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Dissonance Between Economic Reforms and Democracy
SPECIAL ARTICLE Dissonance between Economic Reforms and Democracy Ashutosh Kumar The story of recent electoral democracy in India is one of here are two parts to the post-Soviet neoliberal and neo- a paradox. Most political parties affirm the necessity of conservative political theory. One of them is the assertion that there are no external challenges left either to free economic reforms. Yet, this affirmation belies support T market or to liberal democracy. This part is widely recognised for the same among large sections of the populace, and, even though grudgingly, its claim also widely accepted. The particularly the poor. Even more paradoxical is the fact other part is an assumption, not too explicitly stated and there- that political parties, despite their emphasis on policies fore not so frequently recognised. The assumption is that there is no internal tension between free market economy and liberal related to the economy in their respective manifestos, democracy. The two are in fact assumed to be not merely com- tend to rely on identity issues for mobilisation. This patible but also complementary. article tries to explain the reasons for this puzzle. So powerful and pervasive has been its propagation that the last two decades have witnessed a near universal acceptance of this belief. The result is that the promotion of free market and liberal democracy are unproblematically tied together. No less significantly, the political class in India, regardless of its party composition, has equally been keen on emphasising that economic reforms in India have been closely tied to a consistent practice of democracy. India’s twin success story is hailed, at home and abroad, espe- cially because very few post-colonial societies including the af- fluent ones have been able to dodge the pitfalls of “non-party, plebiscitary democracy and strong executive leadership grounded in populism”.1 The admiration is laced with a sense of amazement as India still lacks almost all the ingredients that are supposed to make democracy a success. -
Modi, Social Media, and Competitive Electoral Populism in India
International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 4158–4180 1932–8036/20170005 Fragile Hegemony: Modi, Social Media, and Competitive Electoral Populism in India SUBIR SINHA1 School of Oriental and African Studies, London, UK Direct and unmediated communication between the leader and the people defines and constitutes populism. I examine how social media, and communicative practices typical to it, function as sites and modes for constituting competing models of the leader, the people, and their relationship in contemporary Indian politics. Social media was mobilized for creating a parliamentary majority for Narendra Modi, who dominated this terrain and whose campaign mastered the use of different platforms to access and enroll diverse social groups into a winning coalition behind his claims to a “developmental sovereignty” ratified by “the people.” Following his victory, other parties and political formations have established substantial presence on these platforms. I examine emerging strategies of using social media to criticize and satirize Modi and offering alternative leader-people relations, thus democratizing social media. Practices of critique and its dissemination suggest the outlines of possible “counterpeople” available for enrollment in populism’s future forms. I conclude with remarks about the connection between activated citizens on social media and the fragility of hegemony in the domain of politics more generally. Keywords: Modi, populism, Twitter, WhatsApp, social media On January 24, 2017, India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), proudly tweeted that Narendra Modi, its iconic prime minister of India, had become “the world’s most followed leader on social media” (see Figure 1). Modi’s management of—and dominance over—media and social media was a key factor contributing to his convincing win in the 2014 general election, when he led his party to a parliamentary majority, winning 31% of the votes cast. -
The Saffron Wave Meets the Silent Revolution: Why the Poor Vote for Hindu Nationalism in India
THE SAFFRON WAVE MEETS THE SILENT REVOLUTION: WHY THE POOR VOTE FOR HINDU NATIONALISM IN INDIA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Tariq Thachil August 2009 © 2009 Tariq Thachil THE SAFFRON WAVE MEETS THE SILENT REVOLUTION: WHY THE POOR VOTE FOR HINDU NATIONALISM IN INDIA Tariq Thachil, Ph. D. Cornell University 2009 How do religious parties with historically elite support bases win the mass support required to succeed in democratic politics? This dissertation examines why the world’s largest such party, the upper-caste, Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has experienced variable success in wooing poor Hindu populations across India. Briefly, my research demonstrates that neither conventional clientelist techniques used by elite parties, nor strategies of ideological polarization favored by religious parties, explain the BJP’s pattern of success with poor Hindus. Instead the party has relied on the efforts of its ‘social service’ organizational affiliates in the broader Hindu nationalist movement. The dissertation articulates and tests several hypotheses about the efficacy of this organizational approach in forging party-voter linkages at the national, state, district, and individual level, employing a multi-level research design including a range of statistical and qualitative techniques of analysis. In doing so, the dissertation utilizes national and author-conducted local survey data, extensive interviews, and close observation of Hindu nationalist recruitment techniques collected over thirteen months of fieldwork. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Tariq Thachil was born in New Delhi, India. He received his bachelor’s degree in Economics from Stanford University in 2003. -
Contradictions and the Persistence of the Mobilizing Frames of Privatization: Interrogating the Global Evidence on Low-Fee Private Schooling
Contradictions and the Persistence of the Mobilizing Frames of Privatization: interrogating the global evidence on low-fee private schooling Prachi Srivastava, Associate Professor, School of International Development and Global Studies, University of Ottawa E: [email protected] @PrachiSrivas Paper presented at the 2014 CIES Conference, Toronto, 10-15 March 2014. *Work in progress. Please do not cite without permission.* 1. Setting the Scene I have been working on low-fee private schooling for over a decade. In 2001, when I first began researching the sector, there were almost no published studies in the scholarly literature on the topic. Technical reports on the use of unrecognised or ‘spontaneous’ forms of private schooling by lower-income households had started to emerge. An influential monograph by James Tooley (1999) based on a consultancy for the International Finance Corporation on emerging forms of private involvement in education captured the attention of policy elites. In international development and domestic policy circles, people spoke of ‘budget schools’, ‘private schools for the poor’, ‘new types of private schools’, or ‘teaching shops’ in amazed or derisory terms to describe this, as yet, undefined but seemingly tangibly different type of private schooling. However, until I was compelled to operationalize what seemed to me at the time, a nebulous set of independently owned and operated private schools claiming to serve socially and economically disadvantaged groups for my own study, the term, ‘low-fee private schooling’, did not exist (see Srivastava, 2013 for historical review). What at first seemed like an atomised phenomenon of individual schools ‘mushrooming’ in specific contexts where there was little or poor quality state provision, has now taken root as a phenomenon of scale, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. -
India's 2004 National Elections
Order Code RL32465 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web India’s 2004 National Elections July 12, 2004 nae redacted Analyst in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress India’s 2004 National Elections Summary U.S. relations with India depend largely on India’s political leadership. India’s 2004 national elections ended governance by the center-right coalition headed by Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and brought in a new center-left coalition led by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Following the upset victory for the historically-dominant Indian National Congress Party led by Sonia Gandhi, Gandhi declined the post of Prime Minister in the new left-leaning United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government, instead nominating her party lieutenant, Oxford-educated economist Manmohan Singh, for the job. As Finance Minister from 1991-1996, Singh was the architect of major Indian economic reform and liberalization efforts. On May 22, the widely-esteemed Sikh became India’s first- ever non-Hindu Prime Minister. The defeated Bharatiya Janata Party now sits in opposition at the national level, led in Parliament by former Deputy Prime Minister Lal Advani. A coalition of communist parties supports the UPA, but New Delhi’s economic, foreign, and security policies are not expected to be significantly altered. The new government has vowed to continue close and positive engagement with the United States in all areas. This report, which will not be updated, -
James N. Tooley
2017 Brock International Prize in Education Nominee James N. Tooley Nominated by David J. Theroux JAMES N. TOOLEY Director, E. G. West Centre Professor of Education Policy, Newcastle University upon Tyre Research Fellow, Independent Institute 2017 Brock International Prize in Education Nominated by David J. Theroux Nomination ................................................................................................. 2 Curriculum Vitae......................................................................................... 7 Letters of Recommendation ......................................................................... 8 Comments & Praise .................................................................................... 22 Videos ........................................................................................................ 28 Publication & Article Samples ..................................................................... 31 Nomination James N. Tooley is Professor of Education Policy and Director of the E.G. West Centre in the School of Education, Communication and Language Sciences at Newcastle University upon Tyre in England, one of the elite research-led “Russel Group” of universities in the United Kingdom. His Ph.D. is from the Institute of Education at the University of London, and he has taught and researched at the University of Oxford, University of Manchester, Simon Fraser University, Canada, and the University of Western Cape, South Africa. His first job was as a public school teacher in Zimbabwe, shortly -
Pr Vate Profit
Pr vate Profit Why the push for low-fee private schools is throwing quality Publ c Loss education off track ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We would also like to thank the members of the academic community who supported this report: Dr. Antoni Verger (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona); Professor Archana This report was written and researched on behalf of the Mehendale (Tata Institute of Social Sciences); Curtis Riep Global Campaign for Education by Jo Walker, Anjela (University of Alberta); Professor Keith Lewin (University Taneja, Shaharazad Abuel-Ealeh and Caroline Pearce, with of Sussex); Professor Joel Samoff (Stanford University); contributions from Kjersti Jahnsen Mowé and Rebecca and Professor Steven J Klees (University of Maryland). White. The report was edited by Emma Seery with support from Katie Malouf Bous and Anna Marriot at Oxfam, and We would like to give special thanks to the members of the David Archer at ActionAid International. Global Campaign for Education for their dedicated research and campaigning for the right to quality, public education. Significant contributions have also been made at Their experiences have been crucial to the shaping of this different stages by Sylvain Aubry (Global Initiative for report. Economic, Social and Cultural Rights); Yona Nestel, Vernor Muñoz and Antony Davis (Plan International); Finally, our thanks go to the Education Support Program of Tanvir Muntasim (ActionAid International); Delphine the Open Society Foundations for their financial support of Dorsi (Right to Education Project); Ian Macpherson and this report. Trine Petersen (formerly Open Society Foundations); Gideon Rabinowitz (Oxfam GB); Celestine Okwudili Odo (Oxfam Nigeria); Anne Sørensen (Oxfam Ibis); The Global Campaign for Education is the world’s Max Lawson (Oxfam International); Asim Jaffry (Oxfam biggest civil society movement working to end the global Pakistan); Ravi Prakash (Oxfam India); Sandra Dworack education crisis. -
Download the Publication
ASIA PROGRAM Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org/asia Cover Image: David Talukdar / Shutterstock.com Copyright 2019 All Rights Reserved Preface In 2019, Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) achieved an overwhelming victory in India’s national election. It marked the second such election in a row that resulted in such a resounding triumph for the BJP, a Hindu nationalist party. While the BJP’s win may not have been a surprise—it had been favored by many to win, particularly with the opposition Congress Party having struggled to mount a strong campaign—the large margin of victory was quite striking. In the months leading up to the election, the BJP had looked vulnerable, thanks in great part to several losses in state elections and to soaring unemployment rates. And yet the BJP still managed to pull off a second consecutive dramatic electoral win. How did the BJP get to this point, where it has become the undisputed juggernaut of Indian national politics? This new report, prepared by former Wilson Center public policy fellow Kalyani Shankar, a veteran journalist and political analyst, breaks down the factors that helped account for the BJP’s two electoral triumphs. More broadly, the report demonstrates how the party has evolved over the years, starting from its earliest days, and how it has set itself apart from its rivals. The report also discusses the Indian political right in the context of a current global trend that has seen the rise and triumph of conservative and nationalist political parties and leaders in many different parts of the world. -
SCHOOL CHOICE AROUND the WORLD ...And the Lessons We Can Learn
SCHOOL CHOICE AROUND THE WORLD ...and the lessons we can learn Edited by PAULINE DIXON & STEVE HUMBLE School Choice around the World SCHOOL CHOICE AROUND THE WORLD … and the Lessons We Can Learn EDITED BY PAULINE DIXON AND STEVE HUMBLE with contributions from CHRIS COUNIHAN • NICK COWEN COREY A. DEANGELIS • PAULINE DIXON STEVE HUMBLE • TRIIN LAURI • KAIRE PÕDER M. DANISH SHAKEEL • PATRICK J. WOLF • TOBY YOUNG First published in Great Britain in 2019 by The Institute of Economic Affairs 2 Lord North Street Westminster London SW1P 3LB in association with London Publishing Partnership Ltd www.londonpublishingpartnership.co.uk The mission of the Institute of Economic Affairs is to improve understanding of the fundamental institutions of a free society by analysing and expounding the role of markets in solving economic and social problems. Copyright © The Institute of Economic Affairs 2019 The moral rights of the authors have been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (elec- tronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-0-255-36780-6 (interactive PDF) Many IEA publications are translated into languages other than English or are reprinted. Permission to translate -
Shiv Sena – BJP – Congress Party – Elections
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: IND31712 Country: India Date: 1 May 2007 Keywords: India – Gujarat – Shiv Sena – BJP – Congress Party – Elections This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Please provide information on Shiv Sena / BJP in Gujarat and its relationship with the Congress party. 2. Please provide brief information on election results in Gujarat since 2000. RESPONSE 1. Please provide info on Shiv Sena / BJP in Gujarat and its relationship with the Congress party. The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has been in power in the Indian state of Gujarat since 1998. According to Question 4 of RRT Country Research Response IND31126 of 19 December 2006, “in 1998, the BJP won one hundred and seventeen seats in the state legislature compared to the Congress, which won only fifty three. In the December 2002 elections, the BJP secured one hundred and twenty seven seats whereas the total share of seats for the Congress declined from fifty three to fifty”. Question 1 of RRT Country Research Response IND30469 of 11 August 2006 noted that “the Shiv Sena presently holds no seats in the Gujarat Legislative Assembly, though is a leading force in the legislative assembly of the neighbouring state of Maharashtra”. Nevertheless, according to Question 1 of the RRT Country Research Response IND30864 of 7 November 2006, the Shiv Sena and its coalition partner, the BJP, hold power in the Municipal Corporation of Mumbai, which is the capital of Maharashtra (RRT Country Research Response 2006, Research Response IND31126, 19 December – Attachment 1; RRT Country Research Response 2006, Research Response IND30469, 11 August – Attachment 2; RRT Country Research Response 2006, Research Response IND30864, 7 November – Attachment 3). -
How the 2004 Lok Sabha Election Was Lost
July 2004 How the 2004 Lok Sabha election was lost Gareth Price Summary • Surprise at the outcome of the 2004 Indian general election was more pronounced because of the confidence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that it would be returned to power. The government had taken the decision to call an early election from what it thought was a position of strength. In retrospect, its complacency proved to be its undoing. The government’s “India Shining” message played to its core supporters and, in effect, encouraged the rejection of poorly-performing MPs. The BJP’s over- confidence led it to alienate its allies, while Congress, which expected to lose, was keener to formalise alliances. • While the BJP performed poorly, its remaining allies in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) performed worse. In just two states, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, the NDA lost 51 seats, the bulk of the seats being lost by the BJP’s regional allies. Although the BJP benefitted from anti- incumbency in some states, had it maintained its existing alliances and articulated a more inclusive message there is little doubt that it would have remained the largest party, changing the entire political dynamic. • The new government faces a host of challenges. Its survival will depend on how members of the coalition balance their desire for secular government with the implementation of their particular economic or social policies. Congress’ ability to manage a coalition, particularly in the run-up to state elections, and personal ambitions of other politicians within the coalition will also determine whether the government survives. -
Buckingham at 25
Buckingham at 25 Buckingham at 25 Freeing the Universities from State Control Edited by JAMES TOOLEY The Institute of Economic Affairs First published in Great Britain in 2001 by The Institute of Economic Affairs 2 Lord North Street Westminster London sw1p 3lb in association with Profile Books Ltd Copyright © The Institute of Economic Affairs 2001 The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. isbn 0 255 36512 8 Many IEA publications are translated into languages other than English or are reprinted. Permission to translate or to reprint should be sought from the General Director at the address above. Typeset in Stone by MacGuru [email protected] Printed and bound in Great Britain by Hobbs the Printers CONTENTS The authors 9 Foreword by Sir Martin Jacomb 19 Introduction: The future of higher education in the UK: seven straws in the wind 23 James Tooley 1 How necessary are universities? 39 Alan Peacock Introduction 39 The argument presented 41 Questions raised by the argument 44 Some radical conclusions 48 Whither Buckingham? 52 2 Who owns the universities? – the battle for university independence;