______APPENDIX H

CULTURAL RESOURCES REPORT ______

This page intentionally left blank. CULTURAL RESOURCES RECONNAISSANCE FOR THE VILLAGE ENTRANCE PROJECT, LAGUNA BEACH, CALIFORNIA

Prepared for

Christopher A. Joseph & Associates 179 H. Street Petaluma, California 94952

Prepared by

Joan C. Brown, M.A., RPA Stephen O’Neil, M.A. James W. Steely, M.S.

SWCA ENVIRONMENTAL CONSULTANTS 23392 Madero, Suite L Mission Viejo, California 92691 (949) 770-8042 www.swca.com

USGS 7.5-Minute Quadrangle Laguna Beach, California

SWCA Project No. 10751-111

SWCA Cultural Resources Report Database No. 2006-200

April 2006 CULTURAL RESOURCES REPORT VILLAGES ENTRANCE PROJECT

MANAGEMENT SUMMARY/ABSTRACT Purpose and Scope: Christopher A. Joseph & Associates contracted with SWCA Environmental Consultants to undertake cultural resources documentary research and a pedestrian reconnaissance as part of the California Environmental Quality Act review process in anticipation of the Village Entrance project. The services entailed a literature review of the study area including a 1-mile radius around the property, a historic evaluation of the building, and a pedestrian reconnaissance to determine if cultural resources are visible on the surface. This report documents the results of the cultural resources study.

Dates of Investigation: The cultural resources literature search was completed January 19, 2006, and the cultural resources pedestrian reconnaissance was completed March 2, 2006, by SWCA Archaeologist Stephen O’Neil. This report was completed in April 2006. The historic study by Jim Steely was performed during April 2006.

Findings of the Investigation: The literature review at the South Central Coastal Information Center, located at California State University, Fullerton, revealed that 11 cultural resources are recorded within a 1-mile radius of the current study area. No prehistoric cultural resources were observed during the survey.

The 1935 Laguna Beach Sewage Treatment Plant is a significant surviving public works facility from a community that greatly upgraded its infrastructure in the 1930s with New Deal assistance to accommodate projected growth.

Recommendations: Despite its loss of original structure wings, the surviving building/structure is eligible for listing in the National Register of Historic Places and the California Register of Historic Resources under Criteria A/1 and C/3; its planned incorporation into the Laguna Beach Village Entrance project will reduce any project impact to less than significant.

Because of the potential for buried archaeological material to be located within the project area, it is recommended that a qualified archaeological monitor observe all future ground-disturbing activities in native soils.

Disposition of Data: This report will be filed with the South Central Coastal Information Center, located at California State University, Fullerton; with the Christopher A. Joseph & Associates; and with SWCA Environmental Consultants. All field notes and records related to the current project are on file at the Orange County office of SWCA.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS MANAGEMENT SUMMARY/ABSTRACT ...... ii UNDERTAKING INFORMATION/INTRODUCTION ...... 1 SETTING...... 3 Natural...... 3 Cultural...... 4 Prehistoric Era...... 4 Ethnographic...... 6 Historic Overview...... 9 PRIOR RESEARCH ...... 10 Literature Search ...... 10 METHODS ...... 11 FINDINGS...... 12 NATIVE AMERICAN CONSULTATION ...... 14 DISCUSSION ...... 14 RECOMMENDATIONS...... 15 REFERENCES...... 16

APPENDICES Appendix A: DPR Recording Forms by James W. Steely Appendix B: Records Search Results Appendix C: Native American Consultation

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Project Location Map ...... 2 Figure 2. Photograph of Laguna Beach city yard and lumberyard parking lot; view to the south down Broadway Avenue toward the Pacific Ocean ...... 12 Figure 3. Photograph of chaparral on project site slope; view to the north ...... 13

LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Prehistoric Cultural Chronology ...... 5 Table 2. Cultural Resources Located within a 1-Mile Radius of the Project Area...... 11

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UNDERTAKING INFORMATION/INTRODUCTION Contracting Data: Christopher A. Joseph & Associates retained SWCA Environmental Consultants to conduct a cultural resources literature review and a cultural resources pedestrian reconnaissance of the Laguna Beach Village Entrance project area.

Purpose: This study was completed under the provisions of the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA). Public Resources Code SS5024.1, Section 15064.5 of the Guidelines, and Sections 21083.2 and 21084.1 of the Statutes of CEQA were also used as the basic guidelines for the cultural resources study (Governor’s Office of Planning and Research 1998). Public Resources Code SS5024.1 requires evaluation of historical resources to determine their eligibility for listing on the California Register of Historical Resources (CRHR). The purposes of the register are to maintain listings of the state’s historical resources and to indicate which properties are to be protected from substantial adverse change (Office of Historic Preservation 1997). The criteria for listing resources on the California Register were expressly developed to be in accordance with previously established criteria developed for listing on the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP).

According to Section 15064.5(a)(3)(A–D) in the revised CEQA guidelines (Governor’s Office of Planning and Research 1998), a resource is considered historically significant if it meets at least one of the following criteria: A. Is associated with events that have made a significant contribution to the broad patterns of California’s history and cultural heritage; B. Is associated with the lives of persons important in our past; C. Embodies the distinctive characteristics of a type, period, region or method of construction, or represents the work of an important creative individual, or possesses high artistic values; or D. Has yielded, or may be likely to yield, information important in prehistory or history.

The format of this report follows Archaeological Resource Management Reports (ARMR): Recommended Contents and Format (Office of Historic Preservation 1990).

Undertaking: The proposed project proposes a 218,625-square foot, five-level, 667-space public parking structure that would house some city offices, a community center, public restrooms, city employee restrooms and locker facilities, and some city corporate yard maintenance, storage rooms, and city vehicle parking. The entire structure would be built around the existing sewage lift station.

Project Limits: The Laguna Beach Village Entrance project site is located in the city of Laguna Beach, Orange County, California. Laguna Beach is located along the coast of the Pacific Ocean with Laguna Niguel to the east, Newport Beach to the northwest, and Dana Point to the southeast.

The Village Entrance project site is located on the east side of Forest Avenue where it intersects with Laguna Canyon Road. The project site is composed of Assessor’s Parcel Numbers (APN) 641-241-06, 641-241-07, 641-241-08, 641-241-09, 641-241-10, 641-241-13, and 641-241-14.

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Figure 1. Project Location Map

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The project site is within the Laguna Beach Downtown Specific Plan and is zoned Civic Art District. This area is described as “the cultural center for the city,” and includes notable properties such as City Hall, the Laguna Playhouse, the Irvine Bowl and the Festival of the Arts, the Art-A-Faire, and the Sawdust Festival grounds.

The Laguna Creek Channel flows through the central portion of the project site and splits the site into two primary areas: (1) the area known as the corporate yard or maintenance yard, which comprises the eastern portion of the site; and (2) the surface parking lot that comprises the eastern portion of the site between the Laguna Creek Channel and Laguna Canyon Road. The study area is located on the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) 7.5-Minute Laguna Beach Quadrangle, in Township 7 South, Range 9 West; Section 24 (San Bernardino Base and Meridian).

Maps: Figure 1 consists of portions of the USGS 7.5-Minute Laguna Beach Quadrangle, depicting the specific location of the project area in southern California.

Project Personnel: Joan C. Brown was the principal investigator for the cultural resources study and was responsible for this technical report. Stephen O’Neil wrote the ethnographic and field sections of the report, Burt McAlpine provided the graphics, and Kimm Thompson provided technical editing and formatting. Joan Brown conducted the literature review, and Stephen O’Neil performed the field reconnaissance. James Steely performed the historic study. Brown and O’Neil have master’s degrees in anthropology and both have more than 25 years experience as professional archaeologists. Brown is also a Registered Professional Archaeologist (RPA). Steely has a master’s degree in architectural studies and over 30 years of experience as a historian and architectural historian.

SETTING

NATURAL The project site is located approximately one-quarter mile from the Pacific Ocean and ranges in elevation from 25–30 feet above sea level to approximately 100 feet above sea level. Existing on-site vegetation consists of native California sycamore trees, various scattered shrubbery, and silver dollar eucalyptus trees.

The current climatic conditions did not prevail during the entire span of time that people have been present in the area. Heusser (1978) suggests that pine forests may have occupied the coastal regions from roughly 10,000 years to 6000 years B.C. The climate then became warmer and drier, resulting in replacement of the pine forests by Oak Woodland and Grassland communities. Coastal Sage Scrub and Chaparral communities became pronounced during the few centuries preceding the Christian era.

There were several ecological communities available to the prehistoric inhabitants of southern California. According to Drover et al. (1983), the available ecological communities are as follows: Saltwater Estuary, Beach and Coastal Strand, Marine, Riparian Woodland, Freshwater Marsh, Grassland Herbland, Oak Woodland, Coastal Sage Scrub, and Chaparral. Prehistorically, the project area probably supported Coast Sage Scrub and Riparian Woodland communities.

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CULTURAL

Prehistoric Era People have been present in the New World since at least 12,000 to 13,000 before present (BP). There is growing evidence from archaeological sites, however, that humans were present long before that period (i.e., Dixon 1993; Dillehay 1997). Linguistic and genetic studies suggest a date of 20,000 to 40,000 years ago as more realistic (Fiedel 2000). The evidence of earlier habitation is not yet conclusive, but it is beginning to be accepted by archaeologists. The few generally accepted remains indicate a very small, mobile population apparently dependent on hunting of large game animals as the primary subsistence strategy. Other resources were certainly exploited, but the bulk of the traces remaining today in the New World are related to game hunting (Chartkoff and Chartkoff 1984; Moratto 1984).

The date of arrival of people in southern California is unknown. Initial radiocarbon dates recently obtained by SWCA from a deeply buried archaeological site in southern Orange County, only 5.5 kilometers (3.4 miles) from the coast, indicate an occupation as early as 11,000 BP (SWCA unpublished). The earliest accepted dates are from two of the Northern Channel Islands, located off the coast from Santa Barbara. On San Miguel Island, Daisy Cave clearly establishes the presence of people in this area about 10,000 BP (Erlandson 1991:105). On Santa Rosa Island, human remains have been dated from the Arlington Springs site to approximately 13,000 BP (Johnson et al. 2002). The early presence of human populations on the islands suggests the use of marine watercraft dates to the appearance of people in the state.

The archaeological record of California is a rich and complex continuum traditionally divided into time- sensitive units based on changes in artifact types and styles. Unlike other native people inhabiting the United States and Mexico, the vast majority of native Californians did not practice agriculture in the prehistoric era. Instead, they relied on California’s rich biotic diversity to provide food, clothing, and shelter. The Cahuilla were an exception and, under the influence of neighboring tribes along the Colorado River in south-central California, they practiced incipient agriculture (Bean 1978:578).

Two chronologies are generally used to describe the sequence of archaeological periods applicable to the state of California (Chartkoff and Chartkoff 1984; Moratto 1984). These are somewhat generalized since the work addresses the entire state. A third chronology, by Koerper and Drover (1983), has gained local acceptance in Orange County.

Chartkoff and Chartkoff (1984) identify the earliest portion of the archaeological sequence, which ended around 7500 years B.C., as the Paleoindian Period. This period, characterized by large, extremely well made projectile points; the exploitation of large Pleistocene game animals; and temporary encampments, is summarized in the first row of Table 1.

The chronology by Koerper and Drover (1983) describes the time subsequent to the Paleoindian Period, specifically within Orange County. The Koerper and Drover chronology is based on extensive work at CA-ORA-119-A, a large multi-component site near the University of California, Irvine, campus. CA- ORA-119-A contained evidence from very early times to the historic period. This chronology for the Millingstone, Intermediate, and Late Prehistoric Periods in Orange County is summarized in Table 1.

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Table 1. Prehistoric Cultural Chronology

Temporal Period * Major Diagnostic Traits Characteristics and Adaptations Span

Paleoindian ? to 7,500 1. Lack of grinding implements. 1. Subsistence through hunting of large Pleistocene B.C. ± ? 2. Large, well-made projectile points. game animals. 2. Temporary camps at large kills. 3. Group no larger than extended family. 4. Widespread; covered most of North American continent, but no sites known locally. 5. Very small total population.

Millingstone 7,500 B.C. 1. Predominance of manos and metates. 1. Heavy reliance on hunting in early part of period. ± ? to 2. Ornaments made of stone. Deer, rabbits, and other small game associated with 1,000 B.C. 3. Large and often crude projectile chaparral. ± 250 points. 2. In middle to late part of period reliance was on 4. Cogstones and discoidals. hard seeds associated with chaparral. 5. Charmstones. 3. Coastal groups utilized shellfish and near shore 6. Some mortars and pestles near end of resources. period. 4. Seasonal round based on ripening vegetable resources rather than animal migrations. This caused increased isolation leading to noticeable differences in culture in much smaller geographic areas. 5. Probably about 50 persons in average group. 6. Very little noticeable change in last two thirds of period. 7. Permanent settlement of Channel Islands by end of period. **

Intermediate 1,000 B.C. 1. Bone ornaments. 1. Heavy reliance on acorns as food resource. Hard ± 250 to 2. Widespread use of mortars and seeds, small animals, and coastal resources A.D. 750 ± pestles along with manos and metates. continue to be used. 250 3. Use of steatite begins. 2. Many more deep-water ocean resources utilized. 4. Many discoidals. 3. First permanently occupied villages. 5. Large projectile points trending to 4. Large increases in local population. smaller in the last part of the period. 5. Atlatl (spear thrower) in use. Bow and arrow probably introduced near end of period. 6. Some evidence of trade.

Late A.D. 750 ± 1. Shell ornaments. 1. Increased exploitation of all resources. Prehistoric 250 to 2. Mortar, pestle, mano and metate use 2. Large populations: some villages had as many as Spanish continues. 1,500 persons. contact 3. Small, finely worked projectile points. 3. Great increase in art objects. 4. Widespread use of steatite. 4. Much evidence of trade. 5. Some pottery vessels appear near the end of the period.

* Paleoindian Period after Chartkoff and Chartkoff (1984); Millingstone, Intermediate, and Late Prehistoric Periods after Koerper and Drover (1983). ** See, e.g., Glassow et al. (1988) for evidence of permanent settlement of the Channel Islands about 4000–5000 B.C. during the Millingstone Period.

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Ethnographic The project area is within the territory occupied during the Late Prehistoric period and into the present day by the Native American society commonly known as the Juaneño (Kroeber 1925:636). The name “Juaneño” denotes those people who were administered by the Spanish from Mission San Juan Capistrano; therefore, the name does not necessarily identify a specific ethnic or tribal group. The names the Native Americans in southern California used to identify themselves have, for the great part, been lost. Many contemporary Juaneño, who identify themselves as descendents of the indigenous society living in the local San Juan and San Mateo Creek drainage areas, have adopted the indigenous term Acjachemen. Linguistically, the Acjachemen tongue is a dialect of the larger Luiseño language. This language is derived from the Takic family, part of the Uto-Aztecan linguistic stock.

Acjachemen villages and territory extended from Las Pulgas Creek in northern San Diego County up into the San Joaquin Hills of Orange County’s central coast, and from the Pacific Ocean into the Santa Ana Mountains. The core of their population occupied the drainages of two large creeks, San Juan Creek (and its major tributary, the Trabuco), and San Mateo Creek (combined with the San Onofre, which emptied into the ocean at the same point). The highest concentration of villages was along the lower San Juan where the Mission San Juan Capistrano was situated (O’Neil 2002:68–78).

The Acjachemen resided in permanent, well-defined villages and associated seasonal camps. Each village contained 35 to 300 persons; these consisted of a single lineage in the smaller villages, and of a dominant clan joined with other families in the larger towns. As Boscana said of the Acjachemen, “all the rancherias were composed of a single relationship” (1933:33). Each clan/village had its own resource territory and was politically independent, yet maintained ties to others through economic, religious, and social networks in the immediate region. There were three hierarchical social classes: the elite class consisting of chiefly families, lineage heads, and other ceremonial specialists; a “middle class” of established and successful families; and finally, there were people of disconnected or wandering families and captives of war (Bean 1976:109–111). Native leadership consisted of the Nota, or clan chief, who conducted community rites and regulated ceremonial life in conjunction with the council of elders, or puuplem, which was made up of lineage heads and ceremonial specialists in their own right. This body discussed and decided upon matters of the community, which were then carried out by the Nota and his staff.

The hereditary village chief held an administrative position that combined and controlled religious, economical, and warfare powers. While the placement of residential huts of a village was not regulated, the ceremonial enclosure (vanquesh) and the chief’s home could generally be found in the center (Boscana 1933:37). He had an assistant who acted as messenger and who had important religious duties as well. There was an advisory council known as the puuplem, which consisted of ritual specialists and shamans, each with his own special area of knowledge about the environment or ritual magic. These positions were hereditary, with each man training a successor from his own lineage or family who showed the proper innate abilities.

As a strongly patrilineal society, residence has been regarded as patrilocal, but recent study of the Mission San Juan Capistrano sacramental registers has indicated a number of births at the mother’s village as well as at third villages (O’Neil 2002); however, patrilocality does dominate. Polygyny was practiced, but most likely only by chiefs and puuls with ceremonial positions who had larger economic roles within the community (Boscana 1933:44). Divorce was not easy, but possible; divorcees and widows could re- marry, the latter preferably to a classificatory “brother” of her deceased husband. Marriage was used as a mechanism of politics, ecology, and economics. Important lineages were allied through marriage, and reciprocally useful alliances were arranged between groups of differing ecological niches.

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As summarized by Bean and Shipek (1978:552), plant foods were, by far, the greatest part of the traditional diet. Acorns were the most important single food source; two species were used locally. Villages were located near water sources necessary for the leaching of acorns, which was a daily occurrence. As an almost daily staple, the acorn mush, or weewish, could be fixed in various ways and was served as a gruel, cakes, or fried; it could be sweetened with honey or sugar-laden berries; it could be made into a stew with greens and meat. Grass seeds were the next most abundant plant food used. Other important seeds were manzanita, sunflower, sage, chia, lemonade berry, wild rose, holly-leaf cherry, prickly pear, lamb’s-quarter, and pine nuts. Seeds were parched, ground, and cooked as mush in various combinations according to taste and availability, much in the manner as weewish. Greens such as thistle, lamb’s-quarters, miner’s lettuce, white sage, and clover were eaten raw or cooked or sometimes dried for storage. Cactus pods and fruits were used. Thimbleberries, elderberries, and wild grapes were eaten raw or dried for later cooking. Cooked yucca buds, blossoms, and pods provided a sizable addition to the community’s food resources. Bulbs, roots, and tubers were dug in the spring and summer and usually eaten fresh. Mushrooms and tree fungus provided a significant food supplement and were prized as delicacies. Various teas were made from flowers, fruits, stems, and roots for medicinal cures as well as beverages.

The principal game animals were deer, rabbit, jackrabbit, woodrat, mice, ground squirrels, antelope, quail, dove, ducks, and other birds. Most predators were avoided as food, as were tree squirrels and most reptiles. Trout and other fish were caught in the streams, while salmon were available when they ran in the larger creeks. Predominantly a coastal people, the Acjachemen made extensive use of marine foods in their diet. Sea mammals, fish, and crustaceans were hunted and gathered from both the shoreline and the open ocean, using reed and dugout canoes. Shellfish were the most heavily used resource, including abalone, turbans, mussels, and others from the rocky shores; some clams, scallops, and univalves from the sandy beaches; and Chione, bubble shells, and others gathered from the estuaries.

Raymond White (1963) proposed that for the coastal Luiseño (which includes the Acjachemen), fish and marine animals accounted for 50–60 percent of the diet, and terrestrial game another 5–10 percent. Plant foods accounted for the remaining 30–60 percent, broken down as follows: acorns 10–25 percent; seeds 5–10 percent; greens 5–10 percent; and bulbs, roots, and fruits 10–15 percent. These percentages would have varied according to actual placement of the village and variations of the weather from year to year.

By 1873, a government report (Ames 1873) recorded about 40 Juaneño associated with Mission San Juan Capistrano. Many people and families with mixed Spanish/Mexican and Juaneño heritage were not recorded, however, and several Indian villages still existed in the interior valleys (Wheeler 1879). During this same era, the priests at Mission San Juan Capistrano served a circuit-riding ministry to these interior villages to the south and on the other side of the Palomar Mountains. A wave of migration by Juaneño out of San Juan occurred in 1880–1900 as towns in northern Orange County started to form and needed laborers. As late as the 1930s, some 300 Mission-descended Indians were known to be living in the Orange County area (Yorba 1936).

Today a number of Indians whose ancestors were associated with Mission San Juan Capistrano still reside in the local area. Acjachemen interest in their own history has increased in recent decades, and a considerable body of evidence tracing that history has been amassed. There is currently a petition for federal recognition filed by the Juaneño Band of Mission Indians (Acjachemen Nation).

Local Settlements and Features The coast of Orange County is known to have been heavily populated during the Late Prehistoric and Contact Period by Native American settlement. In the vicinity of Laguna Beach, a few of these settlements are known by name, while others are represented by large archaeological sites that have yet to

SWCA Environmental Consultants 7 CULTURAL RESOURCES REPORT VILLAGES ENTRANCE PROJECT be associated with place names. Research with historic records, early anthropological fieldwork notes, and the sacramental registers of Mission San Juan Capistrano has revealed some village names in this region:

Moyo is a place name that has been associated in the past with Corona del Mar, 7 miles northwest of the current project (Meadows 1966:103; Kroeber 1925:Plate 57) ; however, recent examination of the John P. Harrington field notes strongly suggests that Moyo was in the Westminster area (1933). Similarly, the village of Lukup had been associated with a location in Huntington Beach along the lower Santa Ana River (Meadows 1966:97; Kroeber 1907:144), but the Harrington notes suggests Lukup was located along the central or upper reach of Los Alisos Creek (6 miles east of Laguna Canyon).

The name Shouvit possibly represents a village that was located on Upper Newport Bay. Genga is another village associated with the Newport Back Bay — Spanish settlers called this bay the Bolsa de Gengara (O’Neil 1988:110). Genga was perhaps located on Newport Mesa, which overlooks the bay, or the village may be associated with CA-ORA-58, 12.5 miles to the northwest of the current project (Koerper et al. 1996:26–28).

‘Ahunx was possibly a village, along upper Los Alisos Creek, 8 to 9 miles northeast of Laguna Canyon (O’Neil 1988:112). Tom-ok’ is a place name associated with Laguna, possibly in reference to the lakes that give the canyon and town of Laguna their name, or a feature within the canyon (O’Neil and Evans 1980). Nawíl is a place name associated with two locations in the area: where the modern San Diego Freeway crosses Los Alisos Creek, and “Niger” Canyon (Emerald Canyon) between Abalone Point and Laguna Beach (about 2 miles northwest) (O’Neil 1988:112).

By putting the place names of villages and archaeological sites that are radiocarbon dated to Late Contact Period on a map depicting their locations, the distribution suggests that villages in the region during this period were situated only 3.5 to 5 miles apart. The village and possible village names previously described do not reflect this same level of population density for the area near Laguna Beach. The disparity is not uncommon given the fragmentary nature of ethnographic knowledge for California as a whole. For isolated areas of southern California, such as the San Gabriel foothills and San Juan Creek Valley, the names and locations of many of the Contact Period villages are known because many of the Spanish and Mexican ranchos located there retained the Native American place names and/or the Native American people continued to reside locally into the twentieth century passing down their traditional knowledge. The northern and central Orange County coast lacks that information. There are numerous rancheria (village) names in the Mission San Juan Capistrano records, several of which surely represent the Laguna Beach region, but we are unable to place those names in specific locations.

There are large prehistoric archaeological sites containing artifacts diagnostic of the Late Prehistoric Period, such as small projectile points, ceramics, and European trade beads, along this part of the coast that likely represent Contact Period settlements. Examples of such sites are CA-ORA-58 and ORA-111 to the north (both possible candidates for Genga) and Panhe (CA-ORA-22) and Uxme (CA-SDI-811 and CA-SDI-812H) to the south (Earle and O’Neil 1991). The El Moro Hill site (CA-ORA-281), 2 miles north, is a nearby example. Locales where Contact Period sites might be expected, such as the bluffs of Corona del Mar (6.5 miles north) and Laguna Beach, are recognized as almost continuous shell middens, but early residential development precluded systematic excavations that may have demonstrated their Contact Period status. The fact that we cannot now assign specific rancheria names from the mission register lists to these archaeological sites makes it difficult to conduct detailed demographic studies or precisely fit them into the local marriage network. It does not mean, however, that we should ignore their presence when discussing the local ethnographic setting.

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Historic Overview The first Europeans to see what would become Orange County were members of the 1542 expedition of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo. Cabrillo sailed along the coast but did not explore inland. Europeans did not return to the Orange County area until the summer of A.D. 1769 when Lt. Colonel Gaspar de Portolá led an overland expedition from San Diego to San Francisco. This expedition of 63 people passed through the foothills east of the study area, naming the canyons and other geographic features as they proceeded. Among these were the Arroyo de Santa Magdalena (San Juan Creek) and Trabuco Canyon of the Santa Ana Mountains (Crespi in Brown 2001:301–307). The first permanent Euro-American settlement in Orange County was established when a spot along the El Camino Real, where it crossed San Juan Creek, was selected as the site for a Franciscan religious mission in the spring of 1775. The new San Juan Capistrano Mission did not become operational until November 1776 and was relocated 3 1/2 miles southwest to its present site in 1778.

Native trails along Oso Creek, also used by the Spanish military, became the major land route shortly after Mission San Gabriel was founded to the north in A.D. 1771. This route brought traffic through Acjachemen territory and past Mission San Juan Capistrano. This same route was used previously as El Camino Real and Highway 101 and continues to be used as a major freeway (Interstate-5) and railroad. The surrounding areas were used for cattle grazing and agriculture from the beginning of Spanish colonization until recently when ongoing development greatly reduced the acreage available for cattle or agriculture.

Large tracts of land fell under Mission San Juan Capistrano’s authority under Spanish law as the Acjachemen from the region were concentrated through baptism under the mission’s authority. Since the mission priests had civil as well as religious authority over their converts, title to the land passed from the clans to the priests to hold in trust until such time as the missionaries believed the Indians had sufficiently learned Spanish/European ways of living and governing. Before this repatriation might have occurred, however, the gente de razon population of Mexican California grew and the settlers demanded more and more of the “mission” lands. The process of secularization of mission lands began shortly after the declaration of Mexican independence in 1821, and in 1825 the Mexican government freed the Native Americans from mission control. Many of the neophyte Indians left the mission grounds, some for yet uncolonized traditional lands and relatives, and others for work among the fledging ranchos. This loss of labor forced the mission into a period of neglect and decline. When the missions were fully secularized in 1834–1836, even more left for work on the large cattle ranchos being carved out of the mission lands that were now not needed to support the dwindling neophyte population.

Beginning in the late 1830s, the Mexican government was inundated with requests for rancho land from Mission San Juan Capistrano’s administrative districts. John (Juan) Forster, an English immigrant who became a naturalized Mexican citizen, became one of the largest local landowners. He bought the Mision Vieja o La Paz that extended up San Juan Creek into the Santa Ana Mountains and was granted Rancho Trabuco in April 1845. According to Heinz, “On 6 December of the same year he purchased, at auction, the remaining 44 acres of the Mission San Juan Capistrano, including the actual Mission buildings” (1998:72–73). Forster helped develop the pueblo San Juan Capistrano. The new community handled the new trade and travelers along the route from San Diego to Los Angeles brought about by the acquisition of California by the United States in 1846 (Hallan 1975:30–34).

The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, which ceded California to the United States, was designed to protect existing property rights. On the other hand, the Land Act of 1851 automatically questioned the ownership of all grants previously given by the Spanish and Mexicans, forcing individuals with claims to prove ownership within two years or lose the land. The change in government from Mexico to the United States, however, brought very little change to the life of local Native Americans.

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Circa 1840–1845, the Mexican government had attempted to organize a pueblo in San Juan Capistrano to protect the San Juaneños and to oversee their transformation from dependent laborers to independent citizens. This attempt failed because Mexican land policies did not adequately protect the interests of the remaining Native Americans. Following this failure, most Juaneño men became vaqueros on the local ranchos and many of the women became domestics in the rancho households. However, a number of neophyte families remained living within their traditional territory.

Downtown Laguna Beach was never a part of Mexican or Spanish land grants, thus making the land available for homesteading. In 1876, brothers William and Nathaniel Brooks were the first homesteaders in Laguna Beach. In 1978, an area consisting of 528 acres near the mouth of: Laguna Canyon was acquired by John Damron. The land was subsequently subdivided by George Rogers who had purchased it for $1,000. Rogers’s home was where the current City Hall stands today. The large pepper tree that stands there was said to be planted by Rogers and his daughter Elizabeth. Norman St. Clair was the first artist to successfully sell sketches of Laguna. His success attracted other artists leading to the town’s fame today as an artists’ colony (Turnbull 1988).

PRIOR RESEARCH

LITERATURE SEARCH SWCA archaeologist Joan Brown conducted a record search at the South Central Coastal Information Center (SCCIC) on January 19, 2006, to determine if cultural resources were previously recorded within the project area. The record search included information regarding archaeological sites and investigations within the study area and a 1-mile radius of the study area. A check was also made of historic maps, the NRHP, the California State Historic Resources Inventory, and the listing of California Historical Landmarks.

An examination was made of historic maps, including the 1965 Laguna Beach 15-Minute USGS Quadrangle and the 1902 Corona 7.5-Minute USGS Quadrangle. The 1902 map shows Laguna Canyon Road in the same location as today. A road is showed angled towards the southeast, similar to today’s 3rd Street location, and a road is shown paralleling the coast. By 1902, there are only a few structures shown within Laguna Beach. By 1965, both City Hall and the sewage disposal building are in place in addition to substantial development throughout the general area.

According to the SCCIC files, 11 cultural resources are recorded within 1 mile of the study area. These resources are listed in Table 2 below. One of those resources, CA-ORA-285, is recorded within the current project boundaries. The site represents a partial human skeleton, including skull and bone fragments, that was discovered in 1935 during grading for a road in back of the Laguna Beach disposal plant. It was suggested that the bones could have been dragged by the grader for a distance, prior to being noticed. At that time, the area was examined and four “definite Indian house sites” were observed on level areas near sandstone shelters or caves above the disposal plant. One of the caves was 260 feet directly northeast of the disposal plant; the area in front of the cave contained midden to a depth of 4 feet and yielded shell, animal bone, a mano, and broken bone awl (Works Progress Administration [WPA] 1936).

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Table 2. Cultural Resources Located within a 1-Mile Radius of the Project Area

Site No. Description Source and Date* CA-ORA-4 Romero’s Campsite #4 represents a large number of middens. J. R. Briggs (1949); From Romero’s 1935 WPA report. Campsite was subdivided Chace (1966) into a large group of city lots. CA-ORA-5 Romero’s Camp #5. “Seems to be where lumberyard is J. R. Briggs (1949); located.” Flint material was found here; from Romero’s 1935 Chace (1966); WPA report. Historic era “Captain’s House” was located here, Colegrove and Houser then moved to another area. Manos, scrapers, and cores found. (1973). CA-ORA-285 Sandstone shelters on hill back of Laguna Beach Disposal McKinney (1970) Plant. Information from 1935 Anthro Project WPA 4465 report; one skeleton exposed by road grader. CA-ORA-286 Located 260 feet northeast of Laguna Beach Disposal Plant. McKinney (1970) Small cave with midden in front; shells, animal and fish bone, manos, broken awl. Information from WPA report. CA-ORA-295 Black shell midden below large rock outcrop; many cooking Fritz (1970) stones. CA-ORA-457 A small cave with a midden in front; flakes, shell, and animal Cooley (1974) and fish bone. CA-ORA-578 Located on a bluff overlooking Laguna Canyon; quartz flakes, Leonard (1975) fire-cracked rocks, shellfish remains. CA-ORA-775 Lithic and shell fragments; several burials and artifacts were Magalousis (1979) also reported. CA-ORA-790 Midden exists around and under many homes. Magalousis (1978) CA-ORA-1000 Rock shelter associated with a shell midden. Wesisbord (1981) CA-ORA-1001 Rock shelter; possibility of buried artifacts. Wesisbord (1981) *Site records are on file at South Central Coastal Information Center, California State University, Fullerton.

The records search revealed that 11 cultural resources studies were completed within a 1-mile radius of the project area. A bibliography of those studies is included in Appendix A. One of the studies (Ezell and Carrico 1977) included portions of the current project area. The Ezell and Carrico study was for the Aliso Water Management Agency and included areas throughout Laguna Beach that were going to be impacted by the construction of new facilities and installation of pipes. Their 1977 study area included a portion of the current project area considered as a site for the construction of a proposed pump station.

METHODS In addition to the literature reviews discussed above, SWCA was retained to conduct a cultural resources pedestrian reconnaissance of the property to determine the presence or absence of surficial cultural resources and to perform a historic evaluation of the existing 1935 structures. On March 2, 2006, SWCA archaeologist Stephen O’Neil conducted a pedestrian reconnaissance of the project site. The project site consists primarily of flat pavement and contains structures and subsurface water processing tanks. In addition, approximately 1/4 of the project site consists of a steep slope heavily covered with brush and exposed sandstone bedrock. Given these conditions, a systematic survey of 10-meter spaced transects was not possible, and instead an opportunistic survey of exposed soils was conducted.

The parking lot located between Laguna Canyon Road and the Laguna Creek Channel is entirely paved; no soil was visible in that area. The parking lot between Forest Avenue and the wastewater plant contains

SWCA Environmental Consultants 11 CULTURAL RESOURCES REPORT VILLAGES ENTRANCE PROJECT a narrow landscaped bed and a narrow open strip of land east of and adjacent to City Hall, but these clearly consist of cut-and-fill soil deposits. Traversing the property, Laguna Creek is fully channelized with concrete banks. The Laguna Beach city yard and wastewater treatment plant fills the space between the creek on the west and the base of the slope on the east. The area has been graded flat and is fully paved with asphalt except where buildings are located. The base of the slope has been truncated where retainer walls rise 4 to 6 feet (see Figure 2).

Figure 2. Photograph of Laguna Beach city yard and lumberyard parking lot; view to the south down Broadway Avenue toward the Pacific Ocean

The slope within the project site was surveyed as brush and soil stability allowed (recent rains made some areas of the decomposed sandstone soil loose). The manmade features, consisting of a concrete access box for the waste treatment gas tower and the tower, were examined.

SWCA Architectural Historian James Steely conducted a site visit, historic research, and interviews during April 2006 to evaluate the 1935 structures within the project parcel.

FINDINGS The graded and paved portions of the project site, consisting of the semi-public parking lot, the lumber yard parking lot, and the Laguna Beach City yard and waste water treatment plant, contained no observable prehistoric cultural resources. The city yard contains structures related to the water treatment plant, several of which are more than 50 years old.

The eastern third of the project site consists of a steep slope covered with chaparral vegetation, 40 feet to 100 feet in elevation. Native plants common to the Coastal Sage Scrub Plant Community (Munz and Keck 1968:13) predominate here, but many introduced plants are present as well. Sage (Artemisia tridentata), unknown shrub, sugarbush (Rhus ovata), and buckwheat (Eriogonum fasciculatum) prevail, while black sage (Salvia mellifera), prickly pear cactus (Opuntia sp.), encelia (Encelia californica), and

SWCA Environmental Consultants 12 CULTURAL RESOURCES REPORT VILLAGES ENTRANCE PROJECT carrizo are the other native California plants found throughout the site. Tree tobacco (Nicotiana glauca) and Eurasian grasses dominate at the base of the slope (see Figure 3). Much of the northern third of the slope still shows evidence of a fire that burned the old brush that has yet to grow back. A large amount of the hillside has been disturbed, including three bulldozer cuts running horizontally along the face of the slope coming from the north and ending just within the north edge of the property boundary. There are also two waste treatment gas structures (tower and access box) for which broad trenches were excavated from the city yard; however, the recent growth of vegetation has since covered the scar.

Figure 3. Photograph of chaparral on project site slope; view to the north

No prehistoric cultural materials found within project site area. Archaeological site CA-ORA-285, consisting of human bone fragments, was previously recorded within the project boundary, near the base of the slope. The bone was collected at the time of discovery (1935), and no prehistoric remains were seen in that area during the current study.

The 1935 sewage treatment plant’s remaining building/structure is the office and round settling tank (sludge digester) of a once-larger complex built to process all Laguna Beach wastewater. Engineers designed these major visible elements of the plant to resemble a Tudor-style cottage (office, laboratory, pumps) and incorporated tower/silo (settling tank) to blend with other romantic-styled buildings in the resort town/artists’ community. The building/structure is constructed of poured concrete with brick

SWCA Environmental Consultants 13 CULTURAL RESOURCES REPORT VILLAGES ENTRANCE PROJECT accents and barrel-tile roofs. Its original nearby hillside vent stack is detailed as a miniature “lighthouse.” In the late 1950s the city added a one-story brick office extension on the northwest side of the tank; in the early 1980s wastewater operations moved to new facilities, and the city demolished adjoining reservoirs for filtering and processing. The historic boundaries now incorporate the surviving building/structure and the discontiguous hillside vent stack. Photographs of the buildings are included in Appendix A.

NATIVE AMERICAN CONSULTATION A letter was faxed to Mr. Rob Wood of the Native American Heritage Commission, on February 9, 2006, requesting that a search be made of their sacred lands file and that a current Native American contact list for the area be sent to SWCA. A letter and the requested contact list were subsequently received by SWCA from Mr. Wood on February 22, 2006. A copy of the correspondence is included in Appendix C. SWCA archaeologist Joan Brown sent letters to the eighteen individuals and groups on the contact list describing the project and requesting information and comments. A copy of those letters is also in Appendix C.

Anthony Morales of the Gabrieliños called on March 14, 2006, and asked that the City have a Native American Monitor present when ground-disturbing activities are occurring.

DISCUSSION One archaeological site, CA-ORA-285, consisting of human bone fragments, was previously recorded within the project boundary, near the base of the slope. The bone was collected at that time (1935), and no prehistoric remains were seen in that area during the current study. Numerous archaeological sites are known from the Laguna Beach area; however, many of the sites were destroyed or heavily damaged by development before they could be scientifically examined.

The 1935 sewage treatment plant was built with Public Works Administration (PWA, a major New Deal agency) loan and grant funds, combined with local bond funds. Little remains of the original immediate “landscape” of the sewage treatment plant, since its adjacent filtration and settling ponds have been removed and replaced with parking lots as well as permanent and temporary buildings for water/wastewater services. However, the adjacent hillside and its distinctive “lighthouse” vent stack, and nearby historic city hall, preserve much of the setting and feeling of the original facility configuration.

The 1935 Laguna Beach Sewage Treatment Plant is a significant surviving public works facility from a community that greatly upgraded its infrastructure in the 1930s with New Deal assistance to accommodate projected growth. The town could not have become the popular artistic and tourist destination, as well as desirable living community, that Laguna Beach achieved after World War II without this facility. The facility design, intended to blend with the romantic geography and early twentieth century architecture of the community, now is a major landmark for the town. It retains strong integrity aspects of location, design, materials, workmanship, feeling, setting, and association.

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RECOMMENDATIONS Despite its loss of original structure wings, the surviving building/structure is eligible for listing in the both the NRHP and the CRHR under Criteria A/1 and C/3; its planned incorporation into the Laguna Beach Village Entrance project will reduce any project impact to less than significant.

Because of the potential for buried archaeological material to be located within the project area, it is recommended that a qualified archaeologist monitor future ground-disturbing activities in native soil. In the event that archaeological resources are discovered during construction, the monitor must be empowered to temporarily halt or divert construction in the immediate vicinity of the discovery while it is evaluated for significance. Construction activities could continue in other areas. If the discovery proves to be significant, additional investigation, such as evaluation and data recovery excavation, may be warranted.

Joan C. Brown, M.A., RPA Stephen O’Neil, M.A. Senior Project Manager – Cultural Resources Archaeologist

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REFERENCES

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Bean, L. J. 1976 Social Organization in Native California. In Native California: A Theoretical Retrospective, pp. 99–124. Lowell, John Bean and Thomas C. Blackburn, editors. Socorro, Ballena Press; New Mexico. 1978 Cahuilla. In, Handbook of North American Indians, California, Volume 8, Robert F. Heizer (editor), pp. 575–587. Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C.

Bean, L. J. and F. Shipek 1978 Luiseño. In Handbook of North American Indians, California, Volume 8, Robert F. Heizer (editor), pp. 538–549. Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C.

Boscana, Fr. Gerónimo, O.F.M. 1933 Chinigchinich: A Revised and Annotated Version of Alfred Robinson’s Translation of Father Gerónimo Boscana’s Historical Account of the Belief, Usages, Customs and Extravagancies of the Indians of this Mission of San Juan Capistrano Called the Acagchemem Tribe. Phil Townsend Hanna, editor. Santa Ana, California: Fine Arts Press. (Reprinted 1978 Classics in California Anthropology, 3. Malki Museum Press, Morongo Indian Reservation, California.)

Brown, Alan K. 2001 A Description of Distant Roads: Original Journals of the First Expedition into California, 1769–1770, by Juan Crespi. Alan Brown, editor and translator. San Diego State University Press, California.

Chartkoff, J. L. and K. K. Chartkoff 1984 The Archaeology of California. Stanford University Press, California.

Dillehay, T. 1997 Monte Verde: A Late Pleistocene Settlement in Chile, Vol. 2, The Archaeological Context and Interpretation. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington D.C.

Dixon, E. J. 1993 Quest for the Origins of the First Americans. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.

Drover, Christopher E., Henry C. Koerper, and Paul E. Langenwalter II 1983 Early Holocene Human Adaptation on the Southern California Coast: A Summary Report of Investigations at the Irvine Site (CA-ORA-64), Newport Bay, Orange County, California. Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly 19(3 & 4):1–84.

Earl, David D., and Stephen O’Neil 1994 Newport Coast Archaeological Project: An Ethnohistoric Analysis of population, Settlement, and Social Organization in Coastal Orange County at the End of the Late Prehistoric Period. Report prepared for Coastal Community Builders, Newport Beach [The Irvine Company]. Costa Mesa, California; The Keith Company, Archaeological Division.

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Erlandson, J. M. 1991 Early Maritime Adaptations on the Northern Channel Islands. In Hunter–Gatherers of Early Holocene Coastal California, edited by J. M. Erlandson and R. Colten. Perspectives in California Archaeology, Vol. 1. Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.

Ezell, Paul H. and Richard L. Carrico 1977 Archaeological Survey report of Aliso Water Management Agency Project Committees 7, 11- A and 15. Report on file at the South Central Coastal Information Center, California State University, Fullerton.

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Glassow, M. A., Wilcoxon, L. R., and J. M. Erlandson 1988 Cultural and Environmental Change during the Early Period of Santa Barbara Channel Prehistory. In The Archaeology of Prehistoric Coastlines, edited by G. Bailey and J. Parkington, pp. 64–77. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Governor’s Office of Planning and Research 1998 CEQA, California Environmental Quality Act Statutes and Guidelines. Governor’s Office of Planning and Research, Sacramento, California. http://ceres.ca.gov/ceqa/rev/approval.

Hallan, Pamela 1975 Dos Cientos Años en San Juan Capistrano. Walker Color Graphics, Irvine, California.

Harrington, J. P. 1933 Annotations. In Chinigchinich: A Revised and Annotated Version of Alfred Robinson’s Translation of Father Gerónimo Boscana’s Historical Account of the Belief, Usages, Customs and Extravagancies of the Indians of this Mission of San Juan Capistrano Called the Acagchemem Tribe, edited by P. T. Hanna, pp. 91–247. Santa Ana, California: Fine Arts Press. (Reprinted 1978 Classics in California Anthropology, 3; Malki Museum Press, Morongo Indian Reservation, California.)

Heinz, Sharron, General Editor 1998 Saddleback Ancestors: Rancho Families of Orange County, California (Revised Edition). Orange County Genealogical Society, Orange, California.

Heusser, Linda 1978 Pollen in the Santa Barbara Basin, California: A 12,000 Year Record. Geological Society of America Bulletin, Number 89, pp. 673–678.

Johnson, J. R., Stafford, T. W., Jr., Ajie, H. O., and Morris, D. P. 2002 Arlington Springs Revisited. In Proceedings of the Fifth California Islands Symposium, edited by D. R. Brown, K. C. Mitchell and H. W. Chaney, pp. 541–545. Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History, California.

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Koerper, Henry C., David D. Earl, Roger Mason, and Paul Apodaca 1996 Archaeological, Ethnohistoric, and Historic Notes Regarding ORA-58 and other Sites Along the Lower Santa Ana River Drainage, Costa Mesa. Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly 32(1):1–36.

Koerper, H. C., and C. E. Drover 1983 Chronology Building for Coastal Orange County: The Case from CA-ORA-119-A. Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly 19(2):1–34.

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Moratto, M. J. 1984 California Archaeology. Academic Press, San Diego.

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Office of Historic Preservation 1990 Archaeological Resource Management Reports (ARMR): Recommended Contents and Format. Department of Parks and Recreation, Office of Historic Preservation, Sacramento, California. 1997 Instructions for Nominating Historical Resources to the California Register of Historical Resources. Office of Historic Preservation, Sacramento, California.

O’Neil, Stephen 1988 Their Mark Upon the Land: Native American Place names in Orange County and Adjacent Areas. In Memoirs of the Natural History Foundation of Orange County, Vol.2, pp. 106–122. Henry C. Koerper, ed. The Natural and Social Sciences of Orange County, Newport Beach, California. 2002 The Acjachemen in the Franciscan Mission System: Demographic Collapse and Social Change. Master’s thesis, Department of Anthropology, California State University, Fullerton.

O’Neil, Stephen, and Nancy Evans 1980 Notes on Historic Juaneño Villages and Geographic Features. Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology 2(2):226–232.

Turnbull, Karen 1988 Laguna Beach and South Laguna. In A Hundred Years of Yesterdays, pp.122–126. The Orange County Centennial Incorporated, Santa Ana, California.

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White, Raymond C. 1963 Luiseño Social Organization. In American Archaeology and Ethnology 48(2):91–194. University of California Publications, Berkeley.

Works Progress Administration (WPA) 1936 WPA Anthropology Project #4465: Orange County California Anthropology Project; Laguna Excavation 11-16-36 to 11-18-36. Report on file at SWCA Environmental Consultants, Mission Viejo, California.

Yorba, Alfonso 1936 Alfonso Yorba Collection. In the possession of David Belardes. San Juan Capistrano, California.

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Appendix A: DPR Recording Forms by James W. Steely

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Appendix B: Records Search Results

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Appendix C: Native American Consultation

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