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Arab American Residential Segregation: Differences in Patterns

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Arab American Residential Segregation: Differences in Patterns DOCUMENT RESUME ED- 243 ;991 UD ,023 470 AUTHOR. Parrillo, Vincent N. TITLE Arab American Residential Segregation: Differences in Patterns. PUB DATE '22 Mar 84 NOTE 23p.; Paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the Urban Affairs Association (Portland, Oregon, March 22, 1984). PUB TYPE Reports - Research/Technical (143) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Arabs; Census Fi4ures; Economic F4ctois;, *Neighborhood Integration;, North Americans; ) *Population Distribution; *Racial_CompositioAfr *Residential Patterns ;' SocioeconomicStatus;, StatisticaI-Analysis , IDENTIFIERS Index of Dissimilarity; *New Jersey ABSTRACT , In oider to deterMine:the extent of fesidentiaI segregation among first or second generation Arabs living in and around Paterson, New Jersey, 286 fami1ies were located and interviewed. Field data were combined with statistics from the U.S. Census Bui.eau Population and Housing Summary Tape File 1-A. It was found that residential segregation was not the usualepattern among Arab Americans (which included Syrians, Lebanese, Circassians, Palestinians, and Jordanians),. Most of the Arabimmigrant familieS were found to Iivein'working class neighborhoods, either atthe :' city's, edge or in one of the adjoining exurbs or small Cities' (Prospect Park, HaIedon,-CIifton, Pasgaic). In these areas,_ a few- families may live fairly close tai one another, but several blocks from the next small grouping. Ne7fertheIess, interviews reVealed a shared sense of community and frequentjnteraction patterns based upon life cycle rituals, homeland concerns,religious affinatiollg, political activism, or limited social situations. The method used to measure the degree of racial segregation--defined asthe overall unevenness in the spatial distribution of tworacial/ethnic groups--was the index of dissimilarity., Among all the censustracks examined, the mean level of segregation hetween Arab Americans and Whites was found to be 26 percent. With wide fluctuations,-the Mean Arab/Rlack dissimilaritx index was 61 percent. Nonetheless, neighborhood racial composition did not 'appear to be a'factor in Arab Americans' choice of residence or' desire to ielocate. Finallk, the segregated distribution pattern of,this_group was not found to be strongly related to cost of housing. (GC) ***********************************************************************. * Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be, made * * * from the original document. ******************************.***************************************** j.19 Ch Pr\ tV iam Xaterson Collage of New Jersay Wayne, New Jersey07470 . Presented to Urban Affairs Association annual meeting Portland, Oregon March 22, 1984 Not for quotationor citation With ut permissionof author . U.S. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION !'PERMISSION TO _REPliO_buatrklis EDUCATIONAL RESOURCESINFORMATION MATERIAL HAS I§E N GRANTED BY CENTER (ERIC). irThis document has been reproduced as received from the person or organization originating -2.1 N D Minor changes have been made to improve reproduction quality. Points ofiiew or opinions Mated imthis do_cu. TO_THE_EDIICATL014A_L RESOURCES ment do not hecessarily represent offitial NIE INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC):" position or policy. ARAB AMERICAN RESIDENTIAL' SEGREGATION:- DIFFERENCES IN PATTERNS radItiOnal reaidental-TatterniniTUf Europedn white etinics has . ,..tIndtering near a city's historic center. A consider- a) 7 it i 4g4attekiStt about these EurOpean immigraf,icomunities, /.- qpanieCkTi: 1920, 19504 Gans4, 1962; HandlirOP59; il aIOutlOa, 1964; Wh3ite, 1943;-Goljdstein and. : scheider, 1968). Sikila Apatterna have been reportedamong ASIen , s ..-communities (e.g.,'..piti,J97-itano,': 19694 Lyman, 1974; ;Petersen,: 1971): 610 pthet investigators=' have written abolto black and HiSpanic 'neighborhood _ _ , communities :(0,.gi,linkney, 1969; 11,1ling:sley, Lewis, 1965; FitipatriCki 1971; Rodriguez, 1977). Iia, each instance, 'the ethnic or community was easily defined withipljatticular boundaries.. An annual average of 15;000 Arab immigrants:haVebn settling'i 'American cities since 1976, acwrding to the Office of. Immigration:and' Naturalization Services. Little is known about them, however,partly._' because only limited statistics are kept. .For instance, the 1980 census-taking only did a raftdom sampling in ciples of 100,000 or more about Arab Americans. State offices base their data on census input, andwhile,the 980 CensusSummary'Tapes released in 1982 pontain- information about whites, blacks, and Hispanics as well as other summary data, specific information about Arab Americansis not accessible by thftse means. A few sqcial scientists have studies Arab immigrant communities (Agocs, 1981; Sengstock, 1977; Ansari, 1977; Elkholy, 1976; Kayal and Kayal, 1975; Aswad, 1974)-.. While these studies have offered some valuable 'insights, muCh,remains unknown:about:the dynamic's of Arab; immigrant communities in the eastern United States. Foi exAmple, the federal government identifies 40,000 Arab AMericans as living in New Jersey. Yet very fewyell-defin Arab American coMmunitie ca recognized.Moreover, the federal governmentincludes .t der the. rubric of "Arabi! such non -Arab peoples as Armenians)anIranians, who neither view themselveb as Arabs nor do the Arabs themselves. fl Field Investigation Lacking both specific official data and tht pi esence of a clearly visible Arab American community to investigate even though the federal government reported over 10,000 Arabseither foreign-born or of foreign stodeliving in the Paterson metropolitan area, this - investigator set out'to find them.Utilizing a team of six trained 4field workers, we launched.4 three- month inVestigation. -Approaching first our known contacts and proprie f the few Visible Arab establishments in the area,-we were able,through snowball sampling-- to identify 2,028 Arab families living 'in the metropolitan area and to interview all,members bf 286 families. OUT- preliminary findings about their'n4tionalities,,religions, socioeconomic statusi:cohesiveneas, intergroup tensions, and assimilation difficulties,were reported in a paper to the UAAJast year in Flint. At thattime discussant Joe T. bardan suggested one direction for further. research might be through-utilization bf the index of dissimilarity (discussed late0,This paper follows that suggestion, as well 'as Dr.,Darden'S own research framework on . - xesideatial segregation ofAmerican.Indians in Michigan.Our'focus will be on.Arab'American residential segrtgation. EcologicalTheoreticaX/Framerrk The ecoiogical_appraachesidential Segregation tends to , conceptualize,it as an adaptation of a particular group to certain spatial-rconstraints within' the urban environtenti,. Implicit in this framework are three factors: the dynamics of supply - demand in an open market economy, the constraints Set by ability to pay, and.= the group's status which influences its,ability ta cmgete for .available housing(Hawiey,1950;)gonao, 1960)- Literature in-the field is inconsistent on the relationship between,ethnic segregation end socioeconomic status of a group; number Of studies have found significant correlations between ethnic segregation:44d sacioedOnomic Status Oarroph and Marston, 1971; -Duncan: and Lie rson, 959; LieberSon, 1961;1963; Guest and Weed.,: 1976;: Darden and Hay, 190)-.Other stUdies have discredited this hypothesis (Taeuber and Taeuber,_ 1964;1965; Taeubet, 1968 ;Darden; 1973; Farley, 1977). Some scholars have criticized ihe ecological perapective for overemphasizing ethnic segtegation as a functian of socioeconomic faCtotS (RantroWitZ09731 Massey, 1979). Social Class 4 differences, when controlled, have yielded 'reduced levels of segre-: gation only at the upper socioeconomic strata, they maintairG and not at all status categories. From our field investigation wefound that residential segregation . was not the'usual pattern among Arab Americans.; Rather than toncen- g. trating in-recognizable, tightly =knit e4thnic subcpmmities near the city's core, the tended to settle in loose clusters in many neighbor- I. , hoods near the periphery df the city. Others lived in ddjacent extirbs ,-near the location of industrialJobt to be found in'HaWthorne; Fair LaWn; Elmwood Park, Sbuth Paterson,Clifton,and Passaic (sae Figute , This recent lotni of migrant residential patterninghas beet.fothd in other cities (AgoCs, 1981; Aswad, 1974) Because the ethnic community 1- 2_ 2_ still exists as an Interactivnal rather than territorialentity,-it is V 4 in essence a' "-dispersed Village" (Lofland,1973:136). ate and Hethodology In addition to the,fieldjnvestigationi-data forthis paper was obtained fromthe Population and Housing Summary i a* File 1=A (U.S. Bureau of the Censusi 1981).;The data consisted Of 1). the number of whites and blacks by census tracts, from which the number of Arabi identified through the field investigationwere extracted, and 2) the median- housing value and rent bycensus tracts. Tlibse tens' racts in communities we had located Arab American familieswere the only ones included in this study. Arab Americans were identified as firstor second generation Syrians,-Lebanese, dirciasiant.; Palestinians and Jordanians.EX-added were ArMenians,. Iranians and Egyptians (the latter definedas an Afro-Mediterranean people); For purposes,of this paPetiionlythote Arab families identified living at that residence at the time, of the 1980 census were included; The method utilized to measurethe degree of racial segregat.ion, _ -
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