DOCSLIB.ORG

Reassessing the Visual Networks of Barlaam and Ioasaph

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Reassessing the Visual Networks of Barlaam and Ioasaph Worldliness in Byzantium and Beyond: Reassessing the Visual Networks of Barlaam and Ioasaph Cecily J. Hilsdale The Medieval Globe, Volume 3, Issue 2, 2017, pp. 57-96 (Article) Published by Arc Humanities Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/758486 [ Access provided at 27 Sep 2021 07:49 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] 57 WORLDLINESS IN BYZANTIUM AND BEYOND: REASSESSING THE VISUAL NETWORKS OF BARLAAM AND IOASAPH CECILY J. HILSDALE of the global turn in art history, scholars redirect attention from if, as ParT 1 “roots” to “routes,” then manuscript studies—as traditionally defined—might be in trouble. Conventional approaches have focused on the former, tracing recension schemas in an attempt to recreate the pictorial programs of lost archetypes from later copies, charting lines of pictorial “influence.” Individual manuscripts, accord- ing to this line of thought, are valued primarily2 as “witnesses” to lost originals as part of an always- elusive recuperative agenda. 3 While many scholars have offered cogent critiques of this genealogical method, the quest for origins still looms large, especially for manuscript traditions that span multiple cultural contexts. The shortcomings of this method are thrown into especially sharp contrast by Barlaam and Ioasaph the corpus of manuscripts that form the core of this essay: the illustrated Greek copies of , a high- drama edifying tale based loosely on the life of the Buddha and translated into a staggering number of languages from around the medieval and early modern world. Specialized studies have attended to individual recension programs and modes4 of translation, while cross-cultural overviews showcase the tale’s wide currency. Alongside this wide terrain of text- ual diffusion is a significant, and somewhat unwieldy, body of visual material. Of the roughly 160 surviving Greek manuscripts of the text, a dozen were conceived In addition to an anonymous reader, I would like to thank the following colleagues for con- versations about the topic or feedback on the piece, whose shortcomings remain my own: Barbara Crostini, Shannon Gayk, Aden Kumler, Amanda Luyster, Peggy McCracken, Christina Normore, Jonathan Sachs, and especially Carol Symes. While Brooke Andrade and Sarah Harris of the National Humanities Center offered bibliographic assistance at the early stages of this project, Alexandra Kelebay, Catherine Becker, and Columba Stewart were instrumen- tal in sourcing the final images. This research was funded by a grant from the Social Sciences and1 Humanities Research Council of Canada. Routes Objects See Clifford, “Traveling Cultures” and “Diasporas” in . This paradigm is taken up productively2 by Flood, Illustrations.. 3 For example, Weitzmann, For example, Dolezal, “Elusive Quest” and “Manuscript Studies.” See also Lowden, “Transmission.”4 In Search Lopez and McCracken, . The Medieval Globe 3.2 (2017) 10.17302/TMG.3- 2.4 pp. 57–96 58 58 CeCily J. hilsdale as illustrated copies; their pictorial programs first5 received systematic attention from Sirapie Der Nersessian, whose study of 1937 is complemented by the recent critical edition of the Greek text by Robert Volk. Both are firmly anchored in a roots- origins approach: Der Nersessian imagined a singular (lost) iconographic prototype of ca. 1000, whereas Volk posited five versions of the text and three distinct pictorial cycles. In addition to the illuminated manuscripts themselves, imagery drawn from the legend has found its way into a variety of other artis- tic contexts around the globe. Despite much rigorous scholarship, however, our understanding of this diffuse visual corpus is still somewhat fragmentary, and issues of transmission overshadow virtually all other potential research questions. This essay synthesizes some of this material in order to reflect on the cre- ative adaptation, particularization, and local inflection of a medieval cultural kosmos phenomenon so widespread as to be truly global—in a very medieval6 sense. The “world” as figured in the Greek encompasses a range of concepts from adornment and aesthetics to world order and the universe itself. Drawing on such expansive associations, worldliness will serve as this essay’s key heuristic Barlaam and Ioasaph and Byzantium—the Greek- speaking eastern Roman Empire—as the epicentre of cultural encounter from which the story of acquired a worldwide appeal. Moreover, the diffusion of its iconography, which has gener- ally been understood as a one-way migration from the east to the west, is more accurately captured through a study of multiple routes, rather than through a teleology that reduces Byzantium to a mere storehouse for rich source material on its predetermined journey towards western Europe. This, of course, is part of a much larger effort to address the problematic narrative of Byzantium’s “influence” on European art, in which Byzantine material is viewed as conservative and static, in contrast to innovative and dynamic Western adaptations of it. On the contrary, my study’s emphasis on mondialisation worldliness reveals the nuance, mutability, and political repurposing of such materials, and their role in acts of7 , a term that stresses ongo- ing processes of world formation. To this end, Sharon Kinoshita has adopted “worlding” as a critical and destabilizing interpretive stance, one that stresses 5 L’Illustration Die Schriften VI/ 1 Die Schriften VI/ 2 Barlaam and Ioasaph Der Nersessian, (hereafter Der Nersessian); Volk, (hereaf- ter6 Volk) and (hereafter ). Epigram Finkelberg, “On the History,” treats the ancient philological context of the word; Drpić, kosmesis , discusses its meanings in Byzantium, especially regarding epigrams as adornment (7 ). Creation Key here is Nancy, . See also Flood et al., “Roundtable.” 59 59 worldliness in byzanTiUM and beyond 8 contingency rather than the inevitability of (modern) globalization. In the con- text of the present study, this worlding is ironically carried out through the changing forms of a tale that purportedly advocates the renunciation of the worldly. In what follows, my analysis moves from the textual peregrinations of the story itself to the permutations of the related visual material in multiple contexts within and beyond Byzantium, to see what kinds of worlds they create and navigate. From Enlightenment to Edification Kitāb Bilawhar wa Būḏāsf Balavariani Barlaam and Ioasaph Barlaam and Josaphat Known in Arabic as the , in Georgian as the , in Greek as , and in Latin as , the differ- ent versions of the story share the same basic premise and plot structure in order to promote a message of worldly renunciation and conversion. Echoing the narra- tive of the Buddha’s enlightenment, it tells how a prediction of the young prince’s destiny prompts his father, the king of India, to shield him from all signs of pain and mortality: an endeavour that proves futile when the prince ultimately chooses the spiritual over the material. Despite many other points of convergence with the Buddhist story, the Christian and Muslim versions fundamentally alter the narra- tive by introducing the figure of an ascetic teacher who plays a pivotal role in the prince’s 9spiritual journey, in contradistinction to the solidary enlightenment of the Buddha. The privileging of this spiritual advisor, Bilawhar or Barlaam, in the titles of all versions of the tale underscores this profound shift in focus from enlighten- ment to edification—not only of the prince but also the reader, for whom the text becomes the teacher. The legend of the Buddha’s life is thought to have traveled from India as part of the cultural traffic along the Silk Roads, where it might have been translated from Sanskrit (or another Indian language) into Pahlavi (Middle Persian) and Kitāb Bilawhar wa Būḏāsf then combined with a variety of Arabic literary sources and sermons to become10 the compiled in ninth- century Abbasid Baghdad. The 8 9 Kinoshita, “Worlding” and “Painter, Warrior,” on the connected historiespaideia of Marco Polo. See e.g. de Blois, “On the Sources.” The importance of Christian is stressed by Crostini, “Spiritual ‘Encyclopedias’,” 213– 29, esp. 227; as well as Crostini, “Eleventh- Century Monasticism,” 216– 30. I would like to thank the author for sharing this essay with me in advance10 of itsLe publication. Livre Gimaret, , offers an extensive study of this Arabic narrative, its diverse source materials, and variations. My account of the story’s transmission is simplified for clarity: for example, I do not discuss the Manichean fragments of the text nor do I elaborate the stemmas of the different versions. 60 60 CeCily J. hilsdale first extant written version of the story was thus part of the Abbasid translation movement, the significance of which cannot be overemphasized: in the famed “House of Wisdom,” scholars in Baghdad collaborated on translations, interpret- ations, and scientific writings that fueled profound developments in all areas of Kalila wa Dimna 11 Pañcatantra knowledge both within and beyond Islamic lands. (This route parallels that of , another collection of moral tales, the , which was translated into Arabic from the Sanskrit through a no- longer extant Pahlavi inter- Kitāb Bilawhar12 wa Būḏāsf mediary. ) While the tale’s moral import is clear, the religious orthodoxy of the is ambiguous. There is only one brief mention of Islam in the text; no reference to Muhammad; and the ascetic tenets13 that form the basis of the prince’s instruction are called merely “the Religion.” In the later Greek and Latin Christian versions, as in the Arabic, the plot is more of a pretext for Bilawhar’s teachings, which are elaborated as a series of parables. Balavariani The first extant Christian iteration of the tale, indeed, was adapted into an emphatic account of monastic triumphalism. This was composed by Georgian monks in Jerusalem, probably at Mar Saba, in the tenth century: a time and place when the story’s celebration of asceticism would have resonated strongly. Here, “the Religion” is identified explicitly as Christianity, with the royal father, King Abenes, cast as “a man of strong pagan14 beliefs” persecuting the “hated servants of Christ” in an effort to protect his son.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Our Holy Father RAPHAEL Was Born in Syria in 1860 to Pious Orthodox Parents, Michael Hawaweeny and His Second Wife Mariam
    In March of 1907 Saint TIKHON returned to Russia and was replaced by From his youth, Saint RAPHAEL's greatest joy was to serve the Church. When Archbishop PLATON. Once again Saint RAPHAEL was considered for episcopal he came to America, he found his people scattered abroad, and he called them to office in Syria, being nominated to succeed Patriarch GREGORY as Metropolitan of unity. Tripoli in 1908. The Holy Synod of Antioch removed Bishop RAPHAEL's name from He never neglected his flock, traveling throughout America, Canada, and the list of candidates, citing various canons which forbid a bishop being transferred Mexico in search of them so that he might care for them. He kept them from from one city to another. straying into strange pastures and spiritual harm. During 20 years of faithful On the Sunday of Orthodoxy in 1911, Bishop RAPHAEL was honored for his 15 ministry, he nurtured them and helped them to grow. years of pastoral ministry in America. Archbishop PLATON presented him with a At the time of his death, the Syro-Arab Mission had 30 parishes with more silver-covered icon of Christ and praised him for his work. In his humility, Bishop than 25,000 faithful. The Self-Ruled Antiochian Orthodox Christian Archdiocese of RAPHAEL could not understand why he should be honored merely for doing his duty North America now has more than 240 U.S. and Canadian parishes. (Luke 17:10). He considered himself an "unworthy servant," yet he did perfectly Saint RAPHAEL also was a scholar and the author of several books.
    [Show full text]
  • Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
    Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St.
    [Show full text]
  • Volume 61 No. 9 December 2017 VOLUME 61 NO
    Volume 61 No. 9 December 2017 VOLUME 61 NO. 9 DECEMBER 2017 COVER: ICON OF THE NATIVITY EDITORIAL Handwritten icon by Khourieh Randa Al Khoury Azar Using old traditional technique contents [email protected] 3 EDITORIAL CELEBRATING CHRISTMAS by Bishop JOHN 5 PLEADING FOR THE LIVES OF THE DEFINES US PEOPLE OF THE MIDDLE EAST: THE U.S. VISIT OF HIS BEATITUDE PATRIARCH JOHN X OF ANTIOCH EVERYONE SEEMS TO BE TALKING ABOUT IDENTITY THESE DAYS. IT’S NOT JUST AND ALL THE EAST by Sub-deacon Peter Samore ADOLESCENTS WHO ARE ASKING THE FUNDAMENTAL QUESTION, “WHO AM I?” RATHER, and Sonia Chala Tower THE QUESTION OF WHAT IT IS TO BE HUMAN IS RAISED IMPLICITLY BY MANY. WHILE 8 PASTORAL LETTER OF HIS EMINENCE METROPOLITAN JOSEPH PHILOSOPHERS AND PSYCHOLOGISTS HAVE ADDRESSED THIS QUESTION OF HUMAN 9 I WOULD FLY AWAY AND BE AT REST: IDENTITY OVER THE YEARS, GOD ANSWERED IT WHEN THE WORD BECAME FLESH AND THE LAST PUBLIC APPEARANCE AND FUNERAL OF DWELT AMONG US. HE TOOK ON OUR FLESH SO THAT WE MAY PARTICIPATE IN HIS HIS GRACE BISHOP ANTOUN DIVINITY. CHRIST REVEALED TO US WHO GOD IS AND WHO WE ARE TO BE. WE ARE CALLED by Sub-deacon Peter Samore 10 THE GHOST OF PAST CHRISTIANS BECAUSE HE HAS MADE US AS LITTLE CHRISTS BY ACCEPTING US IN BAPTISM CHRISTMAS PRESENTS AND SHARING HIMSELF IN US. JUST AS CHRIST REVEALS THE FATHER, SO WE ARE TO by Fr. Joseph Huneycutt 13 RUMINATION: ARE WE CREATING REVEAL HIM. JUST AS CHRIST IS THE INCARNATION OF GOD, JOINED TO GOD WE SHOW HIM OLD TESTAMENT CHRISTIANS? TO THE WORLD.
    [Show full text]
  • The Protrepticus of Clement of Alexandria: a Commentary
    Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui THE PROTREPTICUS OF CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA: A COMMENTARY to; ga;r yeu'do" ouj yilh'/ th'/ paraqevsei tajlhqou'" diaskedavnnutai, th'/ de; crhvsei th'" ajlhqeiva" ejkbiazovmenon fugadeuvetai. La falsedad no se dispersa por la simple comparación con la verdad, sino que la práctica de la verdad la fuerza a huir. Protréptico 8.77.3 PREFACIO Una tesis doctoral debe tratar de contribuir al avance del conocimiento humano en su disciplina, y la pretensión de que este comentario al Protréptico tenga la máxima utilidad posible me obliga a escribirla en inglés porque es la única lengua que hoy casi todos los interesados pueden leer. Pero no deja de ser extraño que en la casa de Nebrija se deje de lado la lengua castellana. La deuda que contraigo ahora con el español sólo se paliará si en el futuro puedo, en compensación, “dar a los hombres de mi lengua obras en que mejor puedan emplear su ocio”. Empiezo ahora a saldarla, empleándola para estos agradecimientos, breves en extensión pero no en sinceridad. Mi gratitud va, en primer lugar, al Cardenal Don Gil Álvarez de Albornoz, fundador del Real Colegio de España, a cuya generosidad y previsión debo dos años provechosos y felices en Bolonia. Al Rector, José Guillermo García-Valdecasas, que administra la herencia de Albornoz con ejemplar dedicación, eficacia y amor a la casa. A todas las personas que trabajan en el Colegio y hacen que cumpla con creces los objetivos para los que se fundó. Y a mis compañeros bolonios durante estos dos años. Ha sido un honor muy grato disfrutar con todos ellos de la herencia albornociana.
    [Show full text]
  • Eight Unedited Poems to His Friends and Patrons by Manuel Philes
    DOI 10.1515/bz-2020-0038 BZ 2020; 113(3): 879–904 Krystina Kubina Eight unedited poems to hisfriends and patrons by Manuel Philes Abstract: This article presents the critical edition of eight hitherto unpublished poems by Manuel Philes together with atranslation and acommentary.The poems are verse letters addressed to various high-rankingindividuals. Poem 1 is addressed to the emperor,whose power is emphasised in arequest to help Philes escape from his misery.Poem 2isafragment likewise addressed to the emperor.Poem 3isaconsolatory poem for afather whose son has died.In poem 4, Philes addresses apatron whose wife hurried to Constantinople after she had become the object of hostility of unknown people. Poem 5isaddressed to the month of August and deals with the return of abenefactor of Philes to Con- stantinople. In poem 6, Philes writes on behalf of an unnamed banker and asks the megas dioiketes Kabasilastojudge the latter justly. Poems 7and 8are tetra- sticha includingarequestfor wine. Adresse: Dr.KrystinaKubina, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Institut für Mittelalterforschung,AbteilungByzanzforschung,Hollandstraße 11–13, A-1020 Wien; [email protected] Manuel Philes (c. 1270–after 1332)suffers from aparadoxical fate. Philes was the most important and most prolific poet of the final 300 years of the Byzantine em- pire; yetthe greater part of his oeuvrestill languishes in outdated and uncritical editions from the 19th century.¹ There are even some poems that are still unedited Idearly thankAndreas Rhoby, MarcLauxtermann and Nathanael Aschenbrenner fortheir com- ments on earlier drafts of thispaper.Iam also grateful to ZacharyRothstein-Dowden whose help withmyEnglish translations by far exceeded alanguageproof.They all saved me from some blatant errors.Mythanksare extended to the two anonymous reviewerswhose sugges- tions greatly improved the quality of thispaper.Itgoeswithout saying that all remaining mis- takesare my own.
    [Show full text]
  • Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium'
    H-War Brown on Harris, 'Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium' Review published on Thursday, November 19, 2020 Jonathan Harris. Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium. New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017. ix + 288 pp. $29.95 (paper), ISBN 978-1-4742-5464-9. Reviewed by Amelia Brown (University of Queensland) Published on H-War (November, 2020) Commissioned by Margaret Sankey (Air University) Printable Version: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=53285 Jonathan Harris’s Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium is a good general introduction to the history of this important medieval city. It is aimed at students but is also suitable for the general reader who wants to know more about Constantinople’s history, monuments, and significance. Eight chapters illuminate the city thematically from its fourth-century refoundation through its twelfth-century heyday. Another four chapters cover “The Latin interlude” and the city after the Crusader sack of 1204 up to “today” in a briefer way. There follow appendices (a time line and list of emperors), endnotes with primary and secondary citations in author-date format, a further reading list (books and online), a bibliography of primary and secondary sources, and an index. Twelve brief text boxes, four maps, and twenty small black-and-white illustrations are scattered unevenly throughout the book. This is a revised and expanded version of a 2007 first edition. Harris does not assume knowledge of Greek language, Byzantine history, or modern Istanbul but gives a coherent and accessible introduction to Constantinople. A summary of the chapters and a note on a few typographical errors are given in this review.
    [Show full text]
  • Vespasian's Apotheosis
    VESPASIAN’S APOTHEOSIS Andrew B. Gallia* In the study of the divinization of Roman emperors, a great deal depends upon the sequence of events. According to the model of consecratio proposed by Bickermann, apotheosis was supposed to be accomplished during the deceased emperor’s public funeral, after which the senate acknowledged what had transpired by decreeing appropriate honours for the new divus.1 Contradictory evidence has turned up in the Fasti Ostienses, however, which seem to indicate that both Marciana and Faustina were declared divae before their funerals took place.2 This suggests a shift * Published in The Classical Quarterly 69.1 (2019). 1 E. Bickermann, ‘Die römische Kaiserapotheosie’, in A. Wlosok (ed.), Römischer Kaiserkult (Darmstadt, 1978), 82-121, at 100-106 (= Archiv für ReligionswissenschaftW 27 [1929], 1-31, at 15-19); id., ‘Consecratio’, in W. den Boer (ed.), Le culte des souverains dans l’empire romain. Entretiens Hardt 19 (Geneva, 1973), 1-37, at 13-25. 2 L. Vidman, Fasti Ostienses (Prague, 19822), 48 J 39-43: IIII k. Septembr. | [Marciana Aug]usta excessit divaq(ue) cognominata. | [Eodem die Mati]dia Augusta cognominata. III | [non. Sept. Marc]iana Augusta funere censorio | [elata est.], 49 O 11-14: X[— k. Nov. Fausti]na Aug[usta excessit eodemq(ue) die a] | senatu diva app[ellata et s(enatus) c(onsultum) fact]um fun[ere censorio eam efferendam.] | Ludi et circenses [delati sunt. — i]dus N[ov. Faustina Augusta funere] | censorio elata e[st]. Against this interpretation of the Marciana fragment (as published by A. Degrassi, Inscr. It. 13.1 [1947], 201) see E.
    [Show full text]
  • Postcolonial Syria and Lebanon
    Post-colonial Syria and Lebanon POST-COLONIAL SYRIA AND LEBANON THE DECLINE OF ARAB NATIONALISM AND THE TRIUMPH OF THE STATE Youssef Chaitani Published in 2007 by I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd 6 Salem Road, London W2 4BU 175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010 www.ibtauris.com In the United States and Canada distributed by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of St. Martin’s Press, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010 Copyright © Youssef Chaitani, 2007 The right of Youssef Chaitani to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations. ISBN: 978 1 84511 294 3 Library of Middle East History 11 A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library A full CIP record for this book is available from the Library of Congress Library of Congress catalog card: available Typeset in Minion by Dexter Haven Associates Ltd, London Printed and bound in India by Replika Press Pvt. Ltd CONTENTS Acknowledgements vii Foreword ix Introduction 1 1The Syrian Arab Nationalists: Independence First 14 A. The Forging of a New Alliance 14 B.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mediaeval Bestiary and Its Textual Tradition
    THE MEDIAEVAL BESTIARY AND ITS TEXTUAL TRADITION Volume 1: Text Patricia Stewart A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2012 Full metadata for this item is available in St Andrews Research Repository at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3628 This item is protected by original copyright The Mediaeval Bestiary and its Textual Tradition Patricia Stewart This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 17th August, 2012 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, Patricia Stewart, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 88 000 words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September, 2007 and as a candidate for the degree of PhD in May, 2008; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2007 and 2012. Date 17th August, 2012 signature of candidate ……… 2. Supervisor’s declaration: I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of PhD in the University of St Andrews and that the candidate is qualified to submit this thesis in application for that degree. Date 17th August, 2012 signature of supervisor ……… 3. Permission for electronic publication: (to be signed by both candidate and supervisor) In submitting this thesis to the University of St Andrews I understand that I am giving permission for it to be made available for use in accordance with the regulations of the University Library for the time being in force, subject to any copyright vested in the work not being affected thereby.
    [Show full text]
  • Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius) - the Lives of the Twelve Caesars, Volume 3
    Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius) - The Lives Of The Twelve Caesars, Volume 3. C. Suetonius Tranquillus Project Gutenberg's Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius), by C. Suetonius Tranquillus This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net Title: Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius) The Lives Of The Twelve Caesars, Volume 3. Author: C. Suetonius Tranquillus Release Date: December 13, 2004 [EBook #6388] Language: English Character set encoding: ASCII *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TIBERIUS NERO CAESAR *** Produced by Tapio Riikonen and David Widger THE LIVES OF THE TWELVE CAESARS By C. Suetonius Tranquillus; To which are added, HIS LIVES OF THE GRAMMARIANS, RHETORICIANS, AND POETS. The Translation of Alexander Thomson, M.D. revised and corrected by T.Forester, Esq., A.M. Livros Grátis http://www.livrosgratis.com.br Milhares de livros grátis para download. TIBERIUS NERO CAESAR. (192) I. The patrician family of the Claudii (for there was a plebeian family of the same name, no way inferior to the other either in power or dignity) came originally from Regilli, a town of the Sabines. They removed thence to Rome soon after the building of the city, with a great body of their dependants, under Titus Tatius, who reigned jointly with Romulus in the kingdom; or, perhaps, what is related upon better authority, under Atta Claudius, the head of the family, who was admitted by the senate into the patrician order six years after the expulsion of the Tarquins.
    [Show full text]
  • An Account of the Μυρµηκολέων Or Ant-Lion
    An account of the Μυρµηκολέων or Ant-lion By GEORGE C. DRUCE, F.S.A. Originally published in The Antiquaries Journal (Society of Antiquaries of London) Volume III, Number 4, October 1923 Pages 347-364 Version 2 August 2004 Introduction to the Digital Edition This text was prepared for digital publication by David Badke in October, 2003. It was scanned from the original text. Version 2, with corrected Druce biography, was produced in August, 2004. Author: George Claridge Druce was born in Surrey, England and lived there and at Wimbledon until 1923, when he retired from managing a distillery company and moved to Cranbrook, Kent. He was a member of the Kent Archaeological Society from 1909, as Secretary from 1925 to 1935 and then Vice-President until his death. He was a member of the Royal Archaeological Institute (1903-48, Council member 1921-28) and of the British Archaeological Association, joining in 1920, serving on its Council 1921-38 and then as Vice President (1938-48). He was elected a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries (F.S.A.) of London in 1912 and served on its Council 1923-6. Druce travelled extensively (by bicycle) with his camera, and built up a unique collection of photographs and glass lantern slides, which in 1947 he presented to the Courtauld Institute in London. Although interested in almost all branches of antiquarian study, he specialized in the study of the bestiary genre, and was widely recognized as an authority on the influence of bestiaries on ecclesiastical sculpture and wood carving. He also studied manuscripts both in England and elsewhere.
    [Show full text]
  • Durham E-Theses
    Durham E-Theses Methodios I patriarch of Constantinople: churchman, politician and confessor for the faith Bithos, George P. How to cite: Bithos, George P. (2001) Methodios I patriarch of Constantinople: churchman, politician and confessor for the faith, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4239/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 METHODIOS I PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE Churchman, Politician and Confessor for the Faith Submitted by George P. Bithos BS DDS University of Durham Department of Theology A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Orthodox Theology and Byzantine History 2001 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published in any form, including' Electronic and the Internet, without the author's prior written consent All information derived from this thesis must be acknowledged appropriately.
    [Show full text]