Chapter Two: Public Service Broadcasting
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Merger and Takeover Attempts in Taiwanese Party Politics
This is the author’s accepted version of a forthcoming article in Issues and Studies that will be published by National ChengChi University: http://issues.nccu.edu.tw/ Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24849/ Merger and Takeover Attempts in Taiwanese Party Politics Dafydd Fell, Department of Politics and International Studies, SOAS University of London Introduction It is often assumed that in mature democracies party mergers are rare. Mair’s study of Western European parties found only 18 cases between 1945 and 1987, with almost half of them taking place in just two countries, Italy and Finland.1 Since the Second World War the only merger of relevant political parties in the United Kingdom was between the Social Democratic Party and Liberal Party in 1988. Unsurprisingly the literature on party merging was until recently quite limited. However, party mergers in consolidated democracies such as in Canada, the Netherlands and Germany in the post Cold War period has led to a renewed interest in the phenomenon.2 In fact a recent study that found 94 European party 3 merger cases in the post-war period suggests mergers are becoming more common. Party mergers are more frequent in new democracies where the party system is not yet fully institutionalised. Since the early 1990s the South Korean party system has featured a seemingly endless pattern of party splits and mergers.4 In another Asian democracy, Japan, party mergers have played a critical role in the development of its party system. For instance, after a period of extensive party splinters and new party start-ups, a major party merger between 1997 and 1998 allowed the Democratic Party of Japan to become a viable 5 challenger to the Liberal Democratic Party for government. -
“You Can't Say 'Chinese'!”: Negotiating Taiwan's National Identity Crisis
“You can’t say ‘Chinese’!”: Negotiating Taiwan’s National Identity Crisis Discourses on Political TV Call-In Shows Alice R. Chu University of Texas at Austin Within Taiwan, two national identity ideologies prevail. One considers Taiwan as a part of “China” and its people as being “Chinese”, while the other declares Taiwan as a sovereign nation-state with a separate “Taiwanese” identity. Thus, discussing the nation’s or presenting one’s own national identity is not only sociopolitically controversial in Taiwan, but also proves personally complex for the individual. In my analysis of call-in show discussions, I examine how participants use reported speech, or constructed dialogue, to discuss the issue of national identity. As the literature on reported speech suggests, what is considered to be “quoted speech” or “reported speech” can be more accurately described as constructing dialogue in an active, creative, and transforming manner (Tannen, 1989). Hypothetical reported speech allows speakers to enact “thought experiments” of “real world” tensions while reconciling opposing views (Myers, 1999). Drawing from these perspectives, this paper explores how TV call-in show participants strategically use constructed dialogue to animate, negotiate, and perpetuate contesting discourses surrounding Taiwan’s national identity crisis. 1. Introduction On May 6, 2000, two weeks before being inaugurated, President of the Republic of China (ROC) (a.k.a.Taiwan), Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) declared at a press conference1 that the country faced an “identity disorder problem”2 and that the “feeling of being unrooted was the [country’s] greatest crisis.”3 The “crisis” he referred to was the issue of Taiwan’s national identity; that is, did the people of Taiwan regard themselves as 1 The Taiwanese TV program 2100 replayed selected footage of this press conference in a video clip at the beginning of the episode (“Big reconciliation: what is our (national) identity?” May 31, 2000). -
Debates Over Liberalising Dual Citizenship: Prospects and Limits in Taiwan and the People's Republic of China
IJAPS, Vol. 11, No. 1, 1–33, 2015 DEBATES OVER LIBERALISING DUAL CITIZENSHIP: PROSPECTS AND LIMITS IN TAIWAN AND THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA Low Choo Chin* Universiti Sains Malaysia, Malaysia email: [email protected] ABSTRACT This article examines the politics of dual citizenship in Taiwan and the People's Republic of China (PRC). While the immigrants in Taiwan are proposing to expand the privileged right of dual citizenship to non-Republic of China (ROC) nationals, the Chinese emigrants are demanding the right to retain their Chinese citizenship on their acquisition of foreign citizenship. Despite the continuous lobbying, both governments are reluctant to liberalise their existing citizenship law. The liberal preposition which situates dual citizenship in a human rights framework is unacceptable to both states. This article suggests that the political cultures of Taiwan and China are incompatible with the liberalist approach of citizenship. Keywords: Dual citizenship, citizenship law, transnationalism, Taiwan, People's Republic of China INTRODUCTION: THE DEBATE BETWEEN THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE STATE A common feature shared by the dual citizenship debates in Taiwan and the People's Republic of China (PRC) is the issue of individual rights. The nascent citizenship debates in Taiwan focus on the right to equal treatment of dual citizenship between foreigners and Republic of China (ROC) citizens. In Taiwan, the use of ethnicity as a main criterion for dual citizenship creates different categories of citizens; those who do enjoy the best of both worlds and those who do not. In other words, there are different levels of dual citizenship tolerance. Applying the term "selective tolerance" (Górny et al. -
Democratizing Taiwan
Democratizing Taiwan Democratizing Taiwan By J. Bruce Jacobs LEIDEN • BOSTON 2012 This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Jacobs, J. Bruce. Democratizing Taiwan / by J. Bruce Jacobs. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-22154-3 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Democratization—Taiwan—History. 2. Taiwan—Politics and government—1975- I. Title. JQ1536.J33 2012 320.951249—dc23 2011048134 This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.nl/brill-typeface. ISSN 978 90 04 22154 3 (hardback) ISBN 978 90 04 22590 9 (e-book) Copyright 2012 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. contents v For Jung-Sim Kim contents vii Contents List of Tables and Figures . ix Acknowledgements . xi Note on Romanization. xiii Introduction . 1 1. How Taiwan Became Democratic . -
Legislators-At-Large Kaohsiung City Taipei City
1 Taichung County Miaoli County Hsinchu City 2 2 3 SEATS: 5 SEATS: 2 SEATS: 1 12 1 2 4 District (1) 1 District (1) District 6 9 Lee Yi-ting (李乙廷) 58.02% Lu Hsueh-chang (呂學樟) 60.62% 5 Liu Chuan-chung (劉銓忠) 53.60% 7 3 杜文卿 Cheng Hung-hui (鄭宏輝) 38.12% Tsai Chi-chang (蔡其昌) 46.40% Tu Wen-ching ( ) 41.98% 8 Yunlin County District (2) District (2) 10 11 Hsu Yao-chang (徐耀昌) 45.63% SEATS: 2 Yen Chin-piao (顏清標) 59.94% Liu Jui-lung (劉瑞龍) 29.55% Taichung City Her Jyh-huei (何智輝) 38.07% Taipei County District (1) 1 District (3) SEATS: 12 Chang Chia-chun (張嘉郡) 56.24% SEATS: 3 Chiang Lien-fu (江連福) 54.96% 4 Chen Hsien-chung (陳憲中) 42.18% 2 District (1) Chien Chao-tung (簡肇棟) 45.04% District (1) 3 District (2) Wu Yu-sheng (吳育昇) 58.39% District (4) Tsai Chin-lung (蔡錦隆) 61.29% Chang Sho-wen (張碩文) 49.11% Lee Sen-zong (李顯榮) 39.83% Shyu Jong-Shyoung (徐中雄)64.00% Tsai Ming-hsien (蔡明憲) 38.71% 2 Hsinchu County 5 Liu Chien-kuo (劉建國) 38.29% 1 District (2) Kao Chi-tsan (高基讚) 36.00% District (2) SEATS: 1 Lin Shu-fen (林淑芬) 43.16% District (5) Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) 57.08% 6 柯淑敏 謝明源 District Ko Shu-min ( ) 39.93% 1 Yang Chiung-ying (楊瓊瓔)57.96% Hsieh Ming-yuan ( ) 36.07% Chiu Ching-chun (邱鏡淳) 66.52% District (3) Kuo Chun-ming (郭俊銘) 42.31% District (3) 余天 49.52% Hwang Yih-jiau (黃義交) 54.91% Hsu Hsin-ying (徐欣瑩) 31.32% Yu Tien ( ) 5 Taoyuan County Chu Chun-hsiao (朱俊曉) 48.25% Ho Min-hao (何敏豪) 43.21% Kinmen County SEATS: 6 District (4) SEATS: 1 4 District (1) Lee Hung-chun (李鴻鈞) 51.74% 2 3 District Chen Ken-te (陳根德) 61.76% Wu Ping-jui (吳秉叡) 47.13% Chen Fu-hai(陳福海) 37.31% Lee Chen-nan -
Measuring and Explaining the Electoral Fortunes of Small Parties in Taiwan’S Party Politics
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by SOAS Research Online Issues & Studies© 50, no. 1 (March 2014): 153-188. Measuring and Explaining the Electoral Fortunes of Small Parties in Taiwan’s Party Politics DAFYDD FELL Over the last two and a half decades the Kuomintang and Demo- cratic Progressive Party have dominated Taiwan’s party system. From 2008-2012 they were the only parties represented in the Legislative Yuan. Nevertheless, there have been periods in which other parties have had a significant impact on the party system. These parties have received con- siderable media attention during and between campaigns, won significant numbers of parliamentary and local assembly seats, and affected the Tai- wanese political agenda. In this paper I assess the impact of these small parties on the party system and offer some explanations for their electoral successes and failures over the last decade. KEYWORDS: Taiwan; new parties; small parties; political parties; elections. * * * In 1986 when Taiwan was still under martial law, the then il- legal Democratic Progressive Party (民進黨, DPP) challenged the ruling Kuomintang (國民黨, KMT) in that year’s National DAFYDD FELL, the Director of the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) Centre of Taiwan Studies, is the Reader in Comparative Politics (with special reference to Taiwan) at the Department of Politics and International Studies, SOAS, University of London. His main research focus has been on Taiwan’s political parties and electoral politics. He has published numerous journal articles and book chapters on Taiwan’s party system, new parties, party switching, candidate selection and how parties learn from electoral setbacks. -
Copyright by Alice Ruth Chu 2003
Copyright by Alice Ruth Chu 2003 The Dissertation Committee for Alice Ruth Chu Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Political TV Call-in Shows in Taiwan: Animating Crisis Discourses through Reported Speech Committee: Joel F. Sherzer, Co-Supervisor Elizabeth L. Keating, Co-Supervisor Avron A. Boretz Roderick P. Hart Keith Walters Qing Zhang Political TV Call-in Shows in Taiwan: Animating Crisis Discourses through Reported Speech by Alice Ruth Chu, B.S., B.S., M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May, 2003 Dedication To my father and life-long mentor, James Chi-ying Chu. To my mother and role model on how to do it all, Ruth Lin Chu. Acknowledgements I have many dissertation guardian angels and muses to thank who have contributed their time, energy, and encouragement in helping me complete this project. First, I want to thank my parents, Ruth Lin Chu and James C. Y. Chu, for their emotional and financial support throughout my academic career. From the proofreading to the fact checking that my father provided as well as the care packages of mantou (饅頭) and rousong (肉鬆) my mother mailed me in the final stages of writing the dissertation, their dedication to my academic goals pervade this dissertation. To my sister, Elaine, and my brother-in-law, Tristan, thank you for the timely care package you sent the last week of the revising process; it was greatly appreciated and all the more so because it was from the two of you. -
MARILAND Maryland Series in Contemporary Asian Studies
T N"S 210 METROPOLITAN CESELEC ITISADONS:AN ASSESSMENT REICTOR OF FUTURE ELECTIONS John F. Copper SCHOOL OF LAw UNIVERSITY OF MARILAND Maryland Series in Contemporary Asian Studies General Editor: Hungdah CHIU Executive Editor: Chih-Yu T. WU Associate Editor: Matthew Lyon Managing Editor: Chih-Yu T. WU Assistant Editor: Younyoung LEE Editorial Advisory Board Professor Robert A. Scalapino, University of California at Berkeley Professor Bih-jaw LIN, National Chengchi University Dr. Ying-jeou MA, Chinese Society of International Law Professor Toshio SAWADA, Sophia University, Japan All contributions (in English only) and communications should be sent to: Chih-Yu T. WU University of Maryland School of Law 500 West Baltimore Street Baltimore, Maryland 21201-1786, USA All publications in this series reflect only the views of the authors. While the editor accepts responsibility for the selection of materials to be published, the individual author is responsible for statements of facts and expressions of opinion contained therein. Subscription is US $40.00 per year for 4 issues (regardless of the price of individual issues) in the United States and $45.00 for Canada or overseas. Checks should be addressed to MSCAS. Tel.: (410) 706-3870 Fax: (410) 706-1516 Price for single copy of this issue: US $15.00 ISSN 0730-0107 ISBN 1-932330-33-X © Maryland Series in Contemporary Asian Studies, Inc. TAIWAN'S 2010 METROPOLITAN CITY ELECTIONS: AN ASSESSMENT OF TAIWAN'S POLITICS AND A PREDICTOR OF FUTURE ELECTIONS John F. Copper* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ................................... 1 II. THE POLITICAL CONTEXT ....................... 4 III. FORECASTING THE ELECTIONS ................ 15 IV.