What was perhaps most impressive was how the women Members of Parliament achieved the approval of these two laws by eliciting the support of all 84 members of parliament. I was therefore quite surprised upon my return to the states to find out that VAWA, our Violence Against Women’s Act, was having trouble passing through the U.S. House of Representatives, while a country perceived as blatantly “sexist” passed the law unanimously.

I personally interviewed two members of the women’s causus, Emma Julia Fabian

(FMLN) and Claudia Luz Ramirez Garcia (ARENA), who equally emphasized the importance of reaching bipartisan agreement. Both members of parliament displayed great satisfaction with the group’s existence. Although highly critical of the opposite party in general, there seemed to be a sense of unity and understanding within the GPM. Emma Julia Fabian stated, “The importance of this agenda is independent from our party differences, these are topics that we all want to work on” (Fabian Interview), and Claudia Ramirez Garcia enforced this statement by adding “GPM promotes a common agenda where the colors of our parties can be blurred” (Garcia, Interview). Working alongside the Women’s Parliament group is the parliamentary Comision de la

Mujer y la Igualdad de Genero (Women’s Commission for Gender Equality). This commission was a spinoff of the Comision de la Familia, La Mujer, y la Ninez (Family, Women, and

Childhood Commission). Parliament members emphasized the importance of having a commission specifically dedicated to the promotion of women’s issues and rights. The Women’s

Commission for Gender Equality is made up of 8 parliament members: 3 from ARENA, 3 the from FMLN, and 2 from GANA (5 women and 3 men). The purpose of this commission is for the parliament members to come together as representatives of their parties, and draw out tentative policies that pertain to the rights and equality of women. The Violence against Women

Act was a law directly drawn up by this commission (Fabian, Interview)

It is important to note that there are still issues that divide women along party lines. The most recent is the FMLN push of 35% female quota for elected positions in all elections (Fabian,

Interview). FMLN members have noticed that women in El Salvador are generally underrepresented in both federal and local governments. This quota is an effort to increase gender representational balance while opening greater electoral opportunity for women. The right political parties and ARENA are completely against this quota. In return, these parties have agreed to increase the opportunity of women voters by increasing the number of residential voting facilities. Claudia Ramirez Garcia, a member of ARENA stated,

Women in specific departments, especially in rural areas, have to travel long distances to exercise their right to vote. Mothers and poor women are specifically deterred, since they are usually the ones that have to take care of children and cannot travel long distances with them. Some simply cannot afford bus fares. (Ramirez Interview)

Abortion- Current Women’s Issue I asked all of my interviewees to tell me what they saw as the biggest problem

Salvadoran women face today. The most common response was “demasiado” (too many).

Although many of the women’s concerns in El Salvador are being addressed and fought for, there are still remaining issues that are far from being solved.

One of the most concerning is the total criminalization of abortion within the country.

“The Salvadoran Constitution recognizes life at the moment of conception. The subject is not being discussed at all in parliament and there is no push whatsoever to change the constitution, yet the subject always comes up in campaigns” (Fabian, Interview). As Claudia Rios (Las

Melidas) responded, the power of the religious lobby in El Salvador is enormous. “There are more women against the criminalization of abortion, but the push for the decriminalization of abortion is political suicide for any politician at this time” (Rios, Interview). The relationship between conservative rightwing politicians and religion was shown through my interviews with them. Francisco Meardi Guevara, a member of PCN and the Mayor of Usulutan stated, “We are a Catholic nation. In that, I give you my response. Remember that the majority of our women are religious too, so the issue does not resonate much here, or it’s not perceived or it’s not spoken about” (Meardi, Interview). Claudia Garcia, a member of ARENA and parliament member, argued her stance on abortion by stating, “No one has the right to take away life, regardless of the circumstances” (Garcia, Interview). All of the women organizations I interviewed express frustration with the remaining religious influences over the nation’s decisions-making actors. My interviewees from Las Melidas and Feminista Colectiva had strong opinions over this issue.

Carmen Rios stated, “This religious question has maintained the conditions and structure of our patriarchal system that has imposed the subordination of women”, while Angelica Rivas simply added “el feminismo y la religion no casan” (feminism and religion do not mix). The criminalization of has caused even greater problems within the country than those it intends to solve. Countless women who miscarry are accused of killing their unborn child and are sent to jail.

Most of these women are young, single mothers who become pregnant out of a recognized partnership. They are poor and poorly educated, with little access to health care. They are sent to jail directly from the medical facilities to which they went for help. And they live under a leftist FMLN administration-- an administration that articulates a political commitment to women’s equality while supporting one of the strictest anti- abortion policies in the world (Viterna 249).

Initially many politicians in the FMLN in the 1990s supported liberalization of abortion, but did not have sufficient votes to prevent the criminalization. With the strong prolife campaign aggressively arguing that “there was no situation in which medical science could not save the life of a pregnant woman and also try to save the life of the embryo inside her”, and the declining popularity of politicians who had taken a stance against the criminalization, the final version of the anti-abortion act was passed in 1999 (Viterna 251). Instead of openly opposing the law in

Parliament, many FMLN members decided not to partake in the decision; there were a total of 12 abstentions (Fabian, Interview). This strict law still stands in El Salvador today and the decriminalization of abortion continues to be a theme on negative campaigning. During the 2009 presidential campaigns, the right used this particular issue to declare that Funes was an abortion

“supporter”. Funes responded by emphasizing his anti-abortion/pro-religious beliefs and by immediately removing from office a director who had questioned the criminalization of abortion

(Viterna 253).

In El Salvador today, women found guilty of abortion can receive 2-8 years in prison and abortion practitioners receive 6-12. Abortion of a fetus considered viable can be declared an aggravated homicide, with those women found guilty possibly facing a 30-50 year prison sentence (Viterna 252). “In at least one case, an 18-week-old fetus was ruled “viable” by a judge, and the mother was sentenced to 30 years in prison” (Viterna 252). There are also many women who are jailed for miscarriages. If a woman does not have the capacity to prove that the death of a fetus was unpreventable, they must be immediately reported. Many doctors also refuse to operate on women who have ectopic pregnancies “until they can confirm that the embryo has no heartbeat, or until the woman’s fallopian tubes explode” (Viterna 252). In El Salvador, the interruption of a pregnancy is illegal in every and all situations, even if it means that both the mother and child will die.

Motherhood and Sexuality: Sexist Assigned Roles

The criminalization of abortion can be tied back to the remaining assigned motherhood roles given to Salvadoran women. The machista belief that a woman’s sexuality and purpose is limited to motherhood is still prevalent in El Salvador. All of the women I personally interviewed addressed this issue as one of the most concerning within the country.

Ana Milagro Guevarra, an attorney working for the National Institute for the Defense of

Human Rights, argues that there should be many changes leading to the decriminalization of abortion, at least for therapeutic purposes. One of the major issues she identified is the growing number of young mothers within the country. “Girls used to be expelled from school, exterminating their rights to education and future opportunities” (Guevarra, Interview). Sexual and reproductive is also limited, which can service as a significamt deterrent to young and unwanted pregnancies. “Sex is still a taboo in Salvadoran culture” (Rios,

Interview).

The authors of “Cultivating Men’s Interest in Family Planning in Rural El Salvador” bring to attention a pilot project in rural El Salvador that tested the “integration of family planning as a strategy for increasing male involvement in family planning decision-making and use” (Lundgren, Gribble, Greene, Emrick, and Monroy 173). Using educational methods, this project targeted men to promote women’s birth control, positive attitudes toward family planning, and the importance of male involvement, by spreading information through community leaders. (Lundgren, Gribble, Greene, Emrick, and Monroy 176). The intervention and education provided by this program increased the awareness of effective birth control while discouraging the sexist male way of thinking about birth control as something used by prostitutes or cheating women. Although I understand the positive intentions of this project, it hardly seems to change the fact that men control family planning decisions and women’s sexuality. Informing the general population of their birth control and contraceptive options is important, but most of the women in the study took up birth control methods because their partner permitted them to do so.

The machista-defined responsibilities of motherhood and sexuality are not limited to the

Salvadoran women within the nation. Leisy Abrego, author of “Economic Well-Being in

Salvadoran Transnational Families: How Gender Affects Remittances Practice”, shows that women who emigrate from El Salvador to the United States bring these ideas with them. Abrego compared the remittance practices of women and men while analyzing the economic well-being of the families they left behind. Abrego showed that the sense of obligation to support family members is much greater among women than men (1071). Although women earn much lower wages than men after arriving in the United States, they tend to sacrifice much more than their male counterparts. “Mothers in the study never failed to send their children money, if they had it.

Even when they earned meager wages, they deprived themselves and sent higher percentages of their earnings” (Abrego 1079). Women were willing to keep the minimum amount of money necessary to buy the essentials, while such disciplined attitudes toward parental “responsibility were rarely evident in the father’s narratives” (Abrego 1079).

My own mother practiced this type of self-discipline when she immigrated to the United

States and left my two brothers in the care of my grandparents. She arrived to the country on a

Friday and took up the first job she could get her hands on; her first day of work was the following Monday. My mother would consistently send half of her $200 a week paycheck to her family, while also saving half of her remaining $100 in order to one day have the capacity to bring her children here as well. Living conditions and stress got so bad that my mother ended up weighing 90lbs at the age of 27. Like many of the women in the study, my mother was more than willing to get by with the bare essentials as long as her children received economic stability.

Despite the sacrifices many women in the study (much like my mother) emphasized that they were “the happiest women in the world because their children were benefiting” (Abrego 1078)

Gender roles pertaining to sexuality can also be seen within this study. As parents began new relationships abroad or in El Salvador, “father-away families tended to suffer, whereas mother-away families benefited economically” (Abrego1080). If women decided to take up new relationships, men stepped away from their parental responsibilities by criticizing the moral character of the mothers, while women in the same situation instead remained firm in their parental roles, if not stricter. As one interviewee emphasized, “in Jorge’s mind, as in the minds of other men in this study, a woman who does not adhere to gendered moral expectations does not merit economic support” (Abrego 1080). It is clear to see that the culture of Salvadoran motherhood and femininity not only affects women within the country, but also has the capacity to affect Salvadoran women internationally. It is still common to see the Salvadoran machista social expectation that deems mothers as selfless, morally superior members of the family. Mothers approach parenting as a firm responsibility and place their children’s well-being above their own. Fathers on the other hand are less restricted by stringent expectations and consequently seem to approach parenting more loosely. Mothers stay committed to their children even when their relationship status changes, whereas fathers associate fathering responsibilities with marital responsibilities, so that when partnerships end, they are likely to loosen the ties with children as well. (Abrego1082)

The machista was pinpointed by all the women in my interviews as the major problem faced by Salvadoran women today. Not only is this issue the essential factor that sets women back, but it is also the toughest problem to solve. “There is no realistic regulation that can block these machista beliefs. To be a mother or wife is to always be at a disadvantage”

(Rumualdo, Interview).

Although the culture change of El Salvador seems far off, women organizations combat these ideals daily. Groups such as Las Dignas try to combat issues such as machismo daily. They create a safe and open environment for women to discuss and challenge their societal roles and inform them of their rights. Las Dignas seek to change the perspectives of women, one at a time, by helping them learn to critically analyze the society they live in (Rumualdo, Interview)

Law implementation

The second vital issue that was addressed by all the women I interviewed was the challenge of effectively implementing of the Violence against Women Act and the Women’s

Equality and Anti-Discrimination Act.

El Salvador is at a crucial stage, when it comes to the women’s movement. They have adopted two new laws that in theory promote the rights of women within the country, but it is not clear that the implementation of these will actually be carried out in practice. Emma Julia Fabian,

FMLN Member of Parliament, emphasized the importance of this by stating, “there can be laws in El Salvador, but if there are no proposals in motion to execute and enforce these laws, they are useless” (Fabian, Interview). Many women’s organizations applaud the Salvadoran government’s decision to pass these laws, but realize that merely writing a law does not resolve their issues. “It is essential that this government establishes the foundations for the implementations of these laws and mounts the necessary resources to make them successful”

(Rumualdo, Interview).

With the upcoming presidential elections of 2014, there is concern that if the rightwing party wins, many of the gains achieved in recent years would be undermined. Funding for executive orders “Vaso de Leche” and “Ciudad Mujer” face the possibility of being cut or discontinued. Claudia Ramirez Garcia, ARENA Member of Parliament, assured me that this will not be the case, but that “reforms” should be made to make both programs more effective. To her, and a lot of rightwing politicians, these programs are a quick fix to the major challanges faced by Salvadoran women (Garcia, Interview). On the other hand the two laws passed by parliament itself were both supported unanimously by all members, which gives both laws a greater chance for survival and substantial funding no matter which party wins in 2014.

Conclusion

Women in El Salvador have come a long way. They underwent transformations from the soldier/combatants who risked their lives against their repressive government, to the political activists that now use the democratic system to gain fundamental rights.

There are three main concerns that unite the women in El Salvador today. With the help of organizations, involved politicians, activists, and political participation, these issues were brought to the center stage of the political agenda. These three issues pertain to violence against women, discrimination against women, and women’s lack of opportunities. Although two essential laws have been passed to eradicate violence and discrimination against women, they are completely new and have not been fully implemented yet. The use of adequate resources to fully execute and promote these laws is crucial to the progress of women in El Salvador.

Women who are fighting for their equal rights in El Salvador are undertaking a task that will take a long time, a task that brings great risks, and that will necessitate vast amounts of effort to achieve. Many women whom I interviewed are content with the progress they have seen within the country and are hopeful about the possibility of greater change, but are also aware of the tasks that remain to be carried out. Even with the economic troubles, high levels of violence, and poor infrastructure within the country, women have achieved many objectives over time.

There are changes every day, but unfortunately the change is very slow. We sometimes are eager to see the changes come about faster, but it is not realistic. We have to take small steps. Having a united movement, and having the same claims, demands, and actions is important (Rivas, Interview).

Women in El Salvador have shown success through their strong unification, organized movements, and politically active organizations. “Salvadoran women are very strong and progressive. I have confidence in Salvadoran women, even those who are not organized are realizing their capacity and power” (Rumualdo, Interview).

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Viterna, Jocelyn. “The Left and ‘Life’ in El Salvador”. Gender & Politics. 8.2 (2012): 248-254).

http://www.wjh.harvard.edu/soc/faculty/viterna/TheLeftAndLifeInElSalvador_Viterna.pd

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