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MAJRXISM A.ND 'DG: oaic-Trq s oF- FEUDALISM IN EARLY MEDIENIAL NG-LAND THOMAS SEBASTIAN AIKMAN SAUNDERS D. PHIL THESIS UNIVERSITY OF YORK DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY MARCH 1991 Cirs7 TENITS AOF AOE AOF 1K AOE AO& AOE AO& AOF AOE AOC- AOC- AOE AO& A* 1K 1K 1K1K 1K 1K 1K 1K AOE 1K 111E 1K 1K ilk ilk- List of illustrations 4 AcknowleclEements 5 Abstract 6 INTRODUCTION 7 PART 1 SOCIAL THEORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY 13 1 THE THEORETICAL VACUUM OF POST-PROCESSUAL ARCHAEOLOGY 1 Post-structuralism and the Crisis of Marxism 15 2 Epistemology 23 3 Causality 31 4 Material Culture 40 5 Towards a Marxist Approach in Archaeology 49 2 STRUCTURAL-MARXIST ARCHAEOLOGY 63 1 From Technological Determinism to Structural-Marxism 2 Pre-Capitalist Economics 70 3 Critique of Structural-Marxist Archaeology 83 3 PRE-CAPITALIST SOCIAL FORMATIONS 92 1 Richard Hodges and Dark Age Economics 93 2 Marxism and the Making of History 100 • a From Tributary to Feudal Modes of Production 121 PART 2 HISTORICAL MATERIALISM AND MATERIAL CULTURE 134 4 HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY 135 1 The Development of Medieval Archaeology 136 2 The Academic Structure of Social Knowledge 141 a The Origins of English Feudalism 145 -2- 5 TRADE AND EXCHANGE IN EARLY MEDIEVAL ENGLAND 151 1 Richard Hodges and the Origins of Capitalism 152 2 Marxism and Medieval Towns and Trade 157 3 The Early Medieval Pottery Industry and Market Exchange 172 6 THE SOCIAL USE OF SPACE IN EARLY MEDIEVAL RURAL SETTLEMENTS 191 1 The Spatial Construction of Society 192 2 The Tributary and Feudal Construction of Space 203 3 Early Medieval Rural Settlements 212 7 TOWN AND COUNTRY IN EARLY MEDIEVAL ENGLAND 249 The Economic Basis of Feudal Towns 250 2 Medieval Towns and Environmental Archaeology 257 3 Animal Bones and Town/Country Interrelationships 267 PART 3 CONCLUSIONS 288 8 ARCHAEOLOGY AND FEUDALISM 289 Rural Production and Exploitation 290 2 Trade and Exchange and Urban Development 297 9 MARXISM Vs RADICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 304 1 Radical Archaeology 304 2 Marxism and the Working Class 312 Bibliography 323 I I— L.. A.. ""C D 53 -31E- -31E- -31K- -31E- 1K-- -31E- -311L- --31E- -31E- -31E- 41E- -31E- -31E- 41c- -31E- -31E- -31E- -11C- K -3K K -3K 11E- 1. Map showing the position of mid and late-Saxon London 174 2. Pie charts showing the relative frequency of pottery types in early medieval London 176 3. Distribution map of tenth century wares in southern England 179 4. Distribution map of eleventh and twelfth century wares in southern England 181 5. Location map of the Raunds Area Project 214 6. Plan of early/middle Saxon Raunds 216 7. Plan of Raunds at the end of the early/middle Saxon period 217 8. Plan of late-Saxon Raunds 219 9. Plan of the late-Saxon features at West Cotton 221 10. Plan of the Anglo-Saxon settlement at Mucking 223 11. A scematic development of the Anglo-Saxon settlement at West Stow 224 12. Plan of the Anglo-Saxon settlement at Chalton 226 13. Phase plans of the Anglo-Saxon settlement at Cowdery's Down 228 14. Plan of the deserted medieval village of Goltho and the late-Saxon manor 230 15. A possible reconstruction of how Wharram Percy may originally have been laid out in the late Anglo-Saxon period 232 16. Map showing the location of Fishergate and Coppergate, York 269 A C. K 411- D Q NIE S 111- -31K- -31E- --3K- -3K- -311. -311- 411 -31E- -311. -31E- -311 -31E- -31E. -31E- -31E- 4K -31E- 4K 4K 4K 41E- 4K IR- 4K al- 41(- 41E- Many people have helped me during the writing of this thesis. In particular I would like to thank Steve Roskams, friend and comrade, who supervised my research. Without Steve's support, discussion and criticisms this thesis would never have been written. Many thanks are also due to Alan Vince, Ailsa Mainman, Martin Carver, Steve Windell, Michel Audouy, Steve Parry, Terry O'Connor and Jennifer Bourdillon who supplied me with empirical material and unpublished work, much of which I have used. I am also grateful to Alex Callinicos, Sue Clegg, Tania Dickinson, David Austin and Doug Hawes for spending time reading and commenting on my work. My mother Hilary Aikman is also warmly thanked for completing the arduous task of proof reading the text. None of them, however, is responsible for any of its deficiencies. I want also to thank lover and comrade Sally Kincaid for being both tolerant and remarkably patient on numerous occasions when my priorities did not coincide with hers. 5 A 1ES3TFAC --31K- -31E- --3K- -3K- --3K- -3K- -3K- -3K- -3K- -31E- -3K- -3K- -3K- -3K- -3K- --3K- -311- -3IK- -3K- -3K- -21. -3K- --3K-- -3K- -3K- -3K- --311- -3K- -3K- -3K- Archaeological theory has become the subject of lively debate during the past few years. This thesis critically examines these recent developments through an exploration of Marxism and archaeology. The case for a historical materialist approach to material culture studies is made through both a theoretical and an empirical discussion of the origins of English feudalism. Central to the thesis is an investigation of three interconnected problems; the development of trade and exchange; the evolution of the rural landscape; and the growth of the medieval town. These issues have been analysed through an archaeological study of the late-Saxon pottery industry, early medieval village plans and urban assemblages of animal bones. It is hoped, therefore, that this thesis will demonstrate the potential for Marxist approaches in archaeology, as well as contributing fresh theoretical perspectives to early medieval studies. 6 I N ID1DUCI CsIsi 1SK- -31E- 1SF 1K 1S1- 1SK- 1K 111- 1SF 11(- 1S1 1SK- 1SK- 11(- 1K -AI 1K- 1SK- 111 -3IK- 1SF 1K 1K -SE -XI 11E 1111 . 1K 1K 1K 1K The intellectual climate pervading academic archaeology has changed dramatically over the last decade. Gone are the days when archaeology was simply a 'safe' empirical discipline, recovering, recording and classifying past material culture through 'objective' scientific procedures. The 1980s have seen the arrival of social theory. Archaeology has opened up and immersed itself in the wider theoretical debates outside the discipline. Over the last ten years there has been a plethora of fresh theoretical perspectives within archaeology: structuralist, structural-Marxist, post-structuralist, postmodernist etc., all of which have been subsumed under the label 'post-processualism'. But, despite all the excitement this has generated, the integration of social theory and archaeology is still in its infancy. An atmosphere of superficiality and eclecticism pervades the discipline, as archaeologists attempt to come to terms with a wide variety of schools of thought. Post-processualism, therefore, has en forged with many gaps, questions and silences. F her critiques and dialogues are necessarily required. By exploring the subject of Marxism and archaeology, it is hoped that the current debate around the reconstruction of archaeological theory and practice can be deepened and widened. Although Marxist inspired approaches are not new to archaeology, the systematic use of historical materialism as a philisophical basis for the development of archaeological theory has yet to emerge within Britain or the United States. Post-processualists have attempted to integrate concepts from the various Marxist traditions into their work, in particular from the structural-Marxist school of thought. However, the epist undations and basic analytical concepts of -7- classical Marxism have been explicitly rejected (Trigger 1985). This is certainly not something peculiar to the discipline of archaeology. Marxism, since its inception, has been consistently politically and intellectually peripheralised. However, the dearth of Marxist approaches during the formative period in the development of theoretical archaeology has more specific roots. The silence is a reflection of a current intellectual shift within academic circles. While the 1970s marked a period of intellectual renaissance for Marxist ideas within western universities, the 1980s has been a decade of intellectual retreats (see Miliband and Panitch 1990). Marxism has been abandoned, ousted by post- structuralism and postmodernism. Many radicals, initially inspired by the social revolts of the late '60s have now evolved into a post-Marxist position (see Callinicos 1989, 162-71). Thus, classical Marxism is regarded by both left and right-wing intellectuals alike as terribly old-fashioned and conceptually redundant, a body of thought to be transcended. This thesis forms a defence of classical Marxism. The current marginalising of historical materialism has been carried out largely through misrepresentation and caricature, with Marxist thought the subject of ill-informed and generally facile disputation (see Geras 1990). In what follows, care is taken to examine the basis of Marxist analytical concepts and thus reveal that, far from being intellectually impoverished, historical materialism can solve many of the problems which post-processual theory correctly identifies but singularly fails to answer. This is not simply a return to Marx. The defence of classical Marxism involves building upon this tradition. Consequently, a wide range of Marxist thinkers within the social sciences are drawn upon, from philosophers and social theorists, to historians, geographers and anthropologists. - 8 - Examining Marxism and archaeology, however, is not an abstract exercise. The reconstruction of archaeological theory and practice requires a careful analysis of specfic archaeological issues through an encounter with empirical evidence. The success or failure of Marxism ultimately rests in its ability to explain adequately the world, past and present. This research, therefore, is concerned with relating general theoretical debates to a discussion and interpretation of a particular field, early medieval material culture. Hence the subtitle 'The Origins of Feudalism in Early Medieval England'. Medieval archaeology has been much slower to respond to theoretical developments than the discipline as a whole, largely remaining deeply empiricist and anti-theoretical.
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