Palladio's Rome
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251 NERVA. September 18, A.D. 96 Saw Domitian Fall Victim to a Palace
r ) 251 NERVA. September 18, A.D. 96 saw Domitian fall victim to a palace plot, Imperial Rome's second dynasty ending in a frantic struggle on the floor of the Imperial cubiculum(Suet. Dam. 17). The resulting situation bore little resemblance to the state of affairs after the death of Nero. Now there were no generals on the march, no legions in revolt. Moreover, a dynasty had ended before and Rome had gone on, there was a precedent. A replacement was found in the seemingly neutral figure of M. Cocceius Nerva and the fraught phase of transition effected with a minimum of public distress. Domitian's had been a well managed murder. Time was not to be on Nerva's side. Aged sixty at his accession, he would not survive his climacteric year. But who at this stage was to know that? Why not build towards a future; had Augustus not died in his 76th year, Tiberius at 77, Vespasian at the end of his sixties? Work on Domitian's numerous building projects could be continued under the new princeps the honour from which would now accrue to Nerva. The Temple of Minerva and possibly also the encompassing Forum Transitorium needed completion. This they got (Martail, 10, 28; Suet., ! i 252 Dom.,5; Statius, Silv., 4,3,9-10; Eutropius7, 23, 5; Auy. Viet., Caes, 12.2; ClL 6. 953, 31213). Nerva thereby gained the honour of overseeing the dedicatory celebrations at the beginning of A.D. 97. Gained also was : J the opportunity to have his name inscribed on the entablature of the temple. -
Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: the Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V
Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Classics Honors Projects Classics Department Spring 5-2-2014 Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V. Frankl Macalester College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors Part of the Ancient, Medieval, Renaissance and Baroque Art and Architecture Commons, and the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Frankl, Joseph V., "Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The eV spasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome" (2014). Classics Honors Projects. Paper 19. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors/19 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Classics Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classics Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome By Joseph Frankl Advised by Professor Beth Severy-Hoven Macalester College Classics Department Submitted May 2, 2014 INTRODUCTION In 68 C.E., the Roman Emperor Nero died, marking the end of the Julio-Claudian imperial dynasty established by Augustus in 27 B.C.E (Suetonius, Nero 57.1). A year-long civil war ensued, concluding with the general Titus Flavius Vespasianus seizing power. Upon his succession, Vespasian faced several challenges to his legitimacy as emperor. Most importantly, Vespasian was not a member of the Julio-Claudian family, nor any noble Roman gens (Suetonius, Vespasian 1.1). -
Roman Architecture Roman of Classics at Dartmouth College, Where He Roman Architecture
BLACKWELL BLACKWELL COMPANIONS TO THE ANCIENT WORLD COMPANIONS TO THE ANCIENT WORLD A COMPANION TO the editors A COMPANION TO A COMPANION TO Roger B. Ulrich is Ralph Butterfield Professor roman Architecture of Classics at Dartmouth College, where he roman architecture EDITED BY Ulrich and quenemoen roman teaches Roman Archaeology and Latin and directs Dartmouth’s Rome Foreign Study roman Contributors to this volume: architecture Program in Italy. He is the author of The Roman Orator and the Sacred Stage: The Roman Templum E D I T E D B Y Roger B. Ulrich and Rostratum(1994) and Roman Woodworking James C. Anderson, jr., William Aylward, Jeffrey A. Becker, Caroline k. Quenemoen (2007). John R. Clarke, Penelope J.E. Davies, Hazel Dodge, James F.D. Frakes, Architecture Genevieve S. Gessert, Lynne C. Lancaster, Ray Laurence, A COMPANION TO Caroline K. Quenemoen is Professor in the Emanuel Mayer, Kathryn J. McDonnell, Inge Nielsen, Roman architecture is arguably the most Practice and Director of Fellowships and Caroline K. Quenemoen, Louise Revell, Ingrid D. Rowland, EDItED BY Roger b. Ulrich and enduring physical legacy of the classical world. Undergraduate Research at Rice University. John R. Senseney, Melanie Grunow Sobocinski, John W. Stamper, caroline k. quenemoen A Companion to Roman Architecture presents a She is the author of The House of Augustus and Tesse D. Stek, Rabun Taylor, Edmund V. Thomas, Roger B. Ulrich, selective overview of the critical issues and approaches that have transformed scholarly the Foundation of Empire (forthcoming) as well as Fikret K. Yegül, Mantha Zarmakoupi articles on the same subject. -
Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147
Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147 Chapter 8 Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? Dis/unity, Gender and Orientalism in the Fourth Century Shaun Tougher Introduction In the narrative of relations between East and West in the Roman Empire in the fourth century AD, the tensions between the eastern and western imperial courts at the end of the century loom large. The decision of Theodosius I to “split” the empire between his young sons Arcadius and Honorius (the teenage Arcadius in the east and the ten-year-old Honorius in the west) ushered in a period of intense hostility and competition between the courts, famously fo- cused on the figure of Stilicho.1 Stilicho, half-Vandal general and son-in-law of Theodosius I (Stilicho was married to Serena, Theodosius’ niece and adopted daughter), had been left as guardian of Honorius, but claimed guardianship of Arcadius too and concomitant authority over the east. In the political manoeu- vrings which followed the death of Theodosius I in 395, Stilicho was branded a public enemy by the eastern court. In the war of words between east and west a key figure was the (probably Alexandrian) poet Claudian, who acted as a ‘pro- pagandist’ (through panegyric and invective) for the western court, or rather Stilicho. Famously, Claudian wrote invectives on leading officials at the eastern court, namely Rufinus the praetorian prefect and Eutropius, the grand cham- berlain (praepositus sacri cubiculi), who was a eunuch. It is Claudian’s two at- tacks on Eutropius that are the inspiration and central focus of this paper which will examine the significance of the figure of the eunuch for the topic of the end of unity between east and west in the Roman Empire. -
Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
The Temple of Roma and Augustus on the Athenian Acropolis: a Symbol of Roman Power?
The Post Hole Issue 40 The temple of Roma and Augustus on the Athenian Acropolis: A Symbol of Roman power? Nefeli Piree Iliou1 1 School of Classics, Swallowgate, Butts Wynd, St Andrews, Fife, KY16 9AL. Email: [email protected] The temple of Roma and Augustus (dated to the late 1st century BC) was the sole major architectural supplement to the 5th and 4th century building complex on the Athenian Acropolis (Spawforth 2006, 144). Despite this, the temple has rarely been discussed in scholarly writings in contrast to the vast literature dedicated to other structures on the Athenian citadel, such as the Parthenon or the Erechtheion. Those who have granted it attention have often, but not exclusively, seen it as a symbol of Romanization, a concept Figure. 1. The NE corner of the Parthenon with the temple which likely needs further rethinking of Roma and Augustus, late 1st century BC. Restored by G. (Spawforth 1997,183,192; Mattingly P. Stevens. Image courtesy of the American School of 2006, 17; Webster 2003). While the Classical Studies at Athens. (Stevens 1946, Fig. 1). building has largely been viewed as either a monument to Roman power or a skillful Athenian subornation of Augustus’ victory into Athenian past glory, it was arguably both: not simply an indication of Rommanness but a negotiation of mixed Athenian feelings (Keen 2004; Hurwit 1999, 279-280). This brief paper will investigate the extent to which the temple of Roma and Augustus on the Acropolis can be seen as a symbol of Roman power by examining its architecture and topographical context. -
4. Dressing and Portraying Isabella D'este
Cover Page The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/33552 holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation. Author: Dijk, Sara Jacomien van Title: 'Beauty adorns virtue' . Dress in portraits of women by Leonardo da Vinci Issue Date: 2015-06-18 4. Dressing and portraying Isabella d’Este Isabella d’Este, Marchioness of Mantua, has been thoroughly studied as a collector and patron of the arts.1 She employed the finest painters of her day, including Bellini, Mantegna and Perugino, to decorate her studiolo and she was an avid collector of antiquities. She also asked Leonardo to paint her likeness but though Leonardo drew a preparatory cartoon when he was in Mantua in 1499, now in the Louvre, he would never complete a portrait (fig. 5). Although Isabella is as well known for her love of fashion as her patronage, little has been written about the dress she wears in this cartoon. Like most of Leonardo’s female sitters, Isabella is portrayed without any jewellery. The only art historian to elaborate on this subject was Attilio Schiaparelli in 1921. Going against the communis opinio, he posited that the sitter could not be identified as Isabella d’Este. He considered the complete lack of ornamentation to be inappropriate for a marchioness and therefore believed the sitter to be someone of lesser status than Isabella.2 However, the sitter is now unanimously identified as Isabella d’Este.3 The importance of splendour was discussed at length in the previous chapter. Remarkably, Isabella is portrayed even more plainly than Cecilia Gallerani and the sitter of the Belle Ferronnière, both of whom are shown wearing at least a necklace (figs. -
Graham Jones
Ni{ i Vizantija XIV 629 Graham Jones SEEDS OF SANCTITY: CONSTANTINE’S CITY AND CIVIC HONOURING OF HIS MOTHER HELENA Of cities and citizens in the Byzantine world, Constantinople and its people stand preeminent. A recent remark that the latter ‘strove in everything to be worthy of the Mother of God, to Whom the city was dedicated by St Constantine the Great in 330’ follows a deeply embedded pious narrative in which state and church intertwine in the city’s foundation as well as its subse- quent fortunes. Sadly, it perpetuates a flawed reading of the emperor’s place in the political and religious landscape. For a more nuanced and considered view we have only to turn to Vasiliki Limberis’ masterly account of politico-religious civic transformation from the reign of Constantine to that of Justinian. In the concluding passage of Divine Heiress: The Virgin Mary and the Creation of Christianity, Limberis reaffirms that ‘Constantinople had no strong sectarian Christian tradition. Christianity was new to the city, and it was introduced at the behest of the emperor.’ Not only did the civic ceremonies of the imperial cult remain ‘an integral part of life in the city, breaking up the monotony of everyday existence’. Hecate, Athena, Demeter and Persephone, and Isis had also enjoyed strong presences in the city, some of their duties and functions merging into those of two protector deities, Tyche Constantinopolis, tutelary guardian of the city and its fortune, and Rhea, Mother of the Gods. These two continued to be ‘deeply ingrained in the religious cultural fabric of Byzantium.. -
The Porta Del Popolo, Rome Pen and Brown Ink on Buff Paper
Muirhead BONE (Glasgow 1876 - Oxford 1953) The Porta del Popolo, Rome Pen and brown ink on buff paper. Signed Muirhead Bone at the lower right. 222 x 170 mm. (8 3/4 x 6 5/8 in.) One of the first trips that Muirhead Bone made outside Britain was a long stay of two years - from October 1910 to October 1912 – in central and northern Italy, accompanied by his wife Gertrude and their children. After spending several weeks in Florence, the Bone family settled in Rome in the early months of 1911, and from October 1911 lived in a flat overlooking the Piazza del Popolo. During his time in Italy Bone produced thirty-two copper plates and numerous fine drawings, several of which were sent from Italy to London and Glasgow to be sold by his dealers. A number of Bone’s drawings of Italy were exhibited at the Colnaghi and Obach gallery in London in 1914, to very positive reviews. The present sheet depicts part of the outer façade of the city gate known as the Porta del Popolo, a section part of the Aurelian Walls encircling the city of Rome. The gate was the main entrance to Rome from the Via Flaminia and the north, and was used by most travellers arriving into the city for the first time. Built by Pope Sixtus IV for the Jubilee year of 1475, the Porta del Popolo was remodelled in the 16th century under Pope Pius IV. The Pope had asked Michelangelo to design the new outer façade of the Porta, but the elderly artist passed the commission on to the architect Nanni di Baccio Bigio, who completed the work between 1562 and 1565. -
Falda's Map As a Work Of
The Art Bulletin ISSN: 0004-3079 (Print) 1559-6478 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcab20 Falda’s Map as a Work of Art Sarah McPhee To cite this article: Sarah McPhee (2019) Falda’s Map as a Work of Art, The Art Bulletin, 101:2, 7-28, DOI: 10.1080/00043079.2019.1527632 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00043079.2019.1527632 Published online: 20 May 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 79 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcab20 Falda’s Map as a Work of Art sarah mcphee In The Anatomy of Melancholy, first published in the 1620s, the Oxford don Robert Burton remarks on the pleasure of maps: Methinks it would please any man to look upon a geographical map, . to behold, as it were, all the remote provinces, towns, cities of the world, and never to go forth of the limits of his study, to measure by the scale and compass their extent, distance, examine their site. .1 In the seventeenth century large and elaborate ornamental maps adorned the walls of country houses, princely galleries, and scholars’ studies. Burton’s words invoke the gallery of maps Pope Alexander VII assembled in Castel Gandolfo outside Rome in 1665 and animate Sutton Nicholls’s ink-and-wash drawing of Samuel Pepys’s library in London in 1693 (Fig. 1).2 There, in a room lined with bookcases and portraits, a map stands out, mounted on canvas and sus- pended from two cords; it is Giovanni Battista Falda’s view of Rome, published in 1676. -
A Formal Language for Palladian Palazzo Façades Represented by A
Buthayna H. Eilouti Research Department of Architectural A Formal Language for Palladian Palazzo Engineering Jordan University of Science Façades Represented by a String and Technology Recognition Device POB 3030 Irbid 22110, JORDAN Abstract. This article represents an effort to reveal a new [email protected] interpretation of the expression ‘the architectural language of Palladian designs’ that is closer to real linguistic paradigms than Keywords: architectural it usually means. Palladian designs exhibit a highly ordered and language, string recognition, well articulated formal language comprised of a finite set of visual study, design vocabulary elements in plan, elevation and volumetric treatment, computation, Palladian together with an implicit set of mathematical rules for the language, finite state automata, arrangement of these rudimentary elements. The scope of this FSA application, façade article is limited to the morphology of the façades of the first morphology nine buildings shown in the second book of Palladio’s treatise, specifically the palazzo designs that he presents in chapter three. The morphology is described in terms of a symbolic encoding system that is represented textually and graphically as a finite state automaton, the concept of which is borrowed from theories of formal languages and computation. The system helps to emphasize commonalities in façade languages and to propose a prototype for generating Palladian palazzo façade designs. The automaton-based encoding system may be developed to function as a base for a computerized façade encoder and decoder. Regular language processing and recognition Studies of formal languages, and their structural and computational representations in linguistics, computer science and related fields as well as their applications, are well- established (e.g., [Chomsky 1964]; [Aho and Ullman 1972]; [Salomaa 1973]; [Harrison 1978]; [Hopcroft and Ullman 1979]; [Linz 1997]; [Revesz 1983]). -
Is There a Printer's Copy of Gian Giorgio Trissino's Sophonisba?
Is There a Printer’s Copy of Gian Giorgio Trissino’s Sophonisba? Diego Perotti Abstract This essay examines the manuscript Additional 26873 housed in the British Library. After clarifying its physical features, it then explores various hypotheses as to its origins and its intended use. Finally, the essay collates the codex with Gian Giorgio Trissino’s first edition of the Sophonisba in order to establish the tragedy’s different drafts and the role of the manu- script in the scholarly edition’s plan. The manuscript classified as Additional 26873 (Hereafter La) is housed at the British Library in London and described in the online catalogue as follows: “Ital. Vellum; xvith cent. Injured by fire. Octavo. Giovanni Giorgio Trissino: Sophonisba: a tragedy”. A few details may be added. La is part of a larger collection comprising Additional 26789–26876: eighty-eight items composed in various languages (English, French, Italian, Latin, Portuguese, Spanish), many of which have been damaged to different degrees by fire and damp. The scribe has been identified as Ludovico degli Arrighi (1475–1527), the well-known calligrapher from Vicenza (Veneto, northern-east Italy) who later turned into a typographer, active between his hometown and Rome during the first quarter of the sixteenth century.1 Arrighi’s renowned handwriting, defined as corsivo lodoviciano (Ludovico’s italic), is a calligraphic italic based on the cancelleresca, well distinguished from the latter by the use of upright capitals characterized by long ascend- ers/descenders with curved ends, the lack of ties between characters, the greater space between transcriptional lines, and capital letters slightly 1.