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This item is the archived peer-reviewed author-version of: Bushmeat hunting with wheel traps and wire snares in Rubirizi, Queen Elizabeth National Park, Uganda Reference: Ashaba Ivan.- Bushmeat hunting w ith w heel traps and w ire snares in Rubirizi, Queen Elizabeth National Park, Uganda The Poaching Diaries (vol.1) : Crime Scripting for Wilderness Problems - Phoenix, AZ, Center for Problem Oriented Policing, Arizona State University, 2020, p. 29- 35 To cite this reference: https://hdl.handle.net/10067/1700310151162165141 Institutional repository IRUA IV Bushmeat Hunting with Wheel Traps and Wire Snares in Rubirizi, Queen Elizabeth National Park, Uganda Author: Ivan Ashaba Affiliation: Institute of Development Policy, University of Antwerp, Belgium. Problem description Queen Elizabeth National Park (QENP), covering a total area of 1978 km2 is one of Uganda’s ten national parks and home to a wide variety of wildlife. A large number of species are targeted for bushmeat inside the park, including the hippopotamus (hereafter hippo), buffalo, antelope, kob, warthog, giant forest hog and reedbuck. Bushmeat is defined as meat from wild animals that have been hunted illegally, either for personal consumption or commercial trade.1 Wildlife is also targeted for non-food uses such as traditional medicine, household raw materials for making ornaments, cultural practices such as witchcraft, skins for traditionalists, and to protect people’s gardens from damage. QENP park spans the districts of Rubirizi, Kasese, Rukingiri, and Kamwenge in Uganda. This script focuses on bushmeat poaching using wheel traps and wire snares in Rubirizi, a thriving practice and one of the main threats to wildlife in QENP. Other threats include a rapidly growing human population which can also lead to human-wildlife conflicts as well as the effects of climate change on protected areas, evidenced from the ten villages in which the study was conducted. Information sources The crime script was developed from information collected through interviews and focus group discussions across 10 villages in Rubirizi District (see Figure 1). These are: Kicwamba, Rwandaro, Magambo, Musumba, Kafuro, Kyenzaza, Bwegiragye, Kikumbo, Nyakarambi, and Ryamatumba. A number of different actors participated, including active hunters (N=6), former hunters (N=18), conservation officials of the Uganda Wildlife Authority (N=2), local leaders (N=3), elders (N=2), retired game guards (N=2), a former licensed hunter (N=1), and a local author (N=1). The information was collected in January - February 2018 and July - August 2018 as part of a project looking at culture, organizational structure, and hierarchy in bushmeat hunting. Additionally, information from personal observations, informal conversations, and communication with several community leaders and locals living close to the protected area was part of the information gathering. These data sources were combined and triangulated to create the actor-based crime script below. 29 Figure 1. Map of Rubirizi district showing QENP and the study villages. Crime process and script The Banyaruguru were identified as the main bushmeat hunters in Rubirizi although other ethnic groups live in the district and can be interested in bushmeat. These are the Banyankore, Bakonzo, Batoro, Bakiga and Banyarwanda. Besides resource dependency, spiritual and divine factors were also identified as a driver of bushmeat hunting. Traditionally, the Banyaruguru like other ethnic groups in Uganda did not have a monotheistic religion. They believed in gods and deities such as Muhima, Endyoka, Murari, Nyabingi, Nyaburezi, Karisa, and Kisokye which they sought for peace, good harvests, rain, and child birth. Specifically, the hunting deity among the Banyaruguru is popularly referred to as Kayigi (among the Bakonjo, another ethnic group in Kasese and close to the park, the hunting god is called Nyabibwya2). According to respondents, these deities can be inherited (passed from one generation to another) or purchased through a process that involves certain ritual practices. For those possessing the hunting deity, before a hunter enters the park a deity is consulted and briefed on the intended mission in order to get guidance, blessings and protection. As one hunter stated: ‘You inform the deity of the reasons why you are going to the park, pick your hunting materials and set off. When you return, you have to inform the gods and thank them’. There are views that the deity is believed to push those who possess it to hunt, guides hunters on how to enter the park, paths to follow, how to avoid detection, and sends signals in case of danger. Cultural factors also emerged as drivers of bushmeat hunting according to respondents. Beliefs around bushmeat taste, increasing energy and boosting fertility among women were also common in the study area. Hippo meat is a delicacy and nicknamed kinywani kya bwita, meaning ‘companion of millet/cassava bread’. Respondents opined that bushmeat is savory, organic and healthy. The hippo and buffalo, according to respondent accounts, have bitter offals rumored to be medicinal since these animals feed on natural shrubs. Respondents mentioned that wild animals by nature are not vaccinated but survive in the wild, feeding on medicinal shrubs such as omubirizi, orutonzi and ikombo. Thus, eating such meat is believed to be medicinal. According to respondents, wild animals 30 are born in the wild, eat wild shrubs, drink from natural waterholes and therefore have pure meat. As one conservation officer explained: ‘There are many Ugandans who believe that bushmeat is sweeter. As a result, others have placed themselves in a position to supply and meet this demand’. Non-food uses for wildlife were also described when respondents for example mentioned lion skins worn as amulets and animal parts used for local surgery and treatment of ailments. Three types of actors can be identified in the area, namely hunters, transporters and those in support roles that facilitate hunting and trading. Hunters track, trap, kill, skin, and carry bushmeat up to exit points. Transporters can be family members or friends that meet hunters at agreed park exit points to help carry the meat (a practice traditionally known as okuchamiliza) or motorcycle/car drivers that transport bushmeat to the villages. Finally, support roles are filled by women who have indirect roles that reinforce the practice of hunting, for example preparing food (entanda) for the poachers and in the distribution or sale of meat mostly via word of mouth. A hunting party starts with a lead hunter who initiates the idea, pitches it to others in his loose network via word of mouth and recruits co-offenders in most cases friends and peers. Based on the years spent hunting, seniority, or for example knowledge of the park, tasks are divided. The lead hunter of a group of 4-8 is usually experienced, understands the park well and can lead others. Others in the group include those skilled at setting wheel traps and wire snares, those good at spearing and blowing a sudden death and those skilled at skinning animals. All hunters are usually locals living in close proximity to the park, predominantly male, illiterate or semi-literate and in the age range of 16-45. Although there was no specific hunting season, there were concurring views that festive seasons (Easter and Christmas) were good for hunting since it is assumed that locals have money. To enter the park, hunters agree on a meeting point which can be near the home of one of the group members, or in coffee or banana plantations near the protected area. Blurred park boundaries allow them to sneak into the park. The cover of night and early morning hours before dawn were identified by respondents as the best time to enter and vacate the park. Hunting areas are selected based on the animals targeted. Hunters demonstrated local knowledge of understanding animal behavior including the vegetation animals like. Once inside the park, hunters start to make measurements, digging holes/ditches, cutting sticks and setting traps. Respondents noted that setting a successful trap is rewarded with special animal meat. Hunting duration varies and is decided upon by the group. For example, they can set wheel traps and wire snares, camp inside the park for 2-5 days regularly checking on the traps. Besides hunting materials, hunting groups also carry basics into the park such as tobacco, food, safety pins, and matchsticks. Besides camping and waiting inside the park, hunters can also set the traps, exit the park and return after 2 or 3 days to check on the traps. The interviews, observations and personal communication suggest that bushmeat hunters have agency that allows them to circumvent challenges put in their way by wildlife officials in QENP. First is their understanding of local ecology and park dynamics. Those interviewed indicated hunting has strong familial connections whereby training and induction is passed on from forefathers to children. The Banyaruguru have a long history and tradition as bushmeat hunters that dates back to pre- colonial days. In Banyaruguru culture, when a male child grew up and got married, the father, uncle or grandfather would hand them a spear, a practice locally called okucimbira icumu. Over the years, hunters learn how to monitor animal movement and behavior patterns by following footmarks, droppings and water sources. As a result, mature and practiced hunters are able to track, trap and kill animals with ease. Moreover, they develop skills such as using moonlight to navigate to park exit points at night, estimating the wind direction to avoid alerting animals to their presence, knowing where cellular network is available for calling transport when exiting the park, and stalking vultures to steal from predators. Trapping is done with wheel traps (mainly for hippos and buffalos) and wire snares; animals caught in these traps are killed with spears, arrows and pangas. 31 Secondly, the interviews also indicated disguise and concealment is crucial to successful hunting.