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External Interventions in Countries in Crisis

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External Interventions in Countries in Crisis POLICY PAPER European issues n°302 External Interventions in th 11 February 2014 Countries in Crisis Michel Foucher 1) DOCTRINES AND REALITY GOVERNING battlefield as in Syria. Realism, in other words, the grea- INTERVENTION: A VARIETY OF CONTEXTS test circumspection, has to be applied in circumstances like this. The history of recent interventions (September 2001 being a convenient starting point from a western point Divergence has emerged over the principle of the res- of view) undertaken by some States in third countries ponsibility to protect (UN, 2005). Brazilian diplomacy shows that the game of imperatives has been singular has promoted the idea of responsibility to protect. But a in each case. consensus remains about respecting States’ sovereignty and territorial integrity. This was drawn up in the 18th Proof of this can be found in the remarkable variation century by Alexandre Gusmâo in the legal formula of uti of positions that the States have adopted over the possidetis. It was taken up by the African Union (Cairo period in question; there has been no set context on Declaration 1964) and is a basic concept of the majority the part of the intervening or opposing States: unani- of European States, (notably in the face of the risk of di- mity in 2001 in Afghanistan, deep division amongst the vision or the reshaping of the Middle East into new “Emi- western allies in 2003 in Iraq, abstention on the part of rates”). I feel that the real division is between the States the emerging powers (including Brazil), and Germany which believe that their diplomacy and the defence policy at the Security Council in 2011 in Libya, French soli- must also serve in the exercise of international responsi- tude in 2013 in Mali, although it did benefit from the bilities and the others, which form the majority. logistic support of some allies however. However we cannot ignore history or geography. Half The same applies to doctrines. The Brazilian whitepa- of the seriously open crises in the world in 2013 were per on national defence as it stood in 2012 devoted a a three to six hour plane journey away from Brussels. great amount of space to the strategic context of the We could remain indifferent. However in Europe this is 21st century [1]. It advocates cooperative multipolarity, neither sensible nor viable long term given the proximi- associates cooperation and defence capabilities and sets ty, historic and human interactions between people on out positions on the international system. Seen from either side of the Mediterranean and the Sahara, which Brasilia the only legitimate interventions are strictly is no longer a frontier. controlled peacekeeping operations under the aegis of the UN: impartiality, no substitution of the parties in An analysis of the dangers and risks involved in the conflict. The most recent European strategic reviews crises in question (Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Mali, and whitepapers put forward hypotheses of external etc.) show quite the opposite – they illustrate the im- intervention under the explicit mandate of the UN, only portance of the connections that have formed between in the event of an emergency or preferably in a coali- the various theatres. Intervening countries have learnt tion, insisting on the fact that military action is only a from their experience which explains their policy of pru- means to relieving a crisis situation in order to facilitate dence in 2013 in Syria and a widespread desire to with- political compromise. In the French vision of the African draw from Afghanistan by 2014. crises (which occupied 62% of debating time at the UN Security Council in 2012), work is invested in involving It is also important to assess the dangers of these inter- regional African peacekeeping forces and diplomatic ventions in the light of their political results, the present 1. This updated text comes mediation in regional institutions. In the Middle East in state of affairs, which also helps involve national and from a conference at the Forte 2013 the goal of reaching political settlement was easier regional actors giving them back their rightful place, Copacabana International to declare than to achieve since all sides involved in the since the latter are often forgotten in the general debate Conference on Security in Rio on 28-29/11/2013 conflict believed that everything was to played out in a about legitimacy and sovereignty. FONDATION ROBERT SCHUMAN / EUROPEAN ISSUES N°302 / 11TH FEBRUARY 2014 External Interventions in Countries in Crisis The key players are those who have long lasting in- in terms of information provision as we discovered in terests (as shown by the case of Pakistan as it has 2013. Moscow was marginalised. always been in Afghanistan, or Syria in Lebanon, or Iran in Central Iraq and even Algeria in the Sahara- In Libya the initiative came from Paris and London 02 Sahel region). The influence of regional powers is often alone, with the initial argument to implement the new underestimated, undoubtedly a result of Western nar- principle of “the responsibility to protect”. It was certain cissism. that Kaddafi’s regime would have massacred the rebels in Benghazi and Cyrenaica as he had warned. It was acknowledged that Europeans already affected by the 2) CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE IMPERATIVES massacre of the Bosnians would not recover as quickly OF INTERVENTION from a moral point of view if further exactions were committed in Libya. But it is also clear that the inter- The list of imperatives includes the motivations and ar- pretation made of resolution 1973 led to the definition guments on the part of external players, notably when of the goal to achieve - a change in regime, in a context referring to chapters of the UN’s charter (or NATO’s of civil war. Germany, Brazil, China, India and Russia article 5 on Allied solidarity), collective moral prin- abstained at the Security Council. We might note that ciples (responsibility to protect 2005), strategic goals the Arab League supported the Franco-British approach (against adversaries defining certain States and their and that armed forces from Qatar and the Arab Emi- citizens as targets) or less often, economic interests rates undertook military and support operations. (energy, communication routes). In Mali the initiative for military intervention in January In the case of Afghanistan, which has experienced a 2013 was strictly French. It was decided as an imme- long series of external interventions since 1978, the diate response to the advance made by armed jihadist situation caused by 9/11 led the USA’s allies to mani- columns on the capital of Bamako, led by AQMI, the fest their solidarity in the wake of the attack, justi- MUJAO and Ansar-Edine in response to resolution 2085 fied by article 5 of the NATO treaty and based on the (20/12/2012) which was firm and detailed on the party UN resolution 1386, which was adopted unanimously. of the Security Council and planned, amongst other The launch of operation Enduring Freedom by the USA things, to deploy the AFISMA, supported by regional aimed to eliminate Al-Qaeda’s central bases, to van- and international forces. Military action by Paris was quish the Taliban regime and to “rebuild” a State that requested by the interim Malian president. The aim was was deemed as having “failed” on the basis of the Bonn to stop, repel and finally break AQMI’s hard core in the Agreements. mountain refuge of the Saharan part of Mali, authority over which the previous regime had decided to relin- In the case of Iraq it became rapidly clear that the quish. The imperative was to re-establish Mali’s territo- arguments of the Republican administration were fal- rial integrity and to weaken the hard core of Al-Qaeda’s lacious (destroying the arms of massive destruction North African branch. We should remember that France supposedly held by Saddam Hussein, the absence of has no economic interests in Mali unlike China or Alge- which could not be acknowledged in the face of the ria (it is the African country receiving most help from Iranian adversary) and excessive (reshaping the Middle France in terms of cooperation) but that it has in-depth East). Both France and Germany refused to join in expertise (hostages) and a large Malian community the military expedition (which Senator Obama quali- living in France, which approved this intervention qua- fied as disastrous) whilst NATO’s new European allies lified as “salutary”. (“the new Europe”) were unable, as a last resort, to meet the requirements of their protector. Later it was In Syria’s case the positions of the players quoted above seen that Paris and Berlin were right to have opposed have changed, except for Russia, which has decided this operation but they paid the price (“punish France, to support the regime in a bid to achieve an impro- ignore Germany, forgive Russia”, according to Conde- bable negotiated solution. After having initially been in lezza Rice). French bashing lasted several years with favour, Paris and London progressively deemed that it some serious economic consequences and a damaged was not wise to intervene in a civil war between Syrian reputation. Berlin had to accept advanced cooperation Muslims nor to take the risk of delivering arms which FONDATION ROBERT SCHUMAN / EUROPEAN ISSUES N°302 / 11TH FEBRUARY 2014 External Interventions in Countries in Crisis might be used by internationalist jihadist groups. Eu- the idea of the “arc of crisis” to define an area ex- ropeans are trying to support a credible, respectable, tending from the Sahara to Pakistan in which jihadist representative opposition politically without planning groups with international goals might try to gather and either a flight exclusion zone or direct military action.
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