DOCSLIB.ORG

Nationalism and Transnationalism in Modern and Contemporary Korea 越 境、他者の抱擁−−近現代コリアの国民主義と超国民主義

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Nationalism and Transnationalism in Modern and Contemporary Korea 越 境、他者の抱擁−−近現代コリアの国民主義と超国民主義 Volume 10 | Issue 7 | Number 3 | Article ID 3691 | Feb 11, 2012 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Transcending Boundaries, Embracing Others: Nationalism and Transnationalism in Modern and Contemporary Korea 越 境、他者の抱擁−−近現代コリアの国民主義と超国民主義 Vladimir Tikhonov the main discursive force behind the creation of an all-inclusive democratic vision of modern Transcending Boundaries,“Koreanness”. From the very beginning of the Embracing Others: Nationalism and modern age, defining all Koreans as first and Transnationalism in Modern and foremost Koreans became possible precisely in the nationalist context. Contemporary Korea1 Another aspect of nationalism’s pivotal role in Vladimir Tikhonov Korea’s modern age is its function as the guardian of Korea’s modern identity against Nationalist internationalism in modern Korea external challenges. North Korea’s official ideology of chuch’e, so often discussed in the If we wish to define Korea’s twentieth century Western media, owes much of its legitimacy in in a word, “the century of nationalism” would the eyes of the North Korean population (and be the most plausible definition.2 From the its few isolated South Korean sympathisers) perspective of Korea’s internal socio-political exactly to its (not necessarily unfounded) claim situation, nationalism, as Andre Schmid aptly to protect an essentialized “Koreanness” from observed, from the very beginning provided the all foreign threats, notably those originating in legitimising framework for the modern concept the “imperialist” countries. But the spectrum of of equal, universal citizenship. Former slaves, a defensive, self-protective nationalism is much members of discriminated hereditary broader in modern and contemporary South professional groups (butchers etc.), women – all Korea than its contemporaneous North Korean were to be accepted as equal “nationals” since variety. As modernity’s onslaught, in the form national salvation, prosperity and eventual of imperialist invasions, the almost greatness required national cohesion and 3 uncontrolled influx of foreign goods, cultural everyone’s contribution to the national cause. forms and ideas, seemed to endanger the very Ethnic nationalism is hardly a popular concept foundations of “Koreanness”, nationalism came now anywhere, including South Korea (which, to be seen as an essential condition for the at least in theory, switched from the early survival of any collective “Korean” identity – 2000s to multiculturalism, and strives now to one might say as an existential necessity, as integrate its ethnic minority populations), but, fate. as Henry Em argues, the concept of Korea’s ethnic nation (minjok) did possess democratic Every socio-political, cultural or religious trend meaning in the early twentieth-century context. that would enter Korea and develop there had The historiography which focused on the to “nationalise” in order to exert societal progressive development of the ethnic nation influence. In a way, both Communists and was able to do away with traditional patterns of right-wing cultural nationalists, who sometimes dynastic history.4 In a word, nationalism was collaborated but mostly sharply clashed in 1 10 | 7 | 3 APJ | JF 1920-30s colonial Korea, were to some degree construction projects, all-out war mobilization, nationalists. They just adhered to different modernized Confucian rituals and state- visions of nation, the Communist one closely promoted “physical culture” and sports linking national liberation with the prospects (“nationalization of the body”), was perhaps the for socio-economic liberation for the majority.5 most important prototype of Park Chong Hee’s In the same way, in the stormy late 1980s – own version of the developmental barrack early 1990s, when Seoul streets were filled state.10 Another main protagonist of with acrid tear gas and expert knowledge of the authoritarian industrialization drama, technology and use of Molotov cocktailSamsung’s (Samsŏng) founder Yi Pyŏngch’ŏl production was de rigeur for any self- (1910-1987), famed for his annual New Year respecting activist college student, twovisits to Tokyo, largely copied the way pre-war versions of the nationalist creed clashed – Mitsui organized itskeiretsu (networked establishmentarianism of a conservativecompanies) in a vertical order in his own developmentalist sort, and anti-business empire.11 establishmentarian underpinned by anti- imperialist zeal, passion for building a pan- While for 1960-80s South Korea it was mainly peninsular nation state (“Unification”) and Japan that played the roles both of a competitor social concern.6 The two versions shared to surpass and a model to follow, North Korea’s certain similarities – a militaristic view of relations with its foreign Others were more masculinity, for example, and a predominantly complex. In fact, by the late 1960s, both China ethnic, “bloodline”-based concept of nation.7 and the USSR, North Korea’s main foreign These were among the common denominators patrons, became simultaneously positive and for South and North Korean versions of negative models for the Pyongyang leadership. developmentalist nationalism which crystallized Both Cultural Revolution and de-Stalinization à by the early 1970s. Both were militantly anti- la Khrushchev were to be prevented at all individualistic and essentially culturallycosts, since they could threaten the stability of 12 conservative, and both were underpinned by the indigenous power hierarchy. In fact, the the modernized version of the Neo-Confucian foreign people mentioned in the most positive ethical codes.8 way in the official Explanations to Kim Il Sung’s (Kim Ilsŏng, 1912-1994) report to the Fifth Where they significantly differed – aside from Congress of the ruling Korean Workers’ Party more autarkic economic ideals in Pyongyang (1971), were the “struggling” Vietnamese, and Seoul’s firm intention to integrate itself Laotians and Kampucheans – the fellow victims into a US and Japan-centred international and of US aggression. regional capitalist order – was the international models adopted by each nationalism, that is, the pictures of foreign Others through which they tended to define themselves. South Korea’s President Park Chong Hee (Pak Chŏnghŭi, 1961-1979) tended to look to Meiji Japan, post-war West Germany and, interestingly, Israel, as sources for his developmentalist aspirations.9 Less acknowledged, but no less important was Park’s Manchurian connection from the early 1940s – Manchuguo, with its five-year development plans, state-controlled large-scale 2 10 | 7 | 3 APJ | JF Indochina, although Palestine was also specially mentioned), Africa and Latin America helped Kim Il Sung give the impression of lesser reliance upon China and the USSR, with whom North Korea maintained close ties. Learning from Others, Solidarity with Others While South Korea’s official nationalism operated with images of foreign Others as models, North Korea’s state discourse emphasized solidarity with fellow victims of imperialism – and fellow antagonists of imperialism. What is noteworthy here is the Kim Il Sung meeting Che Guevara in Pyongyang, fact that both ways of treating the images of December 1960. Support for the Cuban revolution, foreign Others is deeply ingrained in the together with a variety of other anti-imperialist modern Korean nationalistic tradition. Big movements in the Third World, was a major issue for powers (especially Japan, US or Germany) and North Korean diplomacy at that time. small but independent states (Switzerland or Their struggle was understood to be waged in Denmark) alike were treated as models from the name of world peace and for the protection the late nineteenth century by Korea’s of the whole socialist camp – thus, one of the modernist intelligentsia – and at the same time most important tasks of “South Koreanthe plight and struggle of Vietnam or the revolutionaries” was to stop the Park Chong Philippines were deeply sympathised. The Hee “puppet clique” from sending “cannon cases in which the independence struggle fodder” (South Korean troops) to Southseemed to have been long lost – typically Vietnam.13 When Park began in earnest to send Poland – were negative models. Korea, if it was South Korean military units to South Vietnam to survive, had to strugglenot to follow 16 in 1965, North Korea issued a lengthyPoland’s example. What has to be noted here memorandum (January 22, 1965) whichis that “benchmarking” Japan did not accused the “Park clique” of complicity with automatically indicate a pro-Japanese stance. the “insidious American plot to make Asians Bona fide anti-Japanese patriots too had good fight other Asians in the course of expanding reasons to turn to Japan in their search for the US aggressive wars in Asia.”14 While South secrets of proverbial “wealth and power”. Korea was participating in the American Enemies or not, the Japanese in Meiji and after invasion of Vietnam, in 1967 North Korea visibly succeeded in fending off foreign expressed solidarity with the embattled adversaries, something Korean patriots had Vietnamese by sending a number of pilots from reason to aspire to . A renowned patriot, who the Korean People’s Liberation Army (Northern later would voluntarily exile himself to China Korean army) to North Vietnam to provide and devote the rest of his life to the political training and to participate in combatstruggle for Korea’s liberation, Pak Ŭnsik operations alongside the pilots of the People’s (1859-1925), contrasted in his famed 1908 Army of Vietnam.15 Liberation of
Load more

Recommended publications
  • South Korean National Identity on the Screen in 'Descendants of the Sun'
    Volume 16 | Issue 11 | Number 3 | Article ID 5151 | Jun 01, 2018 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus No Country for Blue Helmets: South Korean National Identity on the Screen in 'Descendants of the Sun' Patrick Flamm Summary However, the most interesting aspect of DotS is that the protagonists are deployed as This paper provides a contextualized reading of peacekeepers and medical volunteers to a the South Korean 2016 hit drama ‘Descendants fictional and distant post-war country. The of the Sun’, the most prominent pop cultural drama is thus noteworthy as the first major manifestation of the Republic of Korea’s rising Korean drama to prominently feature status as a global middle power. Through peacekeeping operations (PKO) and South linking the fictional peacekeeping mission to a Korea as a global foreign policy actor in a confidently nationalist conception of South distant land. Because of the drama’s great Korean identity, the drama normalizes troop success in Korea and other parts of East Asia, deployments by circumventing traditional and its immediate entry into political discourse narratives for legitimation. This argument rests as illustrated by Park’s comment, a closer look on observations concerning the omission of any at this pop cultural artefact is warranted. In historical and UN context for the deployment, this article, I follow an increasing body of the Othering of the United States as main critical research in the field of International antagonist, and the unchallenged sense of Relations on the link between world politics righteousness and morality displayed by the and popular culture2 in the wake of the so- main protagonists in an otherwise passive local called “aesthetic turn”, where popular texts are setting.
    [Show full text]
  • Landscapes of Korean and Korean American Biblical Interpretation
    BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMERICAN AND KOREAN LANDSCAPES OF KOREAN International Voices in Biblical Studies In this first of its kind collection of Korean and Korean American Landscapes of Korean biblical interpretation, essays by established and emerging scholars reflect a range of historical, textual, feminist, sociological, theological, and postcolonial readings. Contributors draw upon ancient contexts and Korean American and even recent events in South Korea to shed light on familiar passages such as King Manasseh read through the Sewol Ferry Tragedy, David and Bathsheba’s narrative as the backdrop to the prohibition against Biblical Interpretation adultery, rereading the virtuous women in Proverbs 31:10–31 through a Korean woman’s experience, visualizing the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) and demarcations in Galatians, and introducing the extrabiblical story of Eve and Norea, her daughter, through story (re)telling. This volume of essays introduces Korean and Korean American biblical interpretation to scholars and students interested in both traditional and contemporary contextual interpretations. Exile as Forced Migration JOHN AHN is AssociateThe Prophets Professor Speak of Hebrew on Forced Bible Migration at Howard University ThusSchool Says of Divinity.the LORD: He Essays is the on author the Former of and Latter Prophets in (2010) Honor ofand Robert coeditor R. Wilson of (2015) and (2009). Ahn Electronic open access edition (ISBN 978-0-88414-379-6) available at http://ivbs.sbl-site.org/home.aspx Edited by John Ahn LANDSCAPES OF KOREAN AND KOREAN AMERICAN BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION INTERNATIONAL VOICES IN BIBLICAL STUDIES Jione Havea Jin Young Choi Musa W. Dube David Joy Nasili Vaka’uta Gerald O. West Number 10 LANDSCAPES OF KOREAN AND KOREAN AMERICAN BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION Edited by John Ahn Atlanta Copyright © 2019 by SBL Press All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Western Criticism, Labelling Practice and Self-Orientalised East Asian Films
    Travelling Films: Western Criticism, Labelling Practice and Self-Orientalised East Asian Films Goldsmiths College University of London PhD thesis (Cultural Studies) Ji Yeon Lee Abstract This thesis analyses western criticism, labelling practices and the politics of European international film festivals. In particular, this thesis focuses on the impact of western criticism on East Asian films as they attempt to travel to the west and when they travel back to their home countries. This thesis draws on the critical arguments by Edward Said's Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient (1978) and self-Orientalism, as articulated by Rey Chow, which is developed upon Mary Louise Pratt's conceptual tools such as 'contact zone' and 'autoethnography'. This thesis deals with three East Asian directors: Kitano Takeshi (Japanese director), Zhang Yimou (Chinese director) and 1m Kwon-Taek (Korean director). Dealing with Japanese, Chinese and Korean cinema is designed to show different historical and cultural configurations in which each cinema draws western attention. This thesis also illuminates different ways each cinema is appropriated and articulated in the west. This thesis scrutinises how three directors from the region have responded to this Orientalist discourse and investigates the unequal power relationship that controls the international circulation of films. Each director's response largely depends on the particular national and historical contexts of each country and each national cinema. The processes that characterise films' travelling are interrelated: the western conception of Japanese, Chinese or Korean cinema draws upon western Orientalism, but is at the same time corroborated by directors' responses. Through self-Orientalism, these directors, as 'Orientals', participate in forming and confirming the premises of western Orientalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Háztartási Fogyasztói Magatartás És Jólét
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Lada, Akos Working Paper Clash of Brothers in a Contagious World: Wars to Avoid Diffusion IEHAS Discussion Papers, No. MT-DP - 2013/33 Provided in Cooperation with: Institute of Economics, Centre for Economic and Regional Studies, Hungarian Academy of Sciences Suggested Citation: Lada, Akos (2013) : Clash of Brothers in a Contagious World: Wars to Avoid Diffusion, IEHAS Discussion Papers, No. MT-DP - 2013/33, ISBN 978-615-5243-93-6, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Economics, Centre for Economic and Regional Studies, Budapest This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/108317 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available
    [Show full text]
  • Stanford Jounral of East Asian Affairs
    SJEAA Stanford Jounral of East Asian Affairs volume 13 | number 1 SPRING 2013 1 Greater China nationalist movement Nationalist Movements in Korea and Taiwan Under Japanese Colonialism Homogeneity and Diversity Korea and Taiwan had both been occupied and colonized by Japan during the first half of the Fei Yan twentieth century. Japan established a replica of the Japanese bureaucracy, police, education, and Oxford University judicial system in two colonies but pursued contrasting domestic colonial policies in the degree of exploitation and assimilation. While the colonial policies in Korea were more abrupt and aggressive, those in Taiwan were accredited by more cooperative and mutually beneficial features. Such different ruling approaches resulted in the varying levels and political orientations of nationalist movements toward the Japanese colonial rule. Koreans had a much stronger sense of anti-Japanese prejudices and the nationalist resistance per-sisted throughout the whole colonial period. Taiwanese, on the other hand, adopted a more compliant course and kept their goals moderate enough to avoid open confrontation with the colonial government. This paper examines the reasons for such homogene-ity as well as diversity in the ways Japan ruled its colonies through a comparative study of nationalist movements in Korea and Tai-wan. INTRODUCTION of life in Taiwan, and thereby hold a much more pro- Korea and Taiwan were the two most prominent Japanese sentiment. colonies of Japan. The Qing Dynasty ceded Taiwan to Why was the Japanese occupation of Ko-rea Japan in 1895 following the Sino-Japanese War of 1894- ultimately met with high levels of resistance and 95, while Korea be-came a Japanese colony informally national animosity by the Korean masses? Why did the in 1905 and formally in 1910.
    [Show full text]
  • Building the Nation: the Success and Crisis of Korean Civil Religion
    religions Article Building the Nation: The Success and Crisis of Korean Civil Religion Andrew Eungi Kim 1 and Daniel Connolly 2,* 1 Division of International Studies, Korea University, Anam-ro, Seongbuk-gu, Seoul 02841, Korea; [email protected] 2 Division of International Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul 02450, Korea * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Civil religion refers to a country’s beliefs, symbols, and rituals that bolster national unity and strengthen its citizens’ sense of identity and belonging. However, the literature on civil religion is divided between those who attribute it to bottom-up cultural spontaneity and those who see it as an ideological top-down construction. Moreover, there has been a relative lack of scholarly attention to Korean civil religion. This paper addresses both issues by arguing that a strong civil religion indeed exists in the country and that it has been an important part of the “nation-building” process since the founding of the Republic of Korea in 1948. The paper highlights how a succession of authoritarian regimes (1948–1987) successfully mobilized a strong civil religion for political purposes. The resulting civil religion targeted economic growth as the national goal to overcome all social ills, focused on the country’s ethnic and cultural homogeneity to boost national confidence and pride, exalted its traditional religions, especially Confucianism, as repositories of Korean traditional culture, and rendered sacred meanings to national symbols such as the flag and national anthem. Even after democratization, Korean civil religion remains largely ideological, as the Korean government is heavily involved in framing, planning, sponsoring, and promoting the country’s civil religion.
    [Show full text]
  • "Militarized Masculinity" and the Conscientious Objector Movement
    Volume 7 | Issue 12 | Number 1 | Article ID 3087 | Mar 16, 2009 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Militarism and Anti-militarism in South Korea: "Militarized Masculinity" and the Conscientious Objector Movement. Vladimir Tikhonov Militarism and Anti-militarism in South Korea: include revolutionary and post-revolutionary “Militarized Masculinity” and the Conscientious France (which began the history of modern Objector Movement. conscription by declaring the levée en masse on August 23, 1793), and the Prussian state, Vladimir Tikhonov (Pak Noja) which began introducing French-style conscription practices after suffering a defeat Korea – "a national defense/conscription state" at the hands of Napoleon’s conscript army in 1806-1807.3 In more recent times, the state of It is a well-known fact that warfare and Israel successfully used a comprehensive obligatory military service system long played conscription system applicable to both men and decisive role in the formation of modern nation- women. The conscription system inculcated states, first in Europe and later elsewhere in Zionist ideals and the newly-forged Israeli the world. While externally the military national identity, as well as a siege mentality prowess of a given state was (and still is) based upon the imperative of the “national decisive for defining its place in a competitive defense” against the demonized Arabic/Muslim international system explicitly based upon an world, into the minds of a very heterogeneous equilibrium of military force and hegemonic 4 1 body of citizens,
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism in Crisis: the Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’Guksa)
    Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) by Yun Sik Hwang A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto © Copyright by Yun Sik Hwang 2016 Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) Yun Sik Hwang Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto 2016 Abstract South Korea has undergone considerable transitions between dictatorship and democracy under Korea’s extraordinary status as a divided nation. The nature of this division developed an intense political contestation in South Korea between the political Left who espouse a critical view of top-down national history, and the Right who value the official view of South Korea’s national history. Whether it is a national history or nationalist history, in terms of conceptions of national identity and nationalism in relation to Korean history, disagreement continues. The purpose of this thesis is not to support nor refute the veracity of either political position, which is divided between a sensationalized political Right and a caricaturized Left. The aim of this project is to evaluate a series of developments in Korean history textbooks that can be seen as a recent attempt to build new national identities. ii Acknowledgments There are countless people I am indebted as I completed this Master’s thesis. First and foremost, I would like to thank my professor and supervisor, Andre Schmid for his charismatic and friendly nature for the past 7 years.
    [Show full text]
  • The Direct and Indirect Contributions of Western Missionaries to Korean Nationalism During the Late Choson and Early Japanese Annexation Periods 1884-1920
    East Tennessee State University Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University Electronic Theses and Dissertations Student Works 8-2011 The Direct and Indirect Contributions of Western Missionaries to Korean Nationalism during the Late Choson and Early Japanese Annexation Periods 1884-1920. Walter Joseph Stucke East Tennessee State University Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.etsu.edu/etd Part of the Asian History Commons, History of Religion Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Stucke, Walter Joseph, "The Direct and Indirect Contributions of Western Missionaries to Korean Nationalism during the Late Choson and Early Japanese Annexation Periods 1884-1920." (2011). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 1338. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1338 This Thesis - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Works at Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Direct and Indirect Contributions of Western Missionaries to Korean Nationalism during the Late Choson and Early Japanese Annexation Periods, 1884-1920 _______________ A thesis presented to the faculty of the Department of History East Tennessee State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in History _______________ by Walter J. Stucke August 2011 _______________ Dr. Henry Antkiewicz, Chair Dr. William Burgess Dr. Dale Schmitt Keywords: Protestantism, Christianity, Missionaries, Nationalism, Korea, Late Choson Dynasty, Japanese Annexation, March First Movement ABSTRACT The Direct and Indirect Contributions of Western Missionaries to Korean Nationalism during the Late Choson and Early Japanese Annexation Periods, 1884-1920 by Walter J.
    [Show full text]
  • Lesbians in Japan and South Korea
    Her Story: Lesbians in Japan and South Korea Elise Fylling EAST 4590 – Master’s Thesis in East Asian Studies African and Asian Studies 60 credits – spring 2012 Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages Faculty of Humanities University of Oslo Her Story: Lesbians in Japan and South Korea Master’s thesis, Elise Fylling © Elise Fylling 2012 Her Story: Lesbians in Japan and South Korea Elise Fylling Academic supervisor: Vladimir Tikhonov http://www.duo.uio.no Printed by: Webergs Printshop Summary Lesbians in Japan and South Korea have long been ignored in both academic, and in social context. The assumption that there are no lesbians in Japan or South Korea dominates a large population in these societies, because lesbians do not identify as such in the public domain. Instead they often live double lives showing one side of themselves to the public and another in private. Although there exist no formal laws against homosexuality, a social barrier in relation to coming out to one’s family, friends or co-workers is highly present. Shame, embarrassment and fear of being rejected as deviant or abnormal makes it difficult to step outside of the bonds put on by society’s hetero-normative structures. What is it like to be lesbian in contemporary Japan and South Korea? In my dissertation I look closely at the Japanese and South Korean society’s attitudes towards young lesbians, examining their experiences concerning identity, invisibility, family relations, the question of marriage and how they see themselves in society. I also touch upon how they meet others in spite of their invisibility as well as giving some insight to the way they chose to live their life.
    [Show full text]
  • Facilitating Korean Reconciliation Through Constitutional Law*
    International Studies Review Vol. 10 No. 2 (December 2009): 53-80 53 Received September 26, 2009 Revised October 27, 2009 Accepted November 5, 2009 Facilitating Korean Reconciliation through Constitutional Law* DAMIEN P. HORIGAN ** This article looks at the so-called Korean Problem or Korean Question from a fresh perspective. Instead of advocating a quick yet costly reunification of Korea along German lines or any specific type of federation, confederation, or commonwealth, a new approach to both Korean reconciliation and possible reunification based on negotiated constitutional change, the symbolic power of constitutions, and the Habermasian concept of constitutional patriotism is proposed. Specifically, the example of the Northern Ireland peace process is presented as an alternative legal model that can be creatively applied to conditions on the Korean Peninsula. Keywords: Divided Nations, Peace Process, Constitutional Law This article draws on research done for my LLM thesis under the supervision of Dr. Victor V. Ramraj at the National University of Singapore. I am grateful for che comments received on the manuscript for chis article from two anonymous referees from the Internacional Studies Review. Likewise, I appreciate the earlier comments on my LLM thesis from che members of my committee. Naturally, however, I am responsible for the views expressed herein. Associate Professor, School of Business Administration, American University in Dubai. Pose Office Box 28282, Dubai, United Arab Emirates. E-mail: dhorigan@ aud.edu; W ebsice: http://aud.edu/ Academic-Programs/Business/bus-dhorigan.asp Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 03:03:12AM via free access 54 Facilitating Korean Reconciliation through Comtit11tional Law I.
    [Show full text]
  • China on the Edge China’S Border Provinces and Chinese Security Policy
    The Center for the National Interest and Johns Hopkins SAIS China on the Edge China’s Border Provinces and Chinese Security Policy Carla Freeman, PhD and Drew Thompson April 2011 China on the Edge Index Foreword: China on the Edge—Cooperation or Control?.............................. 2 China’s Foreign and Security Policy for its Territorial Periphery ................. 8 Uncertain Engagement: China and North Korea.......................................... 22 Inner Mongolia and Mongolia ...................................................................... 45 Yunnan’s Relations with Vietnam and Myanmar ........................................ 65 Conclusion: China's Multilayered Periphery Policy..................................... 84 1 China on the Edge Foreword: China on the Edge—Cooperation or Control? As violence rocked Tibet in 2008 followed by Xinjiang in 2009, China delivered an apparently contradictory message to the international community. Its spokespersons asserted that events in these regions were “strictly an internal affair;” in the same breath, they sharply condemned “external forces” for inciting the violence. What might appear to be a contradiction distills the intense anxieties that underlie China’s perception of the heavily minority regions that lie along its land borders with other states and Beijing’s acute awareness that in these regions international and domestic security are closely intertwined. 1 China’s ascent to a position of international wealth and power is being felt nowhere more immediately than along its borders. A crumbling Qing empire followed by a Chinese state struggling first against external attack and then domestic instability left many of China’s international boundaries unsettled, heavily populated by non-Han minorities, with areas along the outer extent of its territorial control that were both poverty stricken and in many respects weakly governed.
    [Show full text]