ETHNOGRAPHIC RESEARCH IN : ANALYZING CONTEMPORARY ARTISTIC PRACTICES AND VISUAL CULTURE

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Maribea Woodington Barnes, B.A., M.A.

The Ohio State University 2008

Dissertation Committee: Approved by

Dr. Patricia Stuhr, Adviser ______Adviser Dr. Christine Ballengee-Morris Art Education Graduate Program

Dr. James Sanders III

Copyright by Maribea Woodington Barnes 2008

ABSTRACT

Over the last several decades numerous scholarly articles and books have been published on Moroccan art forms. Yet, these studies have consistently examined

Morocco’s traditional works or its older forms of artistic practices. Specifically,

Morocco’s ceramics objects and textiles are among the most commonly examined works. As a result of this emphasis, only a partial view of Morocco’s rich artistic production has been presented. Currently, Moroccan Art is consistently viewed as static and the 19th century western Orientalist image of Morocco has more or less remained. Visual Culture within the country and beyond its border continues to reinforce these antiquated perceptions.

To identify the range of works of art produced within Morocco, a multi- method ethnographic approach was utlized. Using information drawn from fieldwork conducted in Morocco in 2002, 2004, and 2006, contemporary artistic practices were examined and anylzed within a social and historical context. Personal narratives from my fieldwork in 2006 added layers of information to enrich my study of Moroccan art and culture. My findings revealed that Morocco’s rich historical past includes a multiplicity of cultures and influences. As a result, the country’s contemporary artistic production mirrors the complexity of this past and reflects its current social ii and political situation within the global world. Moroccan Art is not static, but diverse and fluid. By studying a range of contemporary works of art and visual culture produced within the country, perceptions about Morocco’s art forms and its people will be redefined.

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DEDICATION

To my mother, who unabashedly illustrated her love for teaching and was my constant support throughout my teaching career.

And

To my husband, who supported me in each and every endeavor and has truly been my champion at my weakest moments.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Patricia Stuhr, my adviser and

dissertation chair for her assistance and support. I am also thankful to my committee

members, Dr. Christine Ballengee-Morris and Dr. James Sanders III, who provided

their insights and guidance throughout my dissertation writing. Additional thanks to

Dr. Terry Barrett for his assistance during my Ph.D. studies and for his writing

guidance during my dissertation.

Financial support for research and travel was essential to complete my study. I

would like to thank the College of the Arts and the Department of Art Education for a

Student International Travel grant, the American Institute for Magrheb Studies for a

short term research grant, and the Studies Center for a Foreign Language

and Area Studies (FLAS) summer award and the opportunity to attend their summer

workshop for educators.

I must also thank all the participants in this study, who provided their time and assistance throughout my research. During my research travels a number of Moroccan

residents offered me their guidance and graciously opened their doors to their homes

and shops. The experiences that I encountered have left endearing memories.

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Lastly, I must acknowledge the numerous educators who have extended their assistance and offered words of encouragement. My appreciation must also extend to my first art education professor, Orland Rourke, who unknowingly changed my career path and hence, the course of my professional life.

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VITA

1968 ...... Born - Lancaster, Pennsylvania

1991...... BA in French Concordia College, Moorhead, Minnesota

1994 ...... Licensure Program in Art Education Concordia College, Moorhead, Minnesota

1995 - 1996 ...... Art Teacher Oak Grove Lutheran, Fargo, North Dakota

1996 - 2003 ...... Art Teacher Glencoe Silver Lake School District, Glencoe, Minnesota

1998 - 2003 ...... Art Teacher - Youth Public Programs, Minneapolis Institute of Arts, Minneapolis, Minnesota

2003 ...... MA in Art History University of St. Thomas, St. Paul, Minnesota

2003 - 2004 ...... Graduate Administrative Assistant, Teacher Programs & Graduate Museum Studies - Education Department Wexner Center for the Arts, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

2004 – 2007...... Graduate Teaching Assistant, University Supervisor of Student Teachers The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

2007 – present .....Assistant Professor, Art Education, Department of Art & Design Marshall University, Huntington, WV

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FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Art Education

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Abstract...... ii Dedication...... iv Acknowledgments ...... v Vita...... vii List of Figures...... xiii

Chapters:

1. INTRODUCTION...... 1 Brief Introduction to the Kingdom of Morocco...... 1 Morocco’s Contemporary Artistic Practices...... 2 Lessons Focusing on Non-western Art Forms...... 3 Conceptual Framework for the Research...... 5 Primary Research Questions...... 8 Significance of the Study ...... 9 Relevance of my Study to the Field of Art Education...... 9 Defining Postmodernism ...... 11 Postmodernist Pedagogy in Art Education ...... 13 Multicultural Concepts in Art Education ...... 15 Relevance of Examining Morocco’s Art Forms to the Field of Art Education...... 17 Helping Pre-Service and Practicing Art Teachers ...... 19 Organization of My Dissertation Findings ...... 21

2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE...... 25 Introduction...... 25 A Brief Description of Morocco and its Peoples...... 27 Morocco’s History: The Protectorate of Morocco (1912-1956)....29 Introduction: Artistic Production within Morocco ...... 32 Indigenous Amazigh (Berber) Art Forms...... 32 Amazigh Designs and the Evil Eye ...... 33 Amazigh Textiles...... 35 ix

Amazigh Jewelry ...... 39 Amazigh Pottery ...... 43 Defining Islamic Art ...... 47 Islamic Clay Vessels and Tile Embellishments ...... 52 A Historical Overview of the Organization of Ceramic Production...... 69 Artistic Production: Contemporary Art ...... 71 Museums and Museum Education...... 80 Effects of Colonialism ...... 85 French Art Education...... 89 Visual Culture: Print Media, the Internet, and the Tourist Industry ...... 91 Contemporary Narratives and Personal Experiences ...... 96

3. METHODOLOGY ...... 99 Introduction ...... 99 Design of Study...... 99 Description of Fieldwork ...... 102 Location of Study ...... 104 Participants...... 106 Interviews as a Research Method ...... 107 Photography and Video as a Research Method ...... 110 Historical and Visual Documents ...... 111 Methods of Data Analysis ...... 112 Personal Bias and Ideologies ...... 113 My Family Background ...... 114 Addressing Multiculturalism: My Experiences as a K-12 Art Teacher...... 115 Shifting Perspectives ...... 116

4. FINDINGS ...... 117 , Morocco...... 117 Brief Historical Overview ...... 117 Constructed Identity: Depiction of Casablanca in Tourist Guides...... 119 Personal Travel Experiences: Just Passing Through ...... 122 Contemporary Artistic Practices...... 128 Arab- ...... 128 The Hassan II : Contemporary Traditional Art ...... 130 , Morocco...... 138 Brief Historical Overview...... 138 Constructed Identity: Depiction of Essaouria in Tourist Guides ...... 142 Personal Travel Experiences: A Second Visit ...... 150 Contemporary Artistic Practices...... 161 x

The Influence of Tourism on Art Forms ...... 161 , Morocco ...... 188 Brief Historical Overview...... 188 Constructed Identity: Depiction of Rabat in Tourist Guides ...... 193 Personal Travel Experiences...... 195 Contemporary Artistic Practices...... 198 Identifying Emerging Galleries and Regional Artists ...... 198 , Morocco ...... 209 Brief Historical Overview...... 209 Constructed Identity: Depiction of Tanger in Tourist Guides ...... 213 Personal Travel Experiences: Reflecting on the Past ...... 215 Contemporary Artistic Practices...... 228 European Presence ...... 228 , Morocco...... 245 Brief Historical Overview...... 245 Constructed Identity: Depiction of Asilah in Tourist Guides ...... 246 Personal Travel Experiences: New Construction ...... 249 Contemporary Artistic Practices...... 251 Painted Murals ...... 251 Fez, Morocco ...... 271 Brief Historical Overview...... 271 Constructed Identity: Depiction of Fez in Tourist Guides ...... 275 Personal Travel Experiences: Staged Events...... 279 Contemporary Artistic Practices...... 283 Introduction...... 283 Urban Ceramics ...... 285 Contemporary Female Artists ...... 294

5. DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS ...... 303 Introduction ...... 303 Gender Considerations: Reflections from the Field ...... 304 My Work within Morocco as a Female Researcher...... 305 Western Perceptions about Moroccan Culture and Gender Roles ...... 310 Discussion of the Relevance of my Findings ...... 323 Relevance of my Findings:Teaching Pre-Service Educators ...... 324

6. SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY ...... 330 Connections to Art Education and Suggestions for Further Study ...... 330 Afterthoughts ...... 332

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APPENDICES: A. Beginning Interview Questions and Topics of Conversation Modified from Stuhr (1995) and Kvale (1996) ...... 335 B. Modified Collier & Collier (1986, p. 41-41) Shooting Guide for a Photographic Survey of an Urban Neighborhood...... 337 C. Partial Listing of Local Galleries and Arts Programs in Essaouira, Morocco (2006) and their Contact Information ...... 339 D. Partial Listing of Artists Living and/or Working Essaouira, Morocco (2006) and Select Contact Information ...... 341 E. Partial Listing of Local Galleries and Arts Programs in Tangier, Morocco (2006) and their Contact Information ...... 345 F. List of Artists Depicting Scenes of Morocco Exhibited in the American Legation Museum in Tangier, Morocco (July, 2004)...... 348 G. Artists Depicting Scenes of Morocco Exhibited in the McBey Gallery of the American Legation Museum in Tangier, Morocco (August, 2006) ...... 350 H. Notes on Contemporary Artists Exhibited in the Musee d’Art Contemporain, Tangier, Morocco (July, 2004) ...... 357 I. Partial Listing of Artists Living and/or Working in the Fez, Morocco Area (2006) and Contemporary Traditional Workshops with Select Contact Information ...... 360 J. Contemporary Artists from Morocco: A Beginning Accessible Resource Guide for Art Educators...... 362

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 366

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

Figure 1 Author’s photograph of a deff (square-shaped drum) created in Morocco from leather. The designs on the drum are painted with henna dye. A varnish covers and protects the image. The motifs are reminiscent of geometric shapes and patterns found on Amazigh art forms and the center design forms the shape of an eye. Images of the eye and hand symbol can be found embellishing a range of artistic objects, particularly tourist souvenirs. This drum was acquired in a market possibly in Fez or Marrakech, Morocco in 2002. According to Becker (2002), it is believed that god gave vegetation and that vegetation such as henna has Bahkara or divine blessings...... 35

Figure 2 Author’s photograph of a shop selling a range of textiles. This photo was taken in January of 2002 in southern Morocco. Rugs from Morocco have become popular with tourists. In recent years I have informally noted that popular western retail stores have also begun to carry Moroccan rugs or rugs that have appropriated the designs used in Amazigh textiles...... 36

Figure 3 Author’s photograph taken July 10, 2006 in Essaouira. Image of textiles hanging from the tree in the open square lined with cafes frequented by tourists...... 37

Figure 4 Author’s weaving acquired January 6, 2002 from the area. This textile was hand-woven on a loom by Amazigh women. Left image provides an entire picture of the textile created in cream, yellows, and ochre colors. The image on the right provides a detail of the weaving and illustrates the use of geometric patterns and motifs that are pointed that could “pop” the evil eye (Becker, 2002)...... 37

Figure 5 Author’s weaving acquired January of 2002 from southern Morocco. The weaving was woven on a loom with primarily wool threads. This textile illustrates the use of geometric shapes...... 38 xiii

Figure 6 Author’s weaving acquired July of 2004 from , Morocco. This flat woven weaving is a rectangular woolen blanket and works as cloak in some Amazigh tribes in the . The weaving was created with wool threads in cream, yellow, red, and black. Reflective silver metal discs (sequins) also adorn the textile. The image on the left provides a full image of the textile. The photo on the right shows the corner of the textile turned over and reveals the bands of patterns on the back of the weaving. This textile illustrates the use of geometric shapes and the additional use of reflective materials to ward off evil...... 38

Figure 7 Author’s weaving acquired July of 2004 from Tetouan, Morocco. The textile is hand-woven. This weaving is worn as a skirt by Amazigh young women in northern Morocco specifically in the area. This garment is called a fouta. The weaving is wrapped around the waist with the red and white strips laying in a vertical fashion. The women also wear a wide-brimmed straw hat tied with ribbons. Riffian women wearing foutas are common place in the markets of Tangier. As a result, images of Amazigh women in this clothing appear in drawings and paintings by European artists traveling and working in northern Morocco. See for example the work of Scottish artist James McBey’s in Melville’s (1991) book titled James McBey’s Morocco...... 39

Figure 8 Author’s photograph taken January, 2002 in southern Morocco of open air market. The image provides an example of the range of jewelry sold in the market and several examples of pieces depicting the hand of Fatima in the left foreground...... 41

Figure 9 Author’s image of silver jewelry depicting the Hand of Fatima. The image provides an example of filigree work. This was acquired in a jewelry shop and due to the nature of the wares in the shop, these pieces were possibly made for tourists...... 42

Figure 10 Author’s image of silver jewelry depicting the Hand of Fatima. The image depicts silver hands created from a stamp or embossed method. 42

Figure 11 Author’s bowl acquired July of 2004 from Tetouan, Morocco. The bowl may be from the Rif region of Morocco. It is hand-built and it is unglazed. Due to the clay loop shown at the top of the image, it is possible that this was produced for the market and tourist consumption. However, the work retains some characteristics of hand-built Amazigh pottery. For additional examples see Berrada (2001), Jereb (1995), and Becker (2006)...... 44

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Figure 12 Author’s photograph taken January of 2002 of pottery production site in the southern desert region of Morocco, the area. The potter is shown throwing at the wheel in a sunken position sheltered from the sun in the photos middleground, left side. A portion of brush is also shown on the left side of this image. This is utilized in the kiln as fuel. A photo of the kiln is shown in Figure 13. Example objects from this kiln were documented using video and were low fired yellow-green wares...... 45

Figure 13 Author’s photograph taken January of 2002 of loaded kiln at pottery production site...... 45

Figure 14 Wheel thrown vase acquired in Morocco. Object is heavy in weight. Decoration is incised along the body of the object in a zigzag pattern reminiscent of Amazigh textile patterns. The green glaze is thinly applied and stacking marks from the firing process are visible along the lip of the vase...... 46

Figure 15 Author’s photograph taken September 13, 2006. A public fountain found in the (old ) of Fez. Fountain is embellished with ceramic tiles completed in a symmetrical radiating patterned design. Public fountains such as this one are commonly found in urban throughout Morocco...... 52

Figure 16 Author’s photograph of the Kutubiya Mosque (left) in taken in July of 2002. Right image provides a detail of the zillij work at the top of the which was taken from video documentation completed in 2002...... 60

Figure 17 Author’s photograph of small clay zillij tiles acquired from research trips in 2002, 2004, and 2006. The image also provides a sample of a wall with the zillij tiles embedded into the cement...... 61

Figure 18 Author’s photograph of the Al Attarin taken in January of 2002 in Fez, Morocco. The walls and floors are embellished with zillij which needs some repair...... 62

Figure 19 Author’s drawing of the khatim...... 64

Figure 20 Author’s photograph taken on August 31, 2006 of the worn zillij floor in the Mokri, Fez. The photograph illustrates the radiating designs created by the ceramic tiles...... 64

Figure 21 Author’s photograph taken on August 31, 2006 of the zillij floor and walls fountain in the Riad Mokri, Fez. The fountain is khatim shaped and zillij tiles are placed around this eight pointed star...... 65

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Figure 22 Author’s still image from a video clip interview conducted in January of 2002 at a ceramic workshop in Fez. The artist is using a compass to create a radiating, geometric design on an unglazed ceramic plate...... 65

Figure 23 Author’s photograph taken on September 11, 2006 of ceramic workshop in Fez, Morocco. The artist is drawing and then cutting khatim shapes from a square green glazed ceramic tile. These tiles will be placed in a pattern (see figure 23)...... 66

Figure 24 Author’s photograph taken on September 11, 2006 of a ceramic workshop in Fez. The artist in the foreground is creating a pattern on the floor. This pattern will be utilized to place individual glazed pieces in the correct position. In the background the artist is placing the individual glazed pieces down on the floor to create a tile panel...... 67

Figure 25 Author’s photograph taken on September 11, 2006 of pottery production shop. Ceramic bowls, primarily produced for tourists, illustrate the use of radiating designs similar to zillij patterns. Some of the design motifs shown in this image are made for tourists (i.e. dishes that say Fez in ). However, the general symmetrical patterning found on these bowls can be found in both Moroccan museums and in publications that provide a historical perspective on Moroccan ceramic production (see for example, Ouazzani, 1993; Damluji, 1991)...... 68

Figure 26 Author’s photograph taken on September 13, 2006 of small pottery shop located in the medina of Fez, Morocco. Plates in the foreground depict radiating designs...... 68

Figure 27 Image of a tourist souvenir acquired by the author in 2004. Object is a ceramic dish decorated with under glazes depicting palm trees and perhaps intended to evoke memories of desert scenes in southern Morocco ...... 90

Figure 28 Author’s photograph of an open market in , Morocco displaying ceramic objects for tourists taken in January of 2002. The image also includes additional examples of tourist ceramic objects...... 91

Figure 29 Photo of university study abroad group (that includes the author on the far left) taken January of 2002 at a Moroccan dinner and spectacle. The event catered to primarily tourist crowds. The woman posing in the background of the photo is dressed in replica Amazigh clothing and jewelry and played a role in the evening entertainment. The image and event support Cheggour’s (2002) assertions that the ‘exotic’ image is recreated for tourists...... 95

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Figure 30 Author’s photograph taken in June of 2006 of the city of Casablanca, Morocco...... 122

Figure 31 Author’s photograph taken in June of 2006 of the city of Casablanca, Morocco and its train station. This image provides a beginning photographic survey of Casablanca based on the categories of Transportation, Functions, and Appearance provided by Collier & Collier (1986) (see Appendix B)...... 123

Figure 32 Author’s photograph taken in June of 2006 of the city of Casablanca, Morocco showing the city center, transportation, and various western chains...... 123

Figure 33 Painting by Said Karkri (1959- ) from Asilah, Morocco. The painting features two minaret towers located in the upper center portion of the picture plane (also see Contemporary Artistic Practices, Asilah, Morocco)...... 128

Figure 34 Author’s drawing of the khatim...... 129

Figure 35 Author’s photograph taken on July, 11, 2006 of the Hassan II Mosque. The minaret (e.g. the tower where the call to prayer is made) is 200 meters high...... 132

Figure 36 Author’s photograph taken on July, 11, 2006 of the Hassan II Mosque illustrating the exterior façade with its horseshoe arches, titanium and brass doors, and zillij (tile mosaics) exterior walls...... 133

Figure 37 Author’s photograph taken on July, 11, 2006 of an exterior zillij fountain at the Hassan II mosque ...... 135

Figure 38 Detail photos taken of zillij fountain in Figure 37 ...... 135

Figure 39 Author’s photograph taken on July, 11, 2006 of the ablution hall that consists of 41 fountains and zillij embellished walls and columns. Carved is also utilized to adorn the top of each column. From this lower room glass openings in the ceiling allow one to view the grand prayer hall above...... 136

Figure 40 Author’s photograph taken on July 11, 2006 of a katim shaped design adorning the ceiling of the purification hall in the Hassan II Mosque completed in 1993. According the guide for the Hassan II Mosque, the columns that rise to the ceilings are covered in a material called tadelakt. This material is comprised of lime, clay, sand, egg yolks, and black soap (The Hassan II Mosque). It is unclear whether the ceiling with the raised katim shape is comprised of the same material...... 136 xvii

Figure 41 Author’s photograph taken on July 18, 2006. Pictured is one view of the ports along the harbor. The medina and its white walls are pictured in the distance. The image of this fortification and the additional imagery provided in my findings from Essaouira have been utilized in both popular culture and in the visual arts. For example, utilized Essaouira for several shots in his film Othello. The town’s ramparts are included in this film. A stone monument has been erected in a small garden in Essaouira recognizing Orson Welles. Residents have also informed me that Hitchcock’s film, The Birds, was partially shot in the ramparts and boat area. The accuracy of this information is unclear, however Hitchcock’s movie The Man Who Knew Too Much, was filmed in Morocco. Lastly, Iranian artist Shirin Neshat has filmed her work in Morocco. The ramparts specifically in Figure 42 were featured in the film Rapture (1999)...... 138

Figure 42 Author’s photograph of the ramparts in Essaouira taken on July 18, 2006. In the left background is the port and a distant view of the fortification featured in Figure 41 is also shown. Along the horizon line, in the middle-ground of the image, is the Island of Mogador. A small portion of the islands buildings can still be seen from Essaouira...... 139

Figure 43 Author’s photograph taken on July 15, 2006 of the fishing port in Essaouira, Morocco. Residents state that traditional methods are used to build ships. This process takes often nine months, although residents note that the ships are not built during consecutive days (personal communication, 2006). The ships are built of eucalyptus wood, cedar, or other imported woods. The cost of building a ship was estimated at 500,000 to 600,000 dollars...... 141

Figure 44 Author’s photograph taken on July 24, 2006 of the gateway to the port. Residents provide tourists with a description of the visual elements depicted on the gate. According to informants, the Arabic inscription provides the date of construction, the name of the King, and the architect. The other visual elements relate to the three major religions: , , and . The seashell representing St. James and Christianity, the three crescent moons representing Islam and the King Mohammed III, and the roses (and star not shown) with Judaism (personal communication, July 2006)...... 141

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Figure 45 Author’s photograph taken Thursday, July 13, 2006 at 5:21pm. The image shows the medina streets of Essaouira and provides an image of the white washed walls of the medina. Blue accents the doors. On this street, residential areas and businesses appear to intermingle. During working hours, some doors would be opened to reveal small convenience stores, telephone booths (i.e. teleboutiques), or other small businesses...... 144

Figure 46 Author’s photograph taken on July 14, 2006 of the medina streets of Essaouira. This image shows the winding and narrow streets and the white washed walls of the medina. Blue and ochre accent the doors and windows. This photograph begins to provide an understanding of the appearance of residential areas following Collier & Collier’s (1986) guide...... 144

Figure 47 Author’s photographs taken July 13, 2006 of a house that have been restored. Homes that I have viewed have retained key elements and have blended these with European designs. For example, one private home that I visited had retained the tile work and layout of the riad, but had decorated the interior with mid-century modern furniture...... 146

Figure 48 Author’s photograph on July 19, 2006 of a house that have been restored. The image provides a commonly found example of a restoration project where designs from traditional tile mosaics (zillij) have been appropriated. In these photos large painted and glazed tiles have been created and used to imitate individual hand glazed and cut tiles that embellishment a range of traditional architectural structures within Morocco (for an example, the Hassan II mosque). For additional published images of restored homes within Morocco see: Dennis & Dennis, 2001; Ypma, 1996; Lovatt-Smith, 1995...... 147

Figure 49 Author’s photograph taken on July 13, 2006 in Essaouira. Detail of tile work shown around the entrance door shown in Figure 48...... 147

Figure 50 Author’s photograph taken in Essaouira. Image was shot July 13, 2006 and illustrates the restoration of a riad that was transformed into a small hotel. In Essaouira a number of riads and dars have been turned into rooms or small temporary residences for tourists. These renovated structures are located in the medina amongst homes of Moroccan residents, businesses, and other transformed homes now owned and operated as hotels. Local artwork and Moroccan art forms such as pottery are displayed in some renovated structures. Some owners also work to support local artists. I have also observed the display of early 20th century colonialist postcards...... 149

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Figure 51 Author’s photograph taken in Essaouira The image was taken on July 18, 2008 on Rue Laalouj, a larger thoroughfare within the medina that contains the Post and other businesses. The sign in the upper right-hand corner advertises local renovated apartments located in Essaouira...... 149

Figure 52 Author’s photograph taken on July 16, 2006 at 8:03 am along the coast of Essaouira. The photo was taken in correspondence with my journal entry describing the city...... 154

Figure 53 Author’s photograph taken July 19, 2006 of Essaouira, Morocco. Images correspond to my journal description written on July 16, 2006. A popular café situated in the main square which looks out over the fish market and provides a beginning visual survey of the businesses along the coast of Essaouira ...... 154

Figure 54 Author’s photograph taken July 19, 2006 of Essaouira, Morocco. Images correspond to my journal description written on July 16, 2006...... 155

Figure 55 Author’s photograph taken July 19, 2006 of Essaouira, Morocco. Image depicts juice stands which sit adjacent to the fish market. Collier & Collier (1986) categories followed include: Organization, Appearance, Functions...... 155

Figure 56 Author’s photograph taken July 19, 2006 of Essaouira, Morocco. Provides imagery related to Essaouira’s fishing industry...... 155

Figure 57 Author’s photograph taken on July 28, 2006 in Essaouira, Morocco. The image provide a visual of a side street containing shops which scatter their goods outside for passerby’s to see. Young residents are captured in the photo as they rest on a shelving unit at the end of the lane during the afternoon. These images correspond to the journal entry written on July 28, 2006...... 158

Figure 58 Author’s photograph taken on July 28, 2006 in Essaouira, Morocco. The image provides a visual of a side street containing shops ...... 158

Figure 59 Author’s painting acquired in 2002. Oil painting by Ahmed El Fadidi, completed in 2001. The artist dated his work in the left corner and Ahmed El Faidi was born in 1958 in .اﻟﻔﻴﺬ signed his last name in Arabic Essaouria. He attended school in Essaouira and also the Bac des Arts Appliques in Marrakech. According to Mana (1990), the artist has been influenced by the figurative work of Australian artist Sedlak and the cubist work of Picasso. Using paint, El Faidi depicts mask like female portraits that center on the memory of adolescence...... 162

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Figure 60 Author’s acquired painting from Essaouira, Morocco in 2006. Signed Trifis with no date provided, but a marking of TI/005 is written on the back. I assume that this is a gallery marking...... 167

Figure 61 Detail of the Trifis painting featured in Figure 60. The image illustrates mask-like faces and an instrument...... 168 Figure 62 Detail of the Trifis painting. The image illustrates mask-like faces with an emphasis on they eye...... 168

Figure 63 Author’s photograph of performance taken in southern Morocco in January of 2002...... 168

Figure 64 Author’s photograph of Gnawa performance taken in Essaouira in January of 2002. The image provides an example of two drums embellished with henna patterns...... 168

Figure 65 Author’s photograph of one of several free expo sites that exhibits artwork by area artists. The sign states “Expo – Peinture.” This image was taken on July 19, 2006 off of the main square in Essaouira, Morocco...... 171

Figure 66 Author’s photograph taken on July 29, 2006 of a public exhibition of Benbrahim’s work (see Appendix H)...... 172

Figure 67 Painting produced by Benbrahim (Boukbir Mustapha) acquired by author in 2006...... 173

Figure 68 Painting produced by Benbrahim acquired in 2006. Text states: Nothing can enslave me but Love...... 173

Figure 69 Author’s photograph of a public exposition site that exhibits artwork by area artists. This image was taken in July of 2006 when Slimane Drissi’s work was on display. The image in the foreground is an example of his artwork...... 174

Figure 70 Untitled painting by Slimane Drissi acquired by author in July of 2006. The work represents his Surrealist style ...... 175

Figure 71 Watercolor painting produced by Abdessadek Moudlib acquired by author in 2006...... 175

Figure 72 Painting produced by Fatiha Benmoussa acquired by author in July of 2006. Depicts a group of women with children...... 176

Figure 73 Painting produced by Fatiha Benmoussa acquired by author in July of 2006. The image depicts a Koranic school ...... 177 xxi

Figure 74 Author’s photograph of exhibition hall at L’Association Essaouira Mogador displaying the work of Anass El Boury and Aissa Taoufik. Hanging on the left wall are Boury’s works. The back wall provides images of Taoufik’s work focusing on Cubism...... 178

Figure 75 Author’s photograph of exhibition hall at L’Association Essaouira Mogador displaying the work of Aissa Taoufik...... 180

Figure 76 Drawing by Anass El Boury acquired by author July of 2006. Right image provides a detail of the drawing...... 182

Figure 77 Painting produced by Abdou Mostafa acquired by author in 2006...... 183

Figure 78 Author’s photograph of L’Association Tital taken in July of 2006...... 184

Figure 79 Author’s photograph of tourist paintings in Essaouira, Morocco...... 185

Figure 80 Author’s photograph taken on July 18, 2006 of the square Place Moulay Hassan. Approximately three artists utilize this open space to display their works of art along the outer walls of the city square...... 186

Figure 81 Author’s photograph of Mohamed Erraad’s work displayed in the pulbic square Place Moulay Hassan. Images of two Gnawa performers are depicted in the center lower row. The distinct instruments that the musicians are holding signify that they are gnawa...... 187

Figure 82 Author’s photograph of Mostapha Assadeddine work displayed in the pulbic square Place Moulay Hassan. Artwork acquired by the author in July of 2006...... 187

Figure 83 Author’s photograph taken on August 6, 2006 of Avenue Mohammed V in the European quarter or Ville Nouvelle in Rabat...... 188

Figure 84 Author’s photograph taken on August 4, 2006 based on the categories of Location and Appearance provided by Collier & Collier (1986) (see Appendix B). The image was taken from my residence while in Rabat of the evening traffic on Avenue Hassan II. The walled medina and its ramparts are pictured in the middleground...... 189

Figure 85 Author’s photograph taken on August 5, 2006 of the interior of the medina. In the distance the des Oudaias and the gateway called the Bab Oudaia is shown...... 190

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Figure 86 Author’s photographs taken on August 5, 2006 of the walls of the Kasbah des Oudaias in Rabat, Morocco. Left image was shot with the camera directed in a southeastern position and shows an exit from the medina in the background, the street Boulevard Tarig al-Marsa, and the wall of the Kasbah des Oudaias on the left edge of the photo. The right photo was taken from the same location, but in the opposite direction (e.g. northwestern) and shows the Kasbah wall extending up to the gate named Bab Oudaia...... 191

Figure 87 Author’s photographs taken on August 5, 2006 of the walls of the Kasbah des Oudaias in Rabat, Morocco. The left image provides a detailed image of the Bab Oudaia. The right image provides a detail of a second gate directly inside the Kasbah past the Bab Oudaia...... 191

Figure 88 Author’s photograph taken on August 5, 2006. The image was taken from the Kasbah des Oudaias in Rabat overlooking the Oued . In the left background stands the and off to the right is the Mohammed V Mausoleum...... 192

Figure 89 Detail of Figure 88 showing the Hassan Tower and the Mohammed V Mausoleum...... 193

Figure 90 Author’s photograph taken in August 3, 2006 of Avenue Hassan II taken at 5:32pm upon my arrival in Rabat. The blue vehicles are taxis. The municipal market and the edge of the medina is shown in the left background. Photographic survey categories include: Transportation, Daily Cycles, and Appearance (Collier & Collier, 1986)...... 197

Figure 91 Author’s photograph taken on August 5, 2006 of the streets and shops in the medina. The right side of the photo shows zillij fountains...... 197

Figure 92 Author’s photograph taken on August 5, 2006 of the streets and shops in the medina. The Moroccan flag hangs across the street (i.e. a green pentagram against a red background). Photographic survey categories include: Appearance, Organization, and Function (Collier & Collier, 1986)...... 197

Figure 93 Author’s photograph taken on August 5, 2006 of Rabat’s coast line along the . Photograph was taken from the cliff of the Kasbah des Oudaias and shows residents and visitors on the beach. In the left foreground extending to the background is a cemetery and in the distance along the edge of the water is a light house. Small stands or cafes and a walking path separate the cemetery from the beach...... 198

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Figure 94 Author’s photograph taken on August 6, 2006 of Avenue Mohamed V located in the ville nouvelle of Rabat, Morocco. L’appartement 22 is located on this street as well as the Moroccan Parliament...... 201

Figure 95 Author’s photograph taken on August 6, 2006. The alcove off of Avenue Mohamed V shows the appearance of the area (Collier & Collier, 1986) and the hidden left side entrance to the building for the exhibition space L’appartement 22. The exhibition space is located on the 3rd floor of the building ...... 202

Figure 96 Author’s photograph of the Kasbah of the Oudayas in Rabat, Morocco taken August 5-7, 2006. The photograph provides a visual example of the blue and white washed walls of the Kasbah...... 207

Figure 97 Author’s photograph of the Kasbah of the Oudayas in Rabat, Morocco taken August 5-7, 2006. The image shows the exterior of the Galleria d’ Art Nouiga located in the Kasbah...... 208

Figure 98 Author’s photograph taken on August 16, 2006 in the Kasbah. In the background is a rampart that runs along the coast line. Through the archway that pierces the wall is a view of the port. An image of the other side can be found in Figure 160. Similar views appear in the work of Matisse. The wall on right separates the Kasbah and medina. This image also provides a view of the sea of tourists lined up to walk through the rampart gateway to capture a picturesque view...... 210

Figure 99 Author’s photograph taken on August 16, 2006 in the Kasbah at the former palace, the Dar El . The museum now houses a collection of Moroccan Arts. The room in the image illustrates the architectural embellishments found in palaces and other traditional architectural structures such as . I view the use of individual tile mosaics known as zillij (featured on the floor and fountain) as a traditional embellishment because the use of this material extends back to the 12th century. The museum also contains preserved Roman mosaics and Moroccan craft items (i.e. pottery)...... 211

Figure 100 Author’s photograph of the street, Rue Boukaja, in the Kasbah taken on August 16, 2006 in Tangier...... 211

Figure 101 Author’s photograph of the Kasbah taken on August 16, 2006 in Tangier...... 212

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Figure 102 Author’s photograph of the port in Tangier taken on August 16, 2006. Image is taken from my residence overlooking the port of Tangier. This spot draws numerous groups of tourists. The image provides a visual of the port activity including the transportation of goods and the large boats that transport passengers from to Morocco. The coast line and beach area is off the picture frame to the right. The image illustrates Collier & Collier’s (1986) categories of Transportation, Appearance, Organization, and Function...... 214

Figure 103 Author’s photograph taken on August 16, 2006. This image provides a view of the terrace that overlooks the port in Tangier and visually describes my journal writing from August 10, 2006. In the distance near the horizon line is a one of many boats that transports day travelers from Spain to Morocco...... 218 Figure 104 Author’s photograph taken on August 11, 2006 of St. Andrews Church located in the center of Tangier, Morocco. Around the arch featured in the image on the right, is the Lord’s Prayer carved in Arabic, the sacred language of the Koran (Clandermond & MacCarthy, 2003). These images provide visuals for my journal entry on August 11, 2006...... 218

Figure 105 Author’s photograph taken on August 11, 2006 of St. Andrews Church located in the center of Tangier, Morocco. The image provides an exterior view of the church and its horseshoe entryway. The church bell- tower is constructed in a similar square format as Moroccan (call to prayer towers) found in mosque architecture. The church was built in 1894...... 219

Figure 106 Author’s photograph taken on August 11, 2006 of St. Andrews Church The image provides a visual of the grounds and gravestones before the entry of the church. This image provides a visual for my journal entry on August 11, 2006...... 219

Figure 107 Author’s photograph taken on August 16, 2006 visually describing journal writings from August 10, 2006. The image also provides a visual description of the perhaps tenuous relationship between the foreign tourist and the resident seller of Moroccan goods. Residents selling contemporary crafts and products stand at the gated entrance waiting for foreign travelers to leave the enclosed and “protected” environment ..222

Figure 108 Author’s photograph taken on August 16, 2006 of a textile shop in Tangier selling mostly contemporary traditional rugs. This image provides a visual of the appearance of shops selling textiles...... 225

Figure 109 Artwork produced by M’Rabet courtesy of the Lawrence-Arnott Gallery, Tangier, Morocco. Image produced in 1960, gouache on paper, 22 x 17 cm in size...... 232 xxv

Figure 110 Artwork produced by M’Rabet courtesy of the Lawrence-Arnott Gallery, Tangier, Morocco. Image produced in 1961, gouache on paper, 32 x 24 cm in size...... 232

Figure 111 Artwork produced by M’Rabet courtesy of the Lawrence-Arnott Gallery, Tangier, Morocco. Image produced in 2004, felt tip pen on paper, 32.5 x 25 cm...... 234

Figure 112 Author’s partial print screen of a Tangier gallery website depicting several art images including a painting of the featured in Figure 113. See http://www.tanjart.com/gallery/gallery_page3_en.htm for specific imagery ...... 238

Figure 113 Author’s photograph taken on August 24, 2006 of the Grand Socco and the horseshoe gateway named Bab el Fahs...... 239

Figure 114 Details of author’s photograph taken on August 24, 2006 of the Grand Socco featured in Figure 113...... 240

Figure 115 Details of author’s photograph taken on August 24, 2006 of the Grand Socco from Figure 113...... 240

Figure 116 Author’s photograph of the coast of Asilah taken on August 23, 2006. This image shows the white washed buildings of the town and its Portuguese ramparts...... 245

Figure 117 Author’s photograph of Asilah taken in July of 2004. The photograph provides a visual of the murals which adorn the white washed walls of the town. A history of Asilah’s murals is discussed under Contemporary Artistic Practices...... 246

Figure 118 Author’s photograph of Asilah taken in July of 2004...... 246

Figure 119 Author’s photograph of Asilah taken on August 23, 2006. The photograph is of the same area featured in Figure 117. New murals are created each year...... 247

Figure 120 Author’s photograph of Asilah taken on August 23, 2006. The photograph is of the same area featured in Figure 118...... 247

Figure 121 Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 of the murals found throughout Asilah, Morocco. The murals shown can be retrieved through the festivals website (http://www.c-assilah.com/28/?fr;gallery;album;2). Images of the artists working on the murals can also be found at the website listed above ...... 254 xxvi

Figure 122 Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 of Asilah and the murals found throughout the city...... 254

Figure 123 Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 of Asilah. The image provides an illustration of the pavement designs in the medina. The stone designs in this image were created by the artist Mohommed Melehi. Pavement designs created by the artist Farid Belkahia can be found along the outskirts of the town (Khaznader, 1999)...... 255

Figure 124 Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 of the Galerie du Centre Hassan II des Rencontres Internationales...... 256

Figure 125 Author’s photograph taken August 23, 2006 of the city of Asilah. A number of construction projects were underway in 2006. This image provides a beginning photographic survey of Asliah based on the categories of Appearance and Change provided by Collier & Collier (1986) (see Appendix B)...... 256

Figure 126 Author’s partial photograph taken on August 23, 2006 of Malika Agueznay’s work shown publicly in Asliah, Morocco. The image provides a small detail of an oil painting 200cm x 145cm in size completed in 1995. The painting was untitled...... 258

Figure 127 Author’s juxtaposition of Arabic writing and a partial photograph of Agueznay’s work. The painting by Malika Agueznay is titled Seaweed Roses (for additional artworks see Galerie du Centre Hassan II – Assilah, 2004). Created in 1994, it is a oil on canvas painting and is 0,97 m x 0,83 m. Adjacent to Seaweed Roses are several letters from the Arabic alphabet in different font styles that support my assertion that Agueznay draws from traditional calligraphy. Along the bottom of the text box are random Arabic letters strung together to form decorative “words” ...... 259

Figure 128 Author’s juxtaposition of Agueznay’s work from Figure 127 with traditional tile and plaster work. The right image provides a close-up image of a 14th century medersa (school) located in Fez, that provides a detail of the zillij (mosaics), the cut tile work, and the plaster designs (author’s photograph taken August of 2004 in Fez)...... 260

Figure 129 Author’s photograph taken in July of 2004 in Asilah, Morocco. The image shows a local shop/artist studio featuring Said Karkri’s work...261

Figure 130 Author’s photograph taken in July of 2004 in Asilah, Morocco. The image shows the medina street in which the shop of Said Karkri is located ...... 262 xxvii

Figure 131 Author’s juxtaposition of research photographs and Said Karkri’s work. The work of art in the top left corner was acquired by the author in Asilah in 2004. The artwork was created by Said Karkri. The remaining images are the author’s photographs. The top right images show two different minarets. The middle image is the minaret and mosque in Asilah (photographed in 2006). The far right image is the 13th century Koutibya Mosque (photographed in 2002) in Marrakech. The author’s photograph on the bottom of the text box is of the Asilah coastline (photographed in 2006)...... 264

Figure 132 Author’s photographs taken on August 23, 2006 of the shop featured in the 2004 photograph in Figure 129. The Karkri sign appears in the left foreground. The image on the right provides a detail of the images on the back wall of the shop...... 265

Figure 133 Author’s painting acquired on August 23, 2006 in Asilah, Morocco. The painting was produced by Said Karkri...... 266

Figure 134 Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 in Asliah, Morocco. The image illustrates one aspect of the marriage ceremony, the gnawa musicians performing. Many of the visual elements shown in the photograph are depicted in Said Karkri’s work (see Fig. 133)...... 268

Figure 135 Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 in Asliah, Morocco of a marriage ceremony...... 269

Figure 136 Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 in Asliah of a marriage ceremony...... 269

Figure 137 Author’s photograph taken August 31, 2006 of the Al Nejjarin Fondouk. This particular fondouk was built in the 18th century. Moroccan tourist guides assert that it became a police station during the French Protectorate (1912-1956) (see Aouni et al., 2005). The building is embellished with plaster work, zillij, and wood elements...... 273

Figure 138 Author’s photograph taken August 31, 2006 at the entrance of the Al Nejjarin Fondouk. The Nejjarine Complex provides an image of the plaster adorned entrance, the zillij fountain off to the right, and the souq or shops on the left where a range of art forms are sold...... 273

Figure 139 Author’s photograph of a portion of an acquired tourist drawing. The drawing was acquired in the Fez area in 2004 and is part of a series...277

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Figure 140 Author’s photograph taken in September of 2006 of a Medina Project residence. The restored rental residence is a royal suite from 1880 identified as the Pasha Baghdadi Massriya. Zillij embellishment can be found on the floor and entryways. Carved plasterwork adorns the archway and the upper portions of the walls (for additional images see http://fesmedina.com/index.htm) ...... 278

Figure 141 Author’s photograph taken in September of 2006 of a Medina Project residence...... 278

Figure 142 Author’s photograph taken in September of 2006 of hides being transported through the narrow streets of the medina in Fez...... 280

Figure 143 Author’s photograph taken in September of 2006 of the tanneries...... 280

Figure 144 Author’s photograph taken on September 9, 2006 of a fountain in the courtyard of the Batha Museum in Fez, Morocco. The building, which was originally a palace, was constructed at the end of the 19th century. The floor of the courtyard is comprised of zillij that is configured into the khatim shape around the fountain...... 284

Figure 145 Author’s photograph taken on September 9, 2006 of the Batha Museum in Fez, Morocco. The museum houses a range of craft production items including pottery and textiles...... 284

Figure 146 Author’s image from a video clip completed in 2002 at the Artisanat De Fes workshop. The artist is creating a chiseled ceramic tile piece...... 287

Figure 147 Author’s still image from a video clip completed in January of 2002 at the Artisanat De Fes workshop. The enlarged image shows the artist creating a chiseled ceramic tile piece...... 288

Figure 148 Author’s photograph taken on September 11, 2006 of medina gateway in Fez. The gateway is embellished with green glazed cut tile work similar to the tiles in Fig. 147...... 288

Figure 149 Author’s image from a video clip completed in the ceramic workshop, Artisanat De Fes in January of 2002. Image depicts chisel work created on a plate and follows a similar design found in zillij (for an example, see Figs. 17, 19, 20, and 144)...... 289

Figure 150 Author’s vase acquired in the ceramic workshop, Artisanat De Fes in 2002. Image depicts chisel work created on a plate and follows a similar design found in zillij...... 289

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Figure 151 Author’s photograph taken in the pottery quarter in Fez, Morocco on September 11, 2006. See Appendix I for additional information...... 291

Figure 152 Author’s tile plaque created using zillij methods acquired in Fez, Morocco in July of 2004. This particular tile piece was fashioned after a tourist postcard. The shop also had a zillij plaque that was a replica of an orientalist postcard. The artist in the shop also made “traditional” zillij work, but communicated to me that his passion was making the works shown in this illustration...... 292

Figure 153 Author’s photograph taken in the pottery quarter of Fes on September 11, 2006. The female artist is applying underglaze to the ceramic objects prior to their second firing...... 293

Figure 154 Author’s photograph of untitled painting by Khadija Tnana created in 1997 acquired by the author. The image is signed by the artist and dated in the left hand corner. The painting is 9 ½ x 13 ½ wide...... 295

Figure 155 Author’s photograph of Khadija Tnana’s studio taken on September 1, 2006...... 297

Figure 156 Author’s photograph of Khadija Tnana’s studio taken on September 1, 2006. The artist made of point in noting that she painted figurative works of art (as shown above) and that these were displayed within Morocco. This is a significant point because a common misconception is that the Koran forbids the use of figures and hence, figurative imagery is not created by artists within Muslim countries (see Literature Review, Defining Islamic Art)...... 297

Figure 157 Author’s photograph of Khadija Tnana’s studio and untitled painting taken on September 1, 2008...... 300

Figure 158 Author’s photograph of Khadija Tnana’s inspiration for the painting in Figure 147. The artist and her sister are the two young girls in the front row on the right. Her mother is standing to their left...... 301

Figure 159 Author’s photograph taken in the desert during first journey to Morocco in January of 2002. The image is of the author wearing a blue turban and standing amongst a caravan of camels that we had ridden into the Sahara. As Shaheen (2001) points out in his book Reel Bad : How Hollywood Vilifies a People, images of Arabs in popular culture include camels, desert scenes, and turbaned individuals. Many of these images do not reflect the contemporary reality of Arab societies ...... 333

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Figure 160 Author’s photograph taken in August of 2006 of a popular tourist location where picturesque views of port and the Straits of can be taken. Instead of presenting the view often taken by tourists, I have shifted my camera back to the ledge where individuals stand to frame their photographs. My image goes beyond the boundaries of the picturesque view to reveal what is often hidden. This image begins to illustrate the realities that exist in the country (i.e. poverty, pollution) and provides a subtle commentary on the nature of the tourist industry and the artists who depict Tangier...... 334

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CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Brief Introduction to the Kingdom of Morocco

Throughout the centuries, Morocco has served as a crossroads for trade with

multiple powers entering and occupying the country. Today, visual remnants of these

past occupations remain in Morocco. From the Roman ruins of to the

Portuguese ramparts of Asilah, Morocco’s landscape is dotted with reminders of its

complex past. Although Morocco gained its independence from French colonial

powers in 1956, Morocco’s colonial history perhaps retains the most prominent

presence within the country through language, education, and urban planning.

Since Morocco’s independence a myriad of changes have ensued. In 1961 the

monarch who led the country to independence, King Mohammed V, died

unexpectedly. The responsibility for unifying the country rested on Mohammed’s son

Hassan II. He reigned from 1961 – 1999. According to Pennell (2000) a series of constitutions were established, but the palace “closely controlled” political life and

dissent was silenced by the government (p.319). After Hassan’s death in 1999, his son

Mohammed VI ascended to the throne at the age of 35 (Pennell, 2000). According to

1

materials published in English, Mohammed VI has made a commitment to human-

rights issues in an effort to make reparations for his father’s somewhat dictatorial rule

(Spencer, 2003).

Today the Kingdom of Morocco is composed of 30,646,000 with 47% of its

population living in rural areas and 53% living in urban settings (Spencer, 2003). In terms of education and employment, the adult literacy rate is 43.7% and the unemployment rate is 23%. According to Spencer (2003), the countries ethnic makeup consists primarily of people of Arab decent (64%) while the indigenous population, the represents approximately 35% of the population. The remaining 1% represents non-. Approximately 99% of the population is

Sunni Muslim and 1% is Christian and Jewish (Spencer, 2003). Today, Arabic,

French, and various Berber dialects are the major . The cultural identity of each Moroccan resident is based on these intermingling elements: language, religion, class, ethnicity, and geographical location. As a result, a range of contemporary artistic forms can be found within Morocco that mirrors each artist’s complex background.

Morocco’s Contemporary Artistic Practices

Over the last several decades a number of scholarly articles and books have been published on Moroccan art forms. However, these works have concentrated on

Moroccan arts and crafts, or in other words, “contemporary traditional” works, a term that Kasfir (1999) defines in her survey book on as those art forms that can be categorized as “older kinds of artistic practices that have 2 weathered colonialism and still exist today” (p. 9). Art forms under Kasfir’s definition include pottery, metalwork, and textiles. The artisans in these studies remain anonymous, but collectively their artwork has achieved an iconic status as representing the art and (Leuthold, 1998). Even among some scholars, Morocco’s contemporary traditional art forms are treated as if they are authentic art forms that have failed to change and evolve over time. James Jereb

(1995), author of Arts and Crafts of Morocco, states:

Unlike other parts of the world, where indigenous, or at least the earliest-known, traditions have long since disappeared, Morocco’s arts and crafts have kept their identity for thousands of years and retain it to this day. (p. 8) Jereb’s statement asserts that art forms within Morocco have remained static. Jereb’s assertion extends beyond the discipline of art history. Remnants of this idea that art forms remain static over time exist within some spheres of art education.

Lessons Focusing on Non-western Art Forms

Within the field of art education, “traditional” works of art (i.e. pottery, mosaics, metalwork, textiles) have become the central focus of additive multicultural lessons (see for example, Brommer, 1997; Herberholz, 2002; Scholastic, 2005;

Bloom, 1994; Gomez, 1992). While in academia art education pedagogy has moved forward to Visual Culture Education with an interdisciplinary, thematic approach, my personal experiences as both a former K-12 classroom teacher and now as a university supervisor of student teachers, has identified the continued utilization of antiquated multicultural curriculum models. The continued creation of “bastardized forms” (Stuhr, 1995, p.197) of cultural objects continues to be supported today 3

through published materials and presentations at both state and national art education

conventions (see for example, NAEA, 2007). This emphasis on too narrowly selected

art forms is also mirrored in some western encyclopedic art collections and

corresponding museum catalogues (Montebello, 1994; Lipshultz, 1988; Babbitt,

1995).

Numerous scholarly discourses have critically examined the western practice

of acquiring, displaying, and writing about various objects from distant lands (Hein,

2000; Wallace, 1998; Grewal, 1999; Price, 1989; Nakamura, 1998; Smith, 1999;

Mitchell, 1998; Alloula, 1998; Comaroff, 1992; Clifford, 1988; Hooper-Greenhill,

1992). For centuries, objects from around the world have been “discovered, seized,

commoditized, stripped of their social ties, redefined in new settings, and reconceptualized to fit the economic, cultural, political, and ideological needs of

people from distant societies” (Price,1989, p. 5). These “authentic” objects, once only

viewed as objects of curiosities within glass encased museum displays, are now

attainable by western consumers.

In the 21st century, the low cost of air travel has made many regions of the

world accessible and in turn, the ease of acquiring “exotic” objects has increased. For

those individuals who cannot travel to distant lands, these objects are readily found in

trendy, “ethnic” stores such as Pier 1, World Market, and Ten Thousand Villages.

Specifically, design elements from Morocco have been appropriated, reinterpreted,

and mass produced on everything from towels to headboards through catalogs such as

west elm (fall 2005) and Pottery Barn. Through educational catalogues such as

Crizmac, every teacher has the opportunity to acquire objects from around the world. 4

Corresponding exotic images come to life through a variety of forms: educational

videos, photographs, movies, and television programming (Price, 1989; see for

example, Blick, 2007; Crizmac, 2005).

Conceptual framework for the research

My study seeks to defamilarize dominant non-western art history canons and prevailing perceptions of North African Arab cultures within educational institutions through an investigation of contemporary artistic practices within Morocco. Using primarily ethnographic research methods, contemporary works have been “read” in a cultural and social context to illuminate the complexities of a culture and the implausibility of defining rigid artistic characteristics related to any one region of the world.

Through my ethnographic studies within North , and more specifically

Morocco, my reading of contemporary art forms has been informed by the contextual information that I have gathered since 2001. Scholes asserts “that as we read a picture, we bring more and more information from our other readings, from our experiences of art, and from our lives to bear upon this process” (p. 2). My study draws upon these fieldwork experiences and utilizes postmodernist theories and critical theories (i.e. Barthes, 1964; Scholes, 1989; Geertz, 1973; Hobsbawm, 1983;

Said, 1978; Bhabha, 1994; Jameson, 1991; hooks, 1998; Rifkin, 2000; Clifford, 1988;

Smith, 1999) as a conceptual framework to examine contemporary art forms produced within Morocco.

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Flax asserts that postmodern discourses “seek to distance us from and make us

skeptical about beliefs concerning truth, knowledge, power, the self, and language that are often taken for granted within and serve as legitimation for contemporary

Western culture” (Flax, 1991, p. 41, cited in Merriam, 2002). My study utilizes deconstruction and pluralism as key approaches. Within my study images are approached as signs that have meanings within the society that created them (Scholes,

1989; Smith-Shank, 2004). Through deconstruction my study examines the visual and verbal signs that emerge from these works and analyzes how theses signs relate to one another to create meaning. The reading of these signs provides a deeper understanding of the works and seeks to defamilarize dominant art history canons employed within educational institutions (Scholes, 1989).

Pluralism and the inclusion of multiple voices, is an integral part of the reading of each work of art. How different audiences interpret these signs and how the makers interpret their work is included within my study when possible.

Specifically, multiple voices are presented within this study to create “layers of various kinds of information” (Lather & Smithies, 1997, p. 16). Utilizing Lather and

Smithies’ (1997) postmodern text as a model, interviews, field notes, journal entries, historical research, and images will be layered for the reader (Merriam, 2002). Lather

& Smithies (1997) assert that the inclusion of many voices offers “various levels of knowing and thinking through which a reader can make their own sense” of the information presented (p. 15).

Additionally, my study utilizes critical theories to inform my analysis of current visual and written representations of Moroccan art and non-western art in

6 general, to reveal conflicting discourses, and underlying erasures exposed through the process of deconstruction. My study critiques the effects of colonialism on contemporary artistic practices and challenges the current distribution of power that exists (Merriam, 2002). Freire (2005) states: “the invaders mold: those they invade are molded” (p. 152). Today as an independent country, Morocco continues to create its identity through a colonizers lens by recreating an exotic image of its country and its residents (see for example, Cheggour, 2002; Ross et al., 2002; Amine et al., 2006).

Clifford (1998) asserts that the system of collecting needs to be seen as a

“form of Western subjectivity and a changing set of powerful institutional practices”

(p. 61) Clifford explains that objects from non-Western sources have been collected and classified into two major categories – scientific cultural artifacts and aesthetic works of art. Based on Greimas’s semiotic square and the work of Jameson, Clifford discusses four semantic zones that illustrate how objects are valued and how these values can shift. He discusses how “anthropological culture collectors” have gathered what appear to be traditional forms. He asserts that what is “historical in an emergent sense” is less often collected and presented into a “system of authenticity” (p. 67).

Clifford (1998), cautions collectors of art and culture by writing:

To tell these other stories, local histories of cultural survival and emergence, we need to resist deep-seated habits of mind and systems of authenticity. We need to be suspicious of an almost-automatic tendency to relegate non- Western peoples and objects to the pasts of an increasingly homogeneous humanity. (Clifford, p. 74)

For these reasons, the selection and examination of artistic practices within Morocco will concentrate on contemporary works that reflect the complexities of this post- colonial society. Moroccan informants, whose voices are often missing, will be

7

utilized as participants in order to move beyond the narratives of the dominant

majority (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003).

Primary Research Questions

My study centers on two primary questions: What is the range of

contemporary works currently being produced by Moroccan artists? How can this

information contribute to the scholarship on non-western art and visual culture in the

field of art education? Several sub-questions can be derived from these primary

questions that may provide further insight. These questions are derived from Rose’s work exploring the meanings of visual images and center on three sites at which the meanings of images are made: site of production, site of the image itself, and the site of its audiencing (Rose, 2001, p. 188). The work of Jacques Derrida (1976) and educational researcher Julie Kaomea (2003) provide the framework for question nine.

1. What recurrent themes and genres emerge from the examination of

contemporary Moroccan works?

2. Is there a connection between the growth of specific themes and historical

developments?

3. Is there a relationship between the production of specific images (who made

it, where it was made, how it was made) and specific themes or genres?

4. How are these themes or genres interpreted by the makers?

5. What visual signs and symbols emerge from these contemporary works?

• What do these different visual components of the image signify?

• How do different audiences interpret these signs?

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• How do the makers interpret their work?

6. What verbal and textual signs emerge from these contemporary works?

• What do these different textual components signify?

• How do different audiences interpret these textual elements?

• How do the makers interpret their work?

7. How do these visual signs and verbal signs relate to one another to create

meaning?

8. What antecedent concepts do these signs reveal when the works are placed

within an historical and cultural context?

• How do the makers interpret their own work within an historical and

cultural context?

• How is “cotemporary” and “traditional” being defined by the makers?

9. Do these deconstructed contemporary works reveal underlying erasures and

do they defamilarize dominant art history canons employed within educational

institutions? If so, how can these works of art inform discussions of non-

western art forms within art classrooms?

Significance of the Study

A. Relevance or Significance of my Study to the Field of Art Education

Through my lived experiences as a public school and private school art

teacher, as a museum educator, as a university supervisor of student teachers, and as an observer and participant in professional art education conferences, I have informally noted that the objects and works of art that are selected within curriculum 9

guides is often problematic. Scholars Efland, Freedman, and Stuhr (1996) support this

assertion. In their NAEA publication, Postmodern Art Education: An Approach to

Curriculum (1996), they assert that “the practice of relegating Asian art and African

art to a few pages in the back of the art history survey text is an obvious way of

asserting the dominance of European and American art over non-Western artistic

traditions” ( p. 98).

In addition to relegating information about non-western art forms to a few

pages, texts published for art educators fail to provide contemporary information

about the non-western world. Textbooks such as Discovering Art History by Davis

Publications written by Brommer (1997) follow a western canon that positions the

artwork of non-western groups as isolated entities.1 The texts rely on terms such as

“Islamic Art” or “African Art” to encompass vast regions over multiple centuries (see

Brommer, 1997). Works that are explored center on ancient forms or “traditions” that are deemed as representing the entire population of Africa. This continued positioning of non-western artistic production in the past fails to reflect the realities of contemporary society. Roger Clark (1996), author of Art Education: Issues in

Postmodernist Pedagogy, states: “If we truly believe that art mirrors reality, it is important that the reality we construct be as diverse as the society in which we live”

(p. 66). As a result, I believe that it is important to provide educators with the tools to incorporate varied social and cultural content that represents the diversity of our society.

1 Through my observations as a Supervisor of Student Teachers, these textbooks (i.e. Brommer, 1997) are still utilized by art educators within our school systems. In addition, informal observations at both state and national conferences illustrate that textbooks, such as Brommer’s (1997), are still published and marketed to art educators. 10

I believe that postmodernist theories and multicultural concepts provide the tools for educators to create meaningful units of instruction by promoting critical dialogues that relate to the students’ lives. My study of contemporary Moroccan art and culture will be written from a postmodern perspective. Broadly speaking, my study thus serves as a model for educators in the deconstruction of non-western works of art within a social and cultural context as well as specifically providing information about an underrepresented group of artists.

Defining Postmodernism

Concretely defining the term postmodern is complex as numerous definitions and interpretations exist (see for example, Jameson, 1991; Rifkin, 2000; Rorty, 1989;

Linn, R. Gubrium & Holstein, 2003; Clark, 1996; Denzin & Lincoln, 2003; Crotty,

2003; Efland et al., 1996; Freedman, 2003). Attempting to discuss the term

“postmodern” is important because it clarifies my assertion that postmodernist theories and multicultural concepts provide the tools for educators to create meaningful units of instruction.

In broadly looking at the postmodern world Rifkin (2000) asserts that stories and performances have become more important than facts and figures. It is now an age of semiotics in which the study of signs and signifiers allows the viewer of a work to examine multiple layers of meaning. The idea of a fixed and knowable reality is rejected and grand narratives are replaced with multiple perspectives (Rifkin,

2000). Now, the postmodern individual is more interested in “entertaining experiences” (Rifkin, 2000, p. 186).

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Jameson (1991) illustrates the concept of postmodernism through the use of

visual examples, primarily architecture. Postmodern buildings that dot our visual

landscape provide perhaps the most visible representation of the imitation or collage

of styles that is characterized by postmodernism (Jameson, 1991). Jameson (1991)

asserts, “the producers of culture have nowhere to turn but to the past: the imitation of

dead styles, speech through all the masks and voices stored up in the imaginary

museum of now global culture” (p. 202).

These outward visual changes are expressions of the “cultural shifts” taking

place with our society (Efland et al., 1996). Efland, Freedman, and Stuhr (1996)

assert that the postmodern artist “often appropriates motifs and inserts them into new

works in order to comment on the deep and serious complexities of the contemporary

world” (p. 12).

Visual changes are also identifiable within contemporary Moroccan art as artists grapple with issues of identity within a post-colonial Muslim society. For example, Moroccan artists such as Farid Belkahia (b. 1934) incorporate signs and symbols from indigenous art forms and reject western materials (i.e. oil and canvas)

for natural dyes and animal hides. Moroccan artist Mournir Fatmi (b. 1970), creates films centering on identity and the effects of colonization and globalization. In contrast to Fatmi’s work, Benohoud (b. 1968) uses photography as a means to explore

his personal identity as a Moroccan artist working in .

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Postmodernist Pedagogy in Art Education

Describing a postmodern perspective within the field of art education is equally complex as generally defining the term postmodern (see for example, Clark,

1996; Efland et al., 1996; Freedman, 2003). By including multiple perspectives and even disparate voices within my research design my study follows a broadly defined postmodernist perspective. Specifically, my study utilizes the narratives of the artists

I collected within my writing and also includes the perspectives of gallery owners, museum curators, Moroccan residents, and my own voice to provide rich contextual information about contemporary Moroccan art and culture. No interpretation or voice will be “privileged as the truth” (Efland et al., 1996, p.91). My inclusion of multiple voices within my research will illustrate that culture and cultural identities are not wholly unified despite how they are often presented in our antiquated curriculum texts. Freedman (1996) asserts: “any particular culture is a combination of others, with its resulting contradictions and incongruities” (p. 110).

A myriad of images are presented within my research study (i.e. fine art, media images, tourist art) and each work is critically examined in a non-hierarchal manner. The critical examination of these images evokes dialogues about power and knowledge and thus follows a postmodernist perspective (Foucault, 2000). Within my study curriculum texts such as Discovering Art History (Brommer, 1997) are used as a backdrop to discuss the ways in which texts currently present non-western works of art. Some of these texts are problematic because they follow a dominant western canon which relegates the artwork of non-western groups to a few generalized pages

13

(Efland et al., 1996). These curriculum texts problematically shape our students understanding of the world and perpetuate positions of dominance (Freedman, 1996).

I believe that by providing contextual information about Morocco, the artists I interview and their work, my study follows a postmodernist perspective. Clark’s

(1996) writing supports this assertion. In discussing postmodernist pedagogy in the field of art education, Clark (1996), states that within art there is a shift from focusing on form towards “issues of content” (p. 2). Artistic meaning is viewed as a “socially constructed entity, requiring the viewer to look beyond the formalist compositional qualities of a work” (p. 2). Through my examination of Moroccan art and more specifically, my employment of artists’ voices, I hope to illustrate that images are

“deep with cultural meaning” (Freedman, 1996, p. 97).

While my research is narrowly constructed around Moroccan art, my presentation of complex imagery evokes critical dialogue about the current representation of underrepresented groups. Broadly speaking, through my research on Moroccan art and culture, I feel that my study provides educators with a concrete example of the complexity of culture and thus illuminates the problematic aspects of multicultural pre-packaged guides and art history textbooks that follow a western canon. I believe that generalizations exist within prepackaged guides and art history textbooks that perpetuate misunderstandings about cultural groups and promote binary systems. The use of these generalized lessons perpetuates the creation of works that mimic cultural objects (Stuhr, 1995). In addition to utilizing postmodern theories to construct my research design, multicultural concepts will illuminate the

14 power relationships that have emerged from my data and will provide a framework for addressing the reproduction of cultural objects within art education classrooms.

Multicultural Concepts in Art Education

Efland, Freedman, and Stuhr (1996), assert that postmodernist theories are often linked with multicultural concepts. Discussions of knowledge and power are central to postmodernist theories and also emerge within multiculturalism discourses.

In defining the term ‘multiculturalism,’ Dhillon (2005) asserts that we need to

“acknowledge that power relations, social and historical as obtained through the institutions of slavery and colonialism, for example shape our engagement with other cultures and even our own” (p.88).

My data has revealed continued power relations between gallery owners and artists. Interviews have uncovered gallery owners sponsoring predominantly poor, rural residents to create a “primitive” style of painting. The words “primitive” and

“naïve’ continue to be utilized. In fact, exhibitions and prizes for the best primitive works have been established. Titles of prize certificates that I recorded during my interviews with artists included: Prix Suisse et prix Europe de peinture primitive moderne (generally translated as: Suisse and Europe Prize of Modern Primitive

Painting), Categorie Art brut, singulier et insolite (translated as: Art Category - Raw or Crude, Singular, Unusual). Freedman (1996) asserts that from a postmodern perspective, the specific uses of categories such as primitive art “marginalizes less dominant groups and enables them to be seen as part of a hierarchy culminating with

15

western fine art” (p. 13). Critically examining the power relations that exist within

Morocco is an important part of my research.

Examining fine art images, tourist art, advertising and media images from a postcolonial culture calls for a critical analysis of changing power relationships. For example, tourism posters and postcards produced during the French colonial period of

Morocco (1912-1956) reveal women dressed in richly adorned costumes posed in

odalisque poses and surrounded by props to recreate for the viewer an exotic, distant

land. A critical examination of print media produced and distributed by the French

challenges students to critically examine how these images shape our perception of a

society. The juxtaposition of post-colonial images, such as current tourist paintings

and tourist postcards, with French created colonial images requires students to

evaluate and reflect on current portrayals of Moroccan citizens. An examination of

American popular culture and the portrayal of individuals of Arab descent within our

media can extend this discussion and connect to the lives of students. Freedman and

Stuhr (2004) assert that:

When students are allowed to investigate the range of visual culture with the guidance of a teacher, they can actively discover complex meaning, multiple connections, and enriched possibilities for creation and critique. Art classrooms should be conceptualized as multitasking arenas where images and objects cross over and are produced and discussed to lead students and teachers through the investigation of ideas, issues, opinions, and conflicts. (p. 826)

Based on my interactions with educators, creating these multitasking arenas

and allowing students to openly investigate complex issues seems to present

hurtles for some teachers. The “banking concept” of education in which the

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teacher is the depositor and the students are the passive depositories or

receptacles is still firmly rooted within our educational systems (Friere, 2005).

B. Relevance of Examining Morocco’s Art Forms to the Field of Art Education

Some western scholarship calls for a reconstruction of art education to

include multiple narratives from “many diverse art worlds and sociocultural groups in opposition to the modernist approach with its one metanarrative or its one paramount art world” (Efland et al., 1996, p. 88). I believe that Morocco’s contemporary art world and its artists are underrepresented.

In relation to the field of art education, my research work should not be used in isolation. I believe that art educators should integrate “many diverse art worlds” into their curriculum and my data provides one source of information

(Efland et al., 1996, p. 88). I believe that my examination of contemporary art specifically within Morocco is important for several reasons.

First, although studies on Moroccan arts and crafts are numerous, western scholars often overlook contemporary production. As a result of this omission,

Moroccan art is consistently represented as static. In addition, interpretations of the art and culture of Morocco remain rooted in the visual imagery of the country from the late 19th century and early 20th century through western depictions. The Brunei

Gallery’s 2003 exhibition titled Beyond the Myth: An Examination of Contemporary

Moroccan Art addresses this omission, stating that: “the lingering image of Morocco is still one of exotic , camels and Kasbah: a leftover of 19th century Orientalist

paintings” (Belhassan, Fullerton, & Slaoui, 2003, p. 9). I can support this assertion

17

through my own research, as a plethora of orientalist images are still replicated,

reinterpreted, and sold to a western market throughout Morocco and other regions of

North Africa.

Secondly, when contemporary art is discussed, the artists’ works are not examined within a historical and cultural framework. Currently, only a few exhibition catalogues and books exist and many of these are not written in English. In addition, the publications tend to be written for a general reading audience and not for the art educator. Specifically, this means the authors utilize a general survey approach by presenting basic biographical information about a number of artists and one or two images that “represent” their work. Generally, these publications, such as

Sijelmassi’s (1989) L’ Art Contemporain Au Maroc, are devoid of contextual

information and an emphasis is placed on the formalistic qualities of the work. This

approach emphasizes form over content and does not provide educators with the

information needed to address current social and cultural issues. Also, the works of

contemporary artists within Morocco and are analyzed through a

western modernist lens. Specifically, separations are made between “high” - “low”

art, and works are categorized based on stylistic properties. These imposed

categorizations have been a point of contention for current artists. Contemporary

artists from Morocco have raised numerous concerns centering on “western versus

non-western sensibilities” and the divisions placed between “mainstream and

marginalized art.” Additional concerns center on being “pigeonholed by the West to

fit an Arab-Muslim entity” (Brunei, p. 9).

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Third, my research begins to provide educators with contemporary information on artists within North Africa. Current multicultural curriculums and some art history texts decontextualized non-western objects and utilize a modernist lens to analyze the works (Efland et al., 1996). My dissertation research will examine the work of each artist within an historical and cultural framework using information acquired through artists’ interviews and ethnographic research.

C. Helping Pre-service and Practicing Art Teachers

After working with student teachers for several years, I have noted that a number of pre-service teachers are employing concepts from visual culture education and multicultural education. Specifically, I have observed student teachers begin to eliminate separations between “high” art and “low” art and incorporate critical discussions of a range of images which has included advertising. I have also observed student teachers incorporate big ideas or themes centering on issues such as identity.

Yet, the examples employed to facilitate these discussions are still narrowly constructed to only consider western images and western art works. On occasion, some students have worked to incorporate discussions about other cultures into their units of instruction, but interestingly the images that are utilized often do not reflect the contemporary realities of the society they are introducing.

Licensed practicing teachers have also expressed their hesitation in incorporating non-western imagery. During my NAEA 2006 presentation regarding on-line resources a teacher commented that she would like to use non-western imagery within her curriculum, but she continues to have difficulties finding 19

contextual information about the artwork and the artists. Acquiring contextual

information is essential and the “context of production must be taken into account” in order to critically discuss an artwork (Freedman, 2003, p. 88). However, finding a solution to the lack of information on North African artists is not easily remedied.

Additional scholarship that is accessible to educators and students is required.

Furthermore, western modernist interpretations of these works need to be countered with multiple perspectives which includes the voice of the maker.

Fostering a critical dialogue amongst pre-service and practicing art educators about current pre-packaged curriculum texts is vital. Providing a forum for discussion is key to moving teachers away from make and take projects that trivializes the production of objects by various sociocultural groups (Stuhr, 1995). My research study of contemporary artistic practices in Morocco serves as a catalyst for this discussion.

My research on contemporary Moroccan art forms has been presented at state and national art education conferences and has informed my construction of this dissertation. Through discussions with educators it has become evident that teachers seek concrete information in a manageable form to meet the demands of their position as a K-12 art educator. As a result, I created a website that was student friendly to provide both educators and students with information about my research.2 Scholars

such as James Miller (1994) have published ethnographic research studies for

educators via the web. Miller’s site, Images of Daily Life in Morocco (1994), served

as a beginning model.

2 Note: The beginning framework for this website was published on the web, but it is currently being revised based on this dissertation. 20

The organization of this material is an emergent design that extends beyond my dissertation. Freedman’s (2003) text on Teaching Visual Culture offers insight

into how I could organize my data in a manner that aligns with current art education

pedagogy. For example, Freedman’s (2003) organizers of identity and mediation (i.e.

people tell stories through art), are useful categories of inquiry to evoke discussions

about the work produced by Moroccan artists. Additional contextual images are

utilized in my initial website to engage students in critical discussions about the

construction of identities through the media.

In Freedman’s (1996) text, Teaching Visual Culture: Curriculum, Aesthetics and the Social Life of Art, the author poses the question: “How can teachers learn more about artists and cultures that are underrepresented in present curricula?” (p.16)

My research begins to provide educators with contemporary information specifically pertaining to Moroccan art and culture, through a postmodernist perspective that utilizes multiple voices. Broadly speaking, my study serves as a concrete model for educators in the deconstruction of non-western works of art within a social and cultural context as well as providing information about an underrepresented group of artists.

Organization of Dissertation Findings

My dissertation findings are organized in a sequential format following my

2006 fieldwork trip. Four main sections have been created centering on the cities of

Fès, Essaouira, Tangier, and the neighboring city of Asilah. These cities were the

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primary sites for my study. The cities of Casablanca and Rabat were utilized as

secondary sites and a brief discussion of my findings are presented.

Each section of my findings chapter is delineated by geographical location

with subheadings discussing first, the history of the area followed by my research on

the contemporary artistic practices of the region. A brief history of each geographical area is presented as one form of contextual information to enrich the readers understanding of the artwork produced in each location. Geographical information was attained through scholarly sources and is juxtaposed with text from tourist guides produced both in the western world and in Morocco. Within my discussion of artistic practices, I address the relationship between tourism and artistic production.

The development of the format used in this chapter was based on readings

completed in both art education and anthropology. In anthropology, Rabinow’s

(1977) work, Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco, became a beginning influence in

my study in terms of presenting my fieldwork and interactions with participants in a narrative format. Following Rabinow’s narrative model, my personal journal entries from my fieldwork conducted in 2006 are interwoven throughout my findings.

In contrast to Rabinow’s work, my narrative entries are at times personal in

nature and stand in juxtaposition with my research findings drawn from both

interviews and contemporary scholarship. In the essay “The Ambiguities of

Fieldwork,” Roslie Wax (1971) asserts:

It is very difficult to appreciate and understand what goes on in another culture in the terms of the people who live in that culture. It is even more difficult to understand and describe what goes on in a field situation, because many of the most important things that occur are not explicable in terms of the meanings, concepts, or definitions of either culture. (p. 42) 22

Throughout my fieldwork my journal became a tool to describe my field situation and

the personal side of my work (Spradley, 1980). At times, my writings were

“emotional reflections” which revealed my reflexive thoughts about the struggles of

conducting fieldwork (Ellis & Berger, 2003, p. 162). This introspective writing was

used as a “tool” as Spradley (1980) states “to understand new situations and to gain

skill at following cultural rules” (p. 57). My personal writings are presented as they

were written during my research and are included within my dissertation in block

segments indicating my location, date, and on occasion, the time of day. My journal

entries are for the most part, presented in their raw form and are included within my

findings to “add context and layers to the story being told” about contemporary

Moroccan art and culture (Ellis & Berger, 2003, p. 162).

In addition to my journal entries (i.e. my personal writings), my fieldwork journal included descriptive notations. These notations specifically detailed sights, sounds, and smells that can sometimes be taken for granted by others (Spradley,

1980). These descriptive writings have been extended and are also presented in this study in a narrative form. These writings follow a format similar to travel writing by their descriptive nature of the landscape and people I encountered. However in contrast to travel writing, which presents only an aesthetic narrative about a place, I

have inserted throughout my text a contrasting dialogue that asserts that my writing at

times, follows a colonial discourse. I wrote from “a privileged point of view” over

what I observed (Spurr, 2004, p. 15). Photographic images are used as a ‘writing’

extension of my journal entries and description notations are presented to enrich my

23 findings (O’Reilly, 2005). Collier & Collier’s (1986) shooting guide for acquiring a survey of urban areas is utlized as a general guide (see Appendix B).

As my research progressed I also drew from previous art educators who investigated artists and their work within a social and cultural context. The text

Multicultural Artworlds: Enduring, Evolving, and Overlapping Traditions (Erickson

& Young, 2002) also served as a beginning model for my format. Specifically,

Erickson & Young’s (2002) text presents artworks from multiple artworlds in a culturally sensitive manner by centering on cultural structures. These cultural structures include: people, places, activities, and ideas. During my fieldwork, “place” and “activities” emerged as important influences on artistic production. As my study will illustrate, cultural activities that were specific to the region appeared to emerge in works of art produced in the surrounding areas.

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CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction

My study on Moroccan art and culture has been influenced by literature from

six general areas. These areas include: history, art history, museum education, and

colonialism in relationship to art education, visual culture, and tourism. In this

chapter each area will be discussed separately.

The first section of this chapter is devoted to an introduction to the country of

Morocco, its people, and its history. This contextual information is important to this

study because it provides a beginning understanding of the cultural signs and symbols

utilized in some contemporary art forms produced in Morocco.

In this first section of my literature review, an emphasis has been placed on

Morocco’s history from the beginning of the 20th century to present-day. This emphasis on 20th and 21st century events provides relevant information that

illuminates certain artistic developments and practices in Morocco. Specifically, a

portion of this period represents the time in which Morocco was under the colonial

rule of the French (1912-1956). Based on my dissertation findings, it is my belief that

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this part of the country’s history played an important role in the alteration of several

art forms.

The second area that will be discussed in my literature review is the artistic

practices of Morocco. Drawing from art history sources three categories of art forms

will be discussed. These include: Berber Art, Islamic Art, and Contemporary Art.

This review will provide contextual information regarding these art historical

categories commonly utilized to classify and research Moroccan Art. My review of

literature on Berber and Islamic Art are relevant to my study because my findings will

illustrate that some contemporary artists make visual references to historical and

culturally based art forms.

The third area that my literature review examines is museum education. First, a general review of museums operating in Morocco will be presented. This will provide a beginning understanding of the status and the role of museums in Morocco.

This section will conclude with a discussion centering on collecting and issues of representation. The fourth and final area that I will present focuses on the effects of colonialism on art education, visual culture, and the tourist industry.

It must be stated that the scholarly sources available for the English reader are

limited.3 I have been boldly assaulted by this reality on more than one occasion.

Having stood both in libraries of major research institutions and teaching universities, my searches have often led to a personal confrontation with a sea of Arabic books

3 The Smithsonian Institution Libraries reading list on Modern African Art from Morocco, provides a beginning understanding of the limited scope of texts available for the English reader (see for example, http://www.sil.si.edu/SILPublications/ModernAfricanArt/maadetail.cfm?subCategory=Morocco, also refer to http://www.sil.si.edu/SILPublications/ModernAfricanArt/newmaa.cfm for a reading list on the broader topic of Modern African Art).

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lining the shelves. Amongst the library stacks one can find a spattering of texts

written in French and on occasion, an English text. The texts utilized in this review

have been acquired from sources primarily in Morocco. These sources have been

gathered from research libraries, museums, galleries, and from Al-Akhawayn

University in , Morocco. At the time of my studies at Al-Akhawayn Unversity

in 2004, Pennell’s (2000) book on Morocco’s history and Ettinghausen, Grabar, &

Jenkins-Madina’s (2001) book on Islamic art were texts used by the faculty. These texts have been used as a source.

For those readers who are scholars of Morocco’s history, its peoples, or its art forms, my potential omissions or errors are unintentional. These possible inadvertencies are merely a product of my inability to master the Arabic language. It is my hope that the information provided will give the general reader, including K-12 educators, a spectrum of information that will foster further inquiry.

A Brief Description of Morocco and its Peoples

Morocco is identified by scholars (Jereb, 1995; Ellyas, 2001; Pennell; 2000;

Mojuetan, 1995; Burke III, 1976) and by travel publications (Hardy, et.al., 2005) as

the . The term Maghreb carries with it slightly different meanings.

“Morocco” transferred into Arabic appears as al-Maghreb in Arabic/English dictionaries and is utilized by language instructors to identify the country (personal communication with instructors at Al Akhawyn University, 2002; University of

Chicago, 2005; also see Gaafar & Wightwick, 2004). Scholars such as Jereb (1995),

Ellyas (2001), and Pennell (2000), use the term historically to refer to Morocco’s

27

geographical location as the ‘land farthest west.’ Specifically, Morocco is the land in

the westernmost part of the Islamic world. Throughout history, the term al-Maghreb

has been, and still is used as blanket term to denote the countries situated in the

northern portion of Africa. This broad reference to North Africa was originally made by classical Arab geographers (Ellyas, 2001; Burke III, 1976; Jereb, 1995). The countries included in this North African grouping vary and may include: Morocco,

Tunisia, , , and (Jereb, 1995; Ellyas, 2001; Pennell; 2000).

Unless otherwise denoted, I will use the word Maghreb as a blanket term to identify the countries situated in Northern African (e.g. Morocco, , Libya, Algeria, and

Mauritania). I will not use the term to refer solely to Morocco.

Stated by Ellyas (2001), the Maghrib consists of more than 75 million

inhabitants. Situated between the Mediterranean and the Sahara desert, Morocco and

Algeria are the most populated Maghreb countries. Today the Kingdom of Morocco

is composed of 30,646,000 million people with 47% of its population living in rural

areas (Spencer, 2003). According to Spencer (2003), the country’s ethnic makeup

consists primarily of people of Arab decent making up 64% of the population. The

indigenous population, the Berbers, represents approximately 35% of the population.

These percentages vary in the literature. For example, Chaker (1998) as quoted in

Becker (2006), asserts that the Berbers account for 40-60% of the Morocco’s

population.4

According to Becker (2006), the Berbers identify themselves as the

indigenous population of the northern regions of Africa and form a significant portion

4 Chaker (1998) as quoted in Becker (2006), also stated that the population of Morocco was 31 million which is relatively close to Spencer’s statistics. 28

of the population in Libya, Algeria, and Morocco. Scholars such as Becker (2006),

assert that the Berbers see themselves as distinct from the Arabs not only

linguistically, but also ethnically and culturally. However, over the centuries the

Berbers have undergone an arabisation with some Berbers learning the Arab language

and assimilating into the culture (Mojuetan, 1995; Becker, 2006).

Morocco’s History: The Protectorate of Morocco (1912-1956)

The Treaty of Fez, that is, the treaty of the protectorate, was signed on March

13, 1912. During this period in history controlled three North African

countries: Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia. According to Pennell (2000) the treaty was

an “ill-defined outline of indirect rule” (p. 158). Marshal Herbert Lyautey was

appointed the first Resident-General of Morocco. Pennell (2000) asserts that the title of Resident-General was an indication of the “ambiguous nature” of the protectorate institution (p. 156). While the title symbolized the nature of Morocco’s rule, Pennell

(2000) writes that Lyautey was not merely a resident as the title suggests. Lyautey was trained as a soldier and Morocco was conquered.

According to Pennell (2000) and Scham (1970) general French colonial policy

had shifted since it colonization of Algeria in 1830. When Morocco was conquered,

assimilation practices were not the objective. Instead policy shifted to what Pennell

(2000) identifies as association. Lyautey believed that “a colony should be

administered for itself, not for metropolitan France” (Scham, 1970, p. 17). In other

words, the French army controlled Morocco and previous institutions remained while

local leaders were accommodated and pacified (Scham, 1970).

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The changes that took place during the Protectorate were numerous. Vast

projects, such as roads, ports, and railways were built. My cursory investigation into

these specific changes revealed a sentiment of gratitude. In a 1931 speech to Lyautey,

monarch Mohammed V praises the Frenchman for the number of highways and

buildings (i.e. hospitals, schools) that were built.5 Scham (1970) address three areas of change within Morocco during the Protectorate. These areas include: government, property, and education. Each of these areas will be very briefly highlighted.

The Protectorate established a French governmental system within Morocco.

Prior to the protectorate the government was controlled by the , who was both a secular and ecclesiastical ruler. The Sultan did delegate vizirs which according to

Scham (1970) were utilized to execute the decisions. During the Protectorate,

French administrators deleted nearly the entire governmental structure of the

Moroccan empire. Scham (1970) asserts that Lyautey, despite his rhetoric about cooperation, did not want Moroccan peoples involved in the government.

Changes also took place during the Protectorate regarding property rights.

Scham (1970) asserts that a system of land and property registration was implemented. Specifically, tribal properties were divided and utilized by the

Protectorate for new construction projects. During the Protectorate transformations additionally ensued within Morocco’s educational system.

Prior to the Protectorate education was localized in terms of financing and control (Scham, 1970). No centralized educational authority existed and a budget for

5 Wharton (1920) provides detailed commerce comparative tables, and information on the numbers of roads and schools that were built during the early years of the Protectorate. However, these complied numbers were not clearly cited. 30

education did not exist. According to Scham (1970) prior to the Protectorate schools

were based on the Koran and were for boys only. Few students reached secondary

school. During the Protectorate a French school system was established in which

primary schools, secondary schools, and technical schools were developed. Wharton

(1920) provides comparative data on education within Morocco in her book, The

Travellers’ Library in Morocco. The source of her data is not cited, but is as follows:

total number of schools in 1912 – 37 and in 1918 – 191; total number of pupils in

school in 1912 – 3,006 and in 1918 – 21,520 (p. 174).

Becker (2006) provides additional information regarding policies and

practices centering on Berber relations during the French Protectorate (1912-1956).

Becker (2006) asserts that during the Protectorate French anthropological studies promoted the idea that Berbers were both socially and biologically similar to

Europeans. This practice was to divide the Berbers and the Arabs by drawing Berber peoples into French culture (Irbouh, 2005 as cited in Becker, 2006). It is important to note that today, Berber political activists have been fighting for recognition of their heritage. Activist groups have rejected the name “Berber” arguing that the term is derived from the word barbarous meaning barbarian (Becker, 2006). The term

Imazighen in its adjectival form, Amazigh, is used instead. Defined, this term means

“the free people.” Amazigh will be utilized in place of Berber in the remaining portion of my study.

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Introduction: Artistic Production within Morocco

My dissertation topic has been informed by literature from art history sources.

Specifically, I employed art history publications written and published in English and

French to determine the beginning range of works being produced by artists within

Morocco. A review of this literature has identified three general classifications that are applied to Moroccan art. Generally, scholarship on Moroccan art has centered on one of the following three categories: Amazigh Art, Islamic Art, or Contemporary Art

(Berrada & Benjelloun, 2001; Clandermond & MacCarthy, 2003; Brunei Gallery,

2003; Damluji & Hegecoe, 1991; Galerie du Centre Hassan II, 2001; Jereb, 1995;

Sijelmassi, 1989; Ypma, 1996). Additional categories, such as ‘Arts and Crafts’ (see

Jereb, 1995) and the ‘Art of Muslim Arabs’ (see Sijelmassi, 1989), are also utilized in texts on Moroccan art.

While the art categories employed by the authors mentioned above may be based on a specific viewpoint, this imposed organizational system will be employed as a guide for my literature review (Weil, 1995). The general categories that I will explore in my review include: Amazigh Art, Islamic Art, and Contemporary Art.

Indigenous Amazigh (Berber) Art Forms

The Amazigh, who live primarily in Morocco, are considered to be among the first inhabitants of North Africa (Sadiqui, 1997). Through the centuries the Amazigh interacted with a diverse group of civilizations that included the Phoenicians, the

Greeks, the Romans, the Byzantines, and the Arabs. Among these, the Arab civilization and the arrival of Islam in the seventh century had the most significant

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impact on the Amazigh. With the arrival of Muslim Arabs a new religion and culture entered Morocco yet, many of the beliefs, customs, and design elements of the

Amazigh’s art forms remained based in Amazigh traditions (Jereb, 1995; Becker,

2006). However, Jereb (1995) asserts that some of the designs utilized in the rural

areas of Morocco do show elements of Islamic geometry combined with pre-Islamic

Amazigh motifs.

In western scholarship Amazigh art forms produced within Morocco include

clay coil forms, textiles, and jewelry (Jereb, 1995; Berrada & Benjelloun, 2001).

Jereb (1995) asserts that the objects produced by indigenous Amazigh groups are

created primarily for utilitarian purposes and “serve as a source of magic, power, and

protection” (p. 13). According to Jereb (1995) the symbols used to embellish objects

are derived predominantly from the Amazigh peoples’ own artistic vocabulary.

Amazigh women teach this artistic language to their children. They wear most of the

art they produce in the form of textiles, jewelry, and tattoos on their bodies (Becker,

2002). The women are primarily responsible for preserving and passing down these

visual forms through the generations (Becker, 2002).

Amazigh Designs and the Evil Eye

Some of the most common motifs found embellishing art forms created by

Amazigh peoples include: zigzags, triangles, diamonds, and lozenges. These are

among the geometric shapes and patterns that are employed to deflect the evil eye. In

simplest terms the evil eye is the fear of envy (Becker, 2002). It is believed that envious stares by certain people can bring about misfortune or illness. Those who are 33

most vulnerable to these evil forces include small children, brides, and pregnant

women (Spooner, 1976). Fumigation, the use of amulets, and the avoidance of

perfection, represent just several of the devices that will deflect evil. Spooner (1976) writing on the evil eye in the Middle East, states:

The main general characteristics of the evil eye are that it relates to the fear of envy in the eye of the beholder, and that its influence is avoided or counteracted by means of devices calculated to distract its attention and by practices of sympathetic magic. (p.77)

This concept of the evil eye exists in several cultures including the Middle

East, the Mediterranean, and North Africa.

In North Africa, an outstretched hand with five fingers, called the khamsa

offers the most protection against evil. The khamsa in its most obvious form consists of five fingers that form the shape of a hand. In its abstract form it can consist of five simplified shapes, the key being the number five (Becker, 2002). This protective hand is also known as the hand of Fatima. Fatima was the daughter of the Prophet

Mohammed.

Today, the hand of Fatima can be found in many forms on a variety of

decorative surfaces. For example, Becker (2002) asserts that some Amazigh textile

motifs are abstracted representations of the hand of Fatima. Some contemporary

artists also refer to this protective symbol. A contemporary version of the hand of

Fatima can be found depicted on leather by the artist Farid Belkhaia (for an image see for example, http://www.metmuseum.org/TOAH/HD/nasp/hd_nasp.htm ). However,

the most interesting modern day examples can be found in paint on walls and even

embellishing the backsplash of trucks (see for example, Dennis & Dennis, 2001). All

34

of these examples suggest that this image continues to play an important role in the

belief system of the people of North Africa.

Figure 1: Author’s photograph of a deff (square-shaped drum) created in Morocco from leather. The designs on the drum are painted with henna dye. A varnish covers and protects the image. The motifs are reminiscent of geometric shapes and patterns found on Amazigh art forms and the center design forms the shape of an eye. Images of the eye and hand symbol can be found embellishing a range of artistic objects, particularly tourist souvenirs. This drum was acquired in a market possibly in Fez or Marrakech, Morocco in 2002. According to Becker (2002), it is believed that god gave vegetation and that vegetation such as henna has Bahkara or divine blessings.

Amazigh Textiles

Textiles play a prominent role in Amazigh arts and provide an additional

example of an art from that serves as a source of protection (Becker, 2006). The

textiles are made by women and are primarily woven at home in rural areas.

Historically, Amazigh textiles were utilized for utilitarian purposes and

communicated how wealthy you were. Today this is still partially true, however

textiles are also being produced for the market. According to Becker (2002), it is

sometimes difficult to tell where a rug comes from because women intermarry 35

between tribes. As a result, motifs transfer from one tribe to another. Prominent

colors utilized in textiles include: green, red, yellow, and black. The rugs carry a lot

of meanings and include a range of geometric shapes (i.e. triangles) and motifs. For

example, the saw motif which appears to me as a zigzag, is intended to cut, pop, or

burst the evil eye (Becker, 2002). Rugs seldom contain floral designs. The loom and

the wool is also viewed as sacred. As a protection against the evil eye, mistakes are

intentionally made because an item should not be perfect and envied. This practice

does extend beyond Morocco as other cultural groups, such as the Navajo and the

Cherokee, also intentially make artistic errors.

In the 1970s, in Morocco, women began to make carpets to be sold. Today,

carpets have become the fourth largest export from Morocco (Becker, 2002). Despite

any retailers claim that the textile is “authentic,” it is important to note that some

changes have been made to designs for the tourist market. For example, Becker

(2002) asserts that originally nomadic carpets didn’t have borders. This design

reflected their nomadic lifestyle in the open landscape. However, in recent years

nomadic rugs have been created with borders for the tourist markets.

Figure 2: Author’s photograph of a shop selling a range of textiles. This photo was taken in January of 2002 in southern Morocco. Rugs from Morocco have become popular with tourists. In recent years I have informally noted that popular western retail stores have also begun to carry Moroccan rugs or rugs that have appropriated the designs used in Amazigh textiles. 36

Figure 3: Author’s photograph taken July 10, 2006 in Essaouira. Image of textiles hanging from the tree in the open square lined with cafes frequented by tourists.

Figure 4: Author’s weaving acquired January 6, 2002 from the Khemisset area. This textile was hand-woven on a loom by Amazigh women. Left image provides an entire picture of the textile created in cream, yellows, and ochre colors. The image on the right provides a detail of the weaving and illustrates the use of geometric patterns and motifs that are pointed that could “pop” the evil eye (Becker, 2002).

37

Figure 5: Author’s weaving acquired January of 2002 from southern Morocco. The weaving was woven on a loom with primarily wool threads. This textile illustrates the use of geometric shapes.

Figure 6: Author’s weaving acquired July of 2004 from Azrou, Morocco. This flat woven weaving is a rectangular woolen blanket and works as cloak in some Amazigh tribes in the Atlas Mountains. The weaving was created with wool threads in cream, yellow, red, and black. Reflective silver metal discs (sequins) also adorn the textile. The image on the left provides a full image of the textile. The photo on the right shows the corner of the textile turned over and reveals the bands of patterns on the back of the weaving. This textile illustrates the use of geometric shapes and the additional use of reflective materials to ward off evil.

38

Figure 7: Author’s weaving acquired July of 2004 from Tetouan, Morocco. The textile is hand-woven. This weaving is worn as a skirt by Amazigh young women in northern Morocco specifically in the Rif area. This garment is called a fouta. The weaving is wrapped around the waist with the red and white strips laying in a vertical fashion. The women also wear a wide-brimmed straw hat tied with ribbons. Riffian women wearing foutas are common place in the markets of Tangier. As a result, images of Amazigh women in this clothing appear in drawings and paintings by European artists traveling and working in northern Morocco. See for example the work of Scottish artist James McBey’s in Melville’s (1991) book titled James McBey’s Morocco.

Amazigh Jewelry

The hand of Fatima motif can be found in a variety of art forms, although

Jereb (1995) asserts that this motif is most commonly found in jewelry pieces and the

type of jewelry worn by Moroccan Amazigh women can be categorized into four

main forms; the necklace, fibula, bracelet, and headdress. Necklaces will be the

primary jewelry form explored within my review for two reasons. First, replica

necklace designs are created for the tourist market (see for example, Fig. 9 & 10).

Second, the motifs employed by jewelry artists form a part of Morocco’s visual

culture. Jewelry designs such as the hand of Fatima can be found in numerous art

39

forms including contemporary works of art (see for example, Contemporary Artistic

Practices, Essaouira, Morocco).

Necklaces are one of the most important types of jewelry worn. They vary

greatly in style and size from region to region. Some may consist of an elaborate arrangement of silver, enameled work, coral, amber, and glass. Others may consist of primarily silver. These pieces often make a statement of wealth and may reflect the wearers region. More importantly, the motifs often serve to protect the wearer from harm (Becker, 2002). Necklaces may contain abstracted forms of the hand of Fatima or other amulets to ward off evil. According to Jereb (1995), each woman may have a different, personalized form of the hand created and may be advised by a fqih, a

Koran scholar or a taleb, a magician.

Morocco’s jewelry making history is diverse, reflecting the introduction of

various new materials and techniques through the centuries. As with other art forms,

there is an urban tradition and a rural tradition. In urban areas the jewelry is mainly made of gold or gilded silver and shows an Arab and Jewish influence (Schroeter et. al., 2000). According to Jereb (1995), jewelry is almost always made in silver in rural areas. The silversmith of the village is usually male and is held in high regard in the village. The techniques and methods used by the silversmith are passed down from father to son.

Jereb (1995) describes two primary methods utilized to create the general form of an object. In the first method the metal is heated and then poured into a sand mold. When the metal is cooled the mold is removed and the artist can begin to create his motifs. These designs are often engraved onto the metal. Examples of this method

40 can be found on fibulas. The fibula is a type of fastener or brooch used by women wearing draped garments and is typically in the shape of a triangle. The fibula can be as small as one inch in diameter to as large as seven inches. Connecting the two fibulas is a chain that can also contain decorative silver and beads. Examples of fibulas can be found in a number of museums including the Metropolitan Museum of

Art (for visuals see, http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/ho/10/nfe/ho_1981.5.2.htm).

In the second jewlrey technique, metal is heated and then pounded into sheets using a hammer. To create the piece the artisan cuts and solders the metal to create the final form. Koranic cases, which are also considered to be amulets, are often made using this method (Jereb, 1995). The silversmith can also create raised designs using a repousse or filigree technique. First, a raised pattern is placed under the thin flat sheet of metal then a hammer is used to push the pattern onto the sheet creating a raised surface. Filigree can also be added to any of the silver pieces whether the pieces were created through the mold process or hammering process. Filigree work can also be found embellishing hands of Fatima. As depicted in Figures 8-10, jewelry depicting the hand of Fatima has become popular in tourist markets throughout

Morocco.

Figure 8: Author’s photograph taken January, 2002 in southern Morocco of open air market. The image provides an example of the range of jewelry sold in the market and several examples of pieces depicting the hand of Fatima in the left foreground. 41

Figure 9: Author’s image of silver jewelry depicting the Hand of Fatima. The image provides an example of filigree work. This was acquired in a jewelry shop and due to the nature of the wares in the shop, these pieces were possibly made for tourists.

Figure 10: Author’s image of silver jewelry depicting the Hand of Fatima. The image depicts silver hands created from a stamp or embossed method.

42

Amazigh Pottery

Hand-building techniques still exist in the rural areas of Morocco amongst the

Amazigh people. Specifically, a coil method and mold method are used to create a

range of sizes and shapes of vessels. All hand-built works are created by women.

These pieces are often unglazed and undecorated works that are created for utilitarian

purposes. They are most often used as utensils for cooking (Berrada, 2001). Berrada

(2001) provides detailed research about female potters in the Rif area. Her research

includes detailed maps with directions to various female pottery sites throughout the

Rif area. Berrada (2001) conducted extensive interviews with the potters and provides

images of the works produced by each woman. Some drawings are also included of

the kiln utilized by the artist.

A few variations in hand-built work can be identified in terms of color and decoration. Two small areas in the Rif region of Morocco create works that are painted white and are decorated with symbols in earth tone colors (Bynon, 1984;

Berrada, 2001). It has been identified that slip, which is clay mixed with water, is used to color some vessels before firing (Bynon, 1984). Jereb (1995) has also identified that after the first firing, some objects are decorated with paints made with vegetable dyes. The symbols used to adorn the vessels are derived predominantly from the Amazigh peoples’ own artistic vocabulary (Jereb, 1995). Motifs such as zigzags, lozenges, and serpents are often painted on the vessels to deflect the evil eye.

Berrada (2001) suggests that there are connections between facial tattoo designs found amongst traditional Amazigh women and the decorations found on their pottery.

43

Figure 11: Author’s bowl acquired July of 2004 from Tetouan, Morocco. The bowl may be from the Rif region of Morocco. It is hand-built and it is unglazed. Due to the clay loop shown at the top of the image, it is possible that this was produced for the market and tourist consumption. However, the work retains some characteristics of hand-built Amazigh pottery. For additional examples see Berrada (2001), Jereb (1995), and Becker (2006).

In rural areas of Morocco wheel-thrown vessels are created, however these works are created by men. Both the hand-built pots made by women and the wheel thrown works are made for utilitarian purposes (Berrada, 2001; Jereb, 1995). As shown in Figure 12, the male potter is sheltered from the sun with his wheel located in a sunken position. After the works are dried in the sun they are fired in a shaped kiln (see Fig. 13). The wheel thrown works receive a thin application of glaze.

Gathered brush is utilized to fuel the kiln. The temperature generated from this brush is unclear, however an examination of the works revealed areas of irregular glaze.

This suggests that the works are low-fired (Fig. 14).

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Figure 12: Author’s photograph taken January of 2002 of pottery production site in the southern desert region of Morocco, the Ouarzazate area. The potter is shown throwing at the wheel in a sunken position sheltered from the sun in the photos middleground, left side. A portion of brush is also shown on the left side of this image. This is utilized in the kiln as fuel. A photo of the kiln is shown in Figure 13. Example objects from this kiln were documented using video and were low fired yellow-green wares.

Figure 13: Author’s photograph taken January of 2002 of loaded kiln at pottery production site.

45

Figure 14: Wheel thrown vase acquired in Morocco. Object is heavy in weight. Decoration is incised along the body of the object in a zigzag pattern reminiscent of Amazigh textile patterns. The green glaze is thinly applied and stacking marks from the firing process are visible along the lip of the vase.

The rural tradition of creating vessels is important in the history of ceramics as these works may represent the earliest ceramics in Morocco, but they are not related to those found in urban areas. Ceramics in the urban areas are produced primarily for the markets and tourist trade. They are created by men and are glazed and decorated in a range of colors and motifs that reflect a variety of influences. The differences between rural pottery and urban pottery are striking and as a result, these two pottery traditions will be separated within this paper. Urban pottery will be discussed under the heading of Islamic Art.

46

Defining Islamic Art

The 7th century brought the coming of Islam and by 649 AD armies from the

Arabian Peninsula had entered into and Tunisia (Pennell, 2000; Grabar, 1987;

Ettinghausen, Grabar, & Jenkins-Madina, 2001). Indigenous Amazigh groups fought

Arab invasion, but by the late 7th century Arab armies expanded across the North

African continent. Today, Islam is Morocco’s official religion. make up

99.99% of Morocco’s population with the Jewish population estimated at 4,000 people and the Christian population estimated at less than 1,000 (U.S. Department of

State, 2008; Becker, 2002; Culture Grams, 2002).

The term ‘Islamic’ is important to define because as Ettinghausen, Grabar, &

Jenkins-Madina (2001) assert, when applied to art “confusion surrounds the use and meaning of the word” (p. 3). The authors, Ettinghausen, Grabar, & Jenkins-Madina

(2001), provide a broad definition of the term ‘Islamic’ when applied specifically to art. Islamic art references the “material culture and structures utilized and made by

people who follow or live under the rule of those who follow the faith of Islam”

(Ettinghausen, et al., 2001, p. 3). Additional definitions can be found in Grabar’s

(1987) writings.

Grabar (1987) writes that there is a lack of clarity that surrounds the meaning

of the term ‘Islamic’ when it extends beyond its general use of describing an ethnic,

cultural and/or geographic category. In the introduction of seminal book, The

Formation of Islamic Art, Grabar (1987) further explains the term ‘Islamic’ when

used in relationship to art. He states that:

Islamic does not refer to the art of a particular religion, for a vast proportion of the monuments have little if anything to do with the faith 47

of Islam. Works of art demonstrably made by and for non-Muslims can appropriately be studied as works of Islamic art. (Graber, 1987, p. 1)

Grabar (1987) goes on to explain that the important point is that “Islamic in the expression Islamic art is not comparable to Christian or Buddhist in Christian art or

Buddhist art” (p.2).

In the article, The Mirage of Islamic Art: Reflections on the Study of an

Unwieldy Filed, Shelia Blair and Jonathan Bloom (2003) address the problems with the term ‘Islamic art.’ Used in an all-embracing manner, the term currently includes art produced in multiple Islamic lands that stretch from West Asia to Northern Africa over a span of fourteen centuries. The authors state that “the actual idea that there is a distinctly “Islamic” tradition is a product of 19th and 20th century scholarship”

(2003, p. 153).

For some individuals the term “Islamic Art” also evokes ideas about motifs and enforced parameters regarding figural depictions. Oweis (2002) concurs with this assessment in the article “Islamic Art as an Educational Tool about the Teaching of

Islam” published in Art Education. Oweis (2002) asserts that it is a misconception that the use of geometry was “forced on the Muslims” due to Islam’s discouragement of figural representation (p. 23). I have observed this misconception during numerous discussions with educators during paper presentations on the topic of contemporary

Moroccan Art. This misunderstanding is emphasized through publications for K-12 students and educators. For example, in the Scholastic Art December 2005/January

2006 publication on Islamic Art, the magazine states:

For the Muslim artist, reality begins with and centers around . Allah is ever present, so every aspect of daily life is considered to be art – furniture, rugs, dishes, fabrics. Since only Allah can create life, 48

the artist does not try to imitate nature but concentrates instead on conveying what nature represents. So, almost all Islamic art is made up of complex abstract patterns that create a sense of unending repetition – another reminder that Allah’s world is infinite. (p. 4)

Crane (2004) explains that a great deal has been written on zoomorphic imagery and

figural representations in Islamic art and many misconceptions exist. Crane (2004) states that some authors say zoomorphic representations are forbidden by the faith because the artist is acting as a creator by generating these images. These ideas have been perpetuated in the western world partly because of what we see with the eye.

The majority of works that are often viewed center on geometric patterning.

However, Crane (2004) asserts that the visual evidence says that Muslims did not reject zoomorphic representation. Crane (2004) cites evidence extending back to the

7th century. Specifically, this evidence is dramatically made clear by examining early

7th century Islamic coinage (see for example, Ettinghausen, et. al., 2001; Irwin,

1997). This according to Crane (2004) illustrates that even on the most official of arts

we see zoomorphic representation.

Crane (2004) asserts that the basis of the zoomorphic reluctance does not

come from the Koran, there is not an exact ban. Instead, the reluctance derives from

the traditions of the prophet, the Hadith.6 At issue were not the general objects, but the reverence or worship of the objects. Crane (2004) asserts that in the Koran there are no absolute statements against zoomorphic images, but there are references or verses towards idols. Specifically, the worship of idols is forbidden. While a pious

Muslim will say there is a ban and even some art history sources will say this, there

are complexities to this topic and there is ambiguous information (Crane, 2004).

6 The body of writings that provide the sayings of , the man (Farah, 2000). 49

In my review, I will be using Grabar’s (1987) definition of Islamic art. Grabar

(1987) defines Islamic art as the art produced by "a culture or civilization in which

the majority of the population, or at least the ruling element, profess the faith of

Islam" (p. 2). This broad definition does encompass a range of works that could

include for example, architecture, ceramic works, metalwork, calligraphy, and miniature paintings. Authors such as Oweis (2002) attempt to categorize the visual forms under this broad term by asserting that there are three main elements that unify

Islamic art. These elements include: Arabic calligraphy, the use of geometrical patterns, and . Museum exhibition organizers provide alternative

organizational systems.

The Arts of Islam exhibition (Hayward Gallery, 1976) suggests a hierarchical

order within the arts of Islam. For example, calligraphy and architecture are

considered by the curators as the most important art forms. Calligraphy is deemed

important because it transmits the Koran and architecture serves an important role in

Islamic art because it supports multiple other art forms (Hayward Gallery, 1976).

In my review of Islamic art, I will focus on architecture, the art forms it

supports (i.e. mosaics or zillij, calligraphy), and clay forms. Specifically, I will

provide a historical overview of clay vessels, mosaic tile embellishments (zillij), architecture, and briefly calligraphy within the context of architecture. I have chosen

to emphasize Morocco’s ceramic and tile production within the context of Islamic Art

for three reasons. First, clay objects and tiles embellishments are visually prominent in the country. A review of the literature on ceramic production will illustrate the

significant historical role this art form has played throughout Morocco’s history.

50

Second, the patterns that are depicted on ceramic wares and created with tiles

to embellish architecture appear in varying forms both in contemporary art and visual

culture. For example, tile patterns are graphically reproduced on salt & pepper

packets utilized by Royal Air Maroc.7 Some contemporary artists are also appropriating visual elements from Islamic traditions. This assertion is supported through an analysis of gallery catalogues and monographs (Galerie du Centre Hassan

II, 2004; Galerie du Centre Hassan II, 2001; Sijelmassi, 1989 ; Beauge, G., 1995).

For example, artists such as Malika Agueznay utilize painted organic forms and

Arabic script that are reminiscent of traditional architectural tile embellishments

(Dana, 2008).

Third, an examination of ceramics and tile work will begin to demonstrate the differences between those art forms traditionally categorized under Islamic Art verses those produced in Amazigh groups. Motifs are different and production techniques are inherently different. This ultimately demonstrates the problems with broadly categorizing art forms based on their geographic location.

7 Salt and pepper packets acquired in January of 2002 on Royal Air Maroc. 51

Figure 15: Author’s photograph taken September 13, 2006. A public fountain found in the medina (old city) of Fez. Fountain is embellished with ceramic tiles completed in a symmetrical radiating patterned design. Public fountains such as this one are commonly found in urban cities throughout Morocco.

Islamic Clay Vessels and Tile Embellishments

The act of molding and shaping clay is one of the most distinctive forms of artistic production found throughout Islamic lands. The use of clay has not been limited to one specific art form, but has been consistently diverse through the centuries. In Morocco, objects produced in clay are numerous and include many styles of portable vessels, both decorated and undecorated, in addition to a variety of tile forms that embellish buildings. Surrounded by these clay objects, visitors to the

North African country of Morocco cannot help but notice the importance placed on 52

the use of clay. Ceramic vessels with radiating designs and buildings with seemingly

endless tile patterns provide the most striking images. These repeated patterns and

motifs found throughout the region have increasingly become an icon for the

country.8 In trying to establish a general overview of the history of urban ceramics vessels, the excavations of several early medieval sites in Morocco and Spain provide insight into the earliest works. This brief review establishes the continued importance of clay in Morocco’s artistic practices, the methods employed by artists, and the designs utilized throughout its history.

In 1987, Nancy Benco published research based on her field work at a

medieval ceramic site in northern Morocco (Benco, 1987). Her research was

conducted in 1980 and 1981 under the American-Moroccan Archaeological Mission.

According to Benco (1987), many of these early sites have not been systematically

examined and much of the information on Islamic pottery has not been published. Her

study of the early Islamic town of al-Basra (ca. A.D. 800-1100), where over 100,000

potshards were recovered and examined, provides one of the few bodies of evidence

for this early phase of Moroccan pottery (Benco, 1987).

The Arab city al-Basara was established by the Idrisid kingdom in the early 9th century and served as a provincial capital. The organization of al-Basra was similar to

Fez, a city that is deemed by some authors as one of the major artistic center of

Morocco (Jereb, 1995; Aouni, 2005; Damluji & Hegecoe; 1992). The city was walled, with people primarily living in the center and the pottery industry was located along the outskirts of the gates. Based on Benco’s (1987) fieldwork and her

8 The tourist industry has played a significant role in what images we associate with Morocco, creating everything from contemporary buttons to salt and pepper packets with images of tile patterns. 53

examination of the Cairo Geniza documents, she identified four systems of

organization within the pottery industry.9 These include small independent workshops, nucleated industries, large commercial industries, and state operated workshops or factories.

According to Benco’s (1987) research, potters were specialized in their production. Some created everyday vessels for utilitarian purposes, while others specialized in finer decorative works. Small independent workshops consisted of just a few workers and were operated by a family or an individual artist. Generally their vessels were sold directly to the consumer in their shop.

A second form of organization consisted of a series of individually owned workshops grouped together. This is known as a nucleated industry. Based on research completed at other Islamic sites, such as Siraf, it is believed that the potters in a nucleated industry created vessels for distant markets (Benco, 1987). Larger commercial workshops or factories also existed during this period. This type of organization was less common for pottery and was generally used for the production of goods such as sugar (Benco, 1987).

Lastly, state-operated workshops or factories also existed. The goods produced in this workshop environment were for the consumption of the government.

According to Benco (1987), the government’s involvement with ceramic production during the Genzia period is unclear due to the limited documentation. However, works were commissioned by the government to decorate the palaces and other

9 The Cairo Geniza documents are written records of merchants and artisans during the 10th and 12th century. 54 government buildings (Benco, 1987). Interestingly, rulers also commissioned works from artists outside of Morocco. Nancy Benco’s (1987) research has shown that rulers were seeking works primarily from the Middle East. Her examples include rulers from the 10th and 11th century both in Spain and in areas of North Africa who recruited and commissioned craftspeople from areas such as Baghdad. The commissioning of these works introduced new techniques, such as the lusterware and cuerda seca, to the Moroccan ceramic industry, demonstrating at an early date that ceramics were evolving and changing (Benco, 1987).10 Not unlike today’s ceramic industry, these techniques affected the larger workshops, whose products were market driven. These industries could change their production techniques for new markets or could even relocate their operation to find a new market or break into smaller production workshops (Benco, 1987).

Benco’s (1987) analyses of the shards found at the al-Basra site provide a further understanding of the works being produced in these workshops. Benco’s

(1987) research found that only 5.4% of the shards found at the site were hand-made, as opposed to wheel-made wares. Works such as these were created by women for utilitarian purposes and were formed by hand. Similar to what I have found in

Morocco today, these types of works are also found in rural areas. The remaining

95% of the wares at the site were thrown on the wheel. Benco (1987) suggests that these wheel thrown works were produced in al-Basra for the markets. Therefore, according to Benco (1987) this data suggests that the al-Basra was an urban city with

10 According to Irwin (1997) Cuerda seca is a Spanish term for a technique that separates the differently colored glazes on a tile during the firing process. The technique is also called “dry cord” because the colors are separated with greased lengths of cord. 55

production potters. Of primary importance is how these works were decorated. Only

2% of the wheel-made shards were glazed. To clarify the difference between glazed

and unglazed works, I define glaze as glass consisting mainly of silica that is applied

in liquid form to the clay body, which is then heated. Once heated, the glaze fuses to

the surface of the object creating a nonporous layer around the form. Other forms of

decoration include slip, which consists of clay mixed with water. At the al-Basra site,

the glazed works were different in composition from the other undecorated shards recovered and therefore it has been hypothesized that these works were made at other

production sites either in North Africa or Spain. Interestingly, Benco (1987) describes

a few painted shards that she believes were created by an al-Basra potter trying to

imitate the imported glazed wares. Charles Redman (1983), another scholar who has

written about medieval ceramics in Morocco, also describes early vessels as being

decorated with a thin metallic green glaze or a gold/brown color. With this in mind, it

could be suggested that vessels during this period in history were generally unglazed.

However, with the emergence of glazed works from other sites, potters began to

adopt new techniques. Data from other medieval sites is limited, so whether this idea

holds true for all North African pottery sites during this period in history is not clear.

In the article “Comparative Urbanism in the Islamic Far West”, Charles

Redman (1983) outlines some of the excavation work done at other medieval sites.

The town of Badis is situated along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea in

Northeastern Morocco and was considered a primary port for trade. Excavations of

this site uncovered a large amount of pottery examples; the majority of the pieces

were not however, wheel-thrown. Approximately 37% of the pieces were hand-built, 56

while 62% were wheel-made (Redman, 1983). The most common method of decoration used on the hand-built pieces was burnishing. Among the wheel-made

pieces, Redman (1983) established twenty-one categories of decoration were

established. A few of these categories include green glazed works, gold, aquamarine,

and clear. Italian-ware was also found and was decorated with both matt and glaze

finishes. However, only 1.2% of the ceramics found at this site were considered

imported luxury. Redman (1983) concluded that the larger number of hand-built

pieces indicates a stronger link to rural traditions in its pottery production.

Madinat en-Nakur, located south east of Badis, is another site in Morocco that

has been excavated. Redman (1983) asserts that Badis is considered to be the earliest

Muslim city in Morocco. Founded in the early 8th century, it was a thriving city until the mid-11th century. Similar to the excavation work done in Badis, the majority of

works found at this site were wheel-made. There were 61.7% wheel-made works and

32.1% hand-built pieces. Similar to the Badis site, Redman (1987) attributed this high

proportion of hand-built pottery to its rural connections and determined that this site

has the least diverse wares. Redman states that “the limited contacts and sources of

materials available to this isolated early kingdom” as a possible reason (Redman,

1987, p. 375).

One last site that has been researched extensively is Qsar es- Seghir.

Unfortunately, the focus of these studies has been on the construction methods used

by the artists and the resulting forms. Absent from many of these studies is a detailed

analysis of the glazes used by the artists and a detailed description of the motifs

employed. This is unfortunate because its location along the coast could provide more 57 information regarding the influence of imported works on the ceramic industry and the site’s placement in history overlaps with the introduction of mosaic decoration, also known as zillij (for an example of zillij, see Fig. 15).

Qsar es-Seghir was a medieval site located in Northern Morocco along the

Strait of Gibraltar that was at its height during the Merinid (1269-1471). The site provided a large amount of ceramic examples of which 94.7% were wheel-made,

4.4% were hand-built, and 1.0% were labeled as imported luxury ware (Meyer,

1979). The large number of wheel-made pieces identifies Qsar es-Seghir as having an urban production center with substantial facilities (Meyer, 1979). Unlike the early al-

Basra site, a large number of glazed works were uncovered. The percentage of works that were glazed is unclear however; research does show that predominantly lead- based glazes were employed. About half of all of the glazed-ware were decorated with incising, stamping, or another coloring technique (Meyer, 1979). According to

Meyer (1979), a typical incision consisted of a single or double circle in the interior of bowls or a series of parallel lines that would run on the outside of the vessel. In terms of coloring, both iron oxide and copper oxide were added to the glazes to create gold and green glaze colors.

The data collected from the sites of al-Basara, Badis, Madinat en-Nakur, and

Qsar es-Seghir, provides us with important information. First, a variety of workshops existed during medieval times, including government run workshops, illustrating the involvement of the government in the creation of ceramic forms beginning as early as the medieval period. My findings will show that political powers continue to be involved in the artistic practices of Morocco. 58

Second, objects were created using both wheel and hand-building methods,

however, larger urban centers where state-run factories existed and more wheel

thrown objects were produced. My findings will present information that in terms of

ceramics, wheel thrown ceramic works appear to be primarily produced in urban

centers even today.

Third, the works produced at the sites varied greatly in terms of decoration.

The works at the al-Basara site in particular consisted of mainly unglazed pieces. This is important because it establishes the early development of ceramic production in an urban setting. Scholars, such as Benco (1987), have estimated that this urban center existed from 800 A.D. to approximately the end of the 11th century. However, only

2% of the wheel-made shares were glazed (Benco, 1987). In contrast, at the urban site

of Qsar es-Seghir, varied glazing techniques were being practiced. This site was

prominent during the Merinid Dynasty (1269-1471). From this evidence, it may be

that glazed pottery was introduced perhaps as early as the 9th or 10th century but did not play a prominent role in the production process until perhaps as late as the 12th or

13th century. This is of interest because references to the use of clay as an

architectural embellishment appear as early as the 11th century, but concrete evidence does not appear until the 12th century (Damluji, 1991).

Currently, Damluji (1991) is one of the few authors who has extensively photographed and examined tile mosaics (zillij) in Morocco and has completed research on contemporary urban ceramics. Damluji (1991) asserts that references to the use of clay as an architectural embellishment appear as early as the 11th century, while concrete evidence does not appear until the 12th century. Written documents

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from this period detailed the existence of as many as 180 ceramic workshops outside

of Fez producing vessels and architectural components (Damluji, 1991). Surviving

fragments from the exteriors of buildings confirm the existence of ceramic decoration

in the late 12th century. The earliest examples of embellishment consist of large, thick tiles painted primarily in white and turquoise. These tiles were placed side by side and then embedded in mortar of plaster and lime. This composition was then nailed to wooden facings and was used to decorate the exterior walls of the minarets. An example of this earlier style of tile work can be found on buildings such as the Kasbah

Mosque in Marrakesh, originally built in the 12th century, and the Kutubiya Mosque in

Marrakesh, dated to 1158 (Fig. 16). 11

Figure 16: Author’s photograph of the Kutubiya Mosque (left) in Marrakesh taken in July of 2002. Right image provides a detail of the zillij work at the top of the minaret which was taken from video documentation completed in 2002.

11 Damluji and Hegecoe provided this information in their book Zillij, The Art of Moroccan Ceramics (Reading, England: Garnet Publishing Limited, 1991) and are leading authors on pottery and zillij. However, the Kutubiya Mosque has been restored which brings to question the originality of the zillij work that can be seen now. Pictures of this same mosque were found in Peter Degeorge, L’art de la ceramique (Boulogne: Flammarion, 2001) that shows the minaret virtually stripped of zillij. Therefore, this mosque was sited based on Damluji’s research. 60

During the next several centuries the use of clay as a decorative art medium in

both the interior and exterior of buildings began to flourish, reaching peak production

in the 14th century. Gradually the size of the tiles diminished and the complexity and

intricacies of the designs increased (Damluji, 1991). These distinctive monochrome

tiles became known as zillij (Fig. 17). I define zillij as a series of small glazed tiles that are cut into a variety of shapes, arranged, and fitted together to create a larger design. While the development and production of these tiles known as zillij is often seen as a separate ceramic form with its own tradition, it is my assertion that many

similarities exist between clay vessels and zillij. In fact, there is a cross-influence

between these art forms in which colors, motifs, and even production methods are

shared during various periods in history. In other words, stylistic elements

“traditionally” found on one art form over time appear on other forms. This

challenges the notion that ceramic forms are unchanging art forms that have retained

their identity for centuries.

Figure 17: Author’s photograph of small clay zillij tiles acquired from research trips in 2002, 2004, and 2006. The image also provides a sample of a wall with the zillij tiles embedded into the cement. 61

In terms of motifs, the designs painted on pottery are often described as floral

or geometric, whereas zillij work is based solely on individual geometric shapes

placed in a repetitive pattern. On the surface this sets the two art forms apart in terms

of design. However, if one looks past the individual shapes used to create zillij and

examines their placement, connections between the two art forms begin to appear.

Many of the designs both on pottery and on zillij consist of a symmetrical design that

consists of central shape. The other elements placed in the design radiate outwards

from this point of emphasis. Examples of this can be found throughout history, from

the 12th century to the present day in both zillij and pottery. To explore this connection several designs will be examined.

The connection between pottery and tile work can be illustrated by examining zillij work during the initial stages of its use to the peak of its production in the 12th

century through the 14th centuries. One of the best examples to illustrate this connection can be found in the Medersa Al Attarin (see Fig. 18).

Figure 18: Author’s photograph of the Al Attarin Madrasa taken in January of 2002 in Fez, Morocco. The walls and floors are embellished with zillij which needs some repair.

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The Al Attarin Medersa is located in Fez and is dated to 1323-1325. A

medersa is defined by some authors as a religious school that also provided

accommodations for students (Metalis, 2000).12 The majority of the medersa’s built

in Fez date between 1300 and 1350, during the Merinid Dynasty (1269-1471)

(Metalis, 2000). The schools are organized around a central courtyard that is

surrounded by rooms for study, prayer, and sleeping quarters. The courtyard inside

the medersa contains individually placed tiles glazed in the colors of green, black,

white, yellow, and blue. With the exception of blue, the colors represented are similar

to those found on the pottery excavated at al-Basra and Saragossa.

An examination of zillij production methods will illustrate that the drawings

and divisions of zillij are similar to those found in pottery. Damluji (1991), in the text

Zillij, The Art of Moroccan Ceramics, provides an examination of several zillij production sites. These include the Fez Co-operative, the site workshop in Casablanca associated with the Fez Co-operative, and the National School of Arts and Crafts workshop in Tetouan. At each site the design of the zillij panels originates from drawings based on the construction of geometric patterns.

According to Damluji (1991), zillij artists learn their craft by heart, leaving researchers without any instructive or analytical descriptions of the patterns.

However, in general terms, the geometric shapes used in zillij can be divided into units to create an array of variations. Figure 19 provides a drawing of how two shapes are combined to create an eight pointed star, also called a khatim. These

12 In contemporary Arabic language and dictionary references, the term medersa also simply means school. 63 shapes can be reconfigured and combined with other shapes to create numerous patterns. According to Damluji (1991), these geometric patterns are referred to as divisions. Drawings of zillij patterns distinctly illustrate the divisions of the designs

(see Ouazzani, 1993; Damluji, 1991). Completed zillij works provide additional examples (Figs. 20 & 21).The divisions found on zillij are very similar to the units created on pottery as illustrated in Figure 22 (for additional examples, see Ouazzani,

1993).

Figure 19: Author’s drawing of the khatim.

Figure 20: Author’s photograph taken on August 31, 2006 of the worn zillij floor in the Riad Mokri, Fez. The photograph illustrates the radiating designs created by the ceramic tiles. 64

Figure 21: Author’s photograph taken on August 31, 2006 of the zillij floor and walls fountain in the Riad Mokri, Fez. The fountain is khatim shaped and zillij tiles are placed around this eight pointed star.

Figure 22: Author’s still image from a video clip interview conducted in January of 2002 at a ceramic workshop in Fez. The artist is using a compass to create a radiating, geometric design on an unglazed ceramic plate.

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In the process of transferring a zillij pattern such as this one in clay, a similar grid is placed on the floor of the workshop (Fig. 23 & 24). This allows the artist who is recreating the pattern to place the individual glazed pieces in the correct postion, essentially mimicking the drawing. Both the drawing of the original pattern and the grid placed on the floor of the workshop clearly show the divisions used to create this radial pattern linking it to the individual units created in the designing of pottery motifs.

Figure 23: Author’s photograph taken on September 11, 2006 of ceramic workshop in Fez, Morocco. The artist is drawing and then cutting khatim shapes from a square green glazed ceramic tile. These tiles will be placed in a pattern (see Figure 23).

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Figure 24: Author’s photograph taken on September 11, 2006 of a ceramic workshop in Fez. The artist in the foreground is creating a pattern on the floor. This pattern will be utilized to place individual glazed pieces in the correct position. In the background the artist is placing the individual glazed pieces down on the floor to create a tile panel.

Apprentice drawings of designs intended for pottery forms provide further evidence of this connection. Student apprentice sketchbook created in the early 1900s provide sketches show the dividing lines similar to those that were highlighted previously in painted wares (see Ouazzani, 1993). They also show a further division of the designs into squared units or pieces much like the grids created on the workshop floor for zillij artists. One of the reasons for this similarity exists in the tools that the artist uses in the creation of these patterns. In the Artisanat de Fes workshop, artists who were painting the various pottery forms used a compass to create the design onto the object before the actual painting process (personal communication, January, 2002). This same tool is used to create the master patterns

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for zillij work. The artist’s use of the compass as a tool can help to explain some of

the similarities in the radiating designs found in each art form.

Figure 25: Author’s photograph taken on September 11, 2006 of pottery production shop. Ceramic bowls, primarily produced for tourists, illustrate the use of radiating designs similar to zillij patterns. Some of the design motifs shown in this image are made for tourists (i.e. dishes that say Fez in Arabic). However, the general symmetrical patterning found on these bowls can be found in both Moroccan museums and in publications that provide a historical perspective on Moroccan ceramic production (see for example, Ouazzani, 1993; Damluji, 1991).

Figure 26: Author’s photograph taken on September 13, 2006 of small pottery shop located in the medina of Fez, Morocco. Plates in the foreground depict radiating designs.

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A Historical Overview of the Organization of Ceramic Production

According to Irwin (1997), the system of learning a craft was originally based

on the training of apprentices. Early contracts from the 16th century have provided some insight into the dynamics of this system. Based on these documents described by scholars such as Irwin (1997) and Damluji (1991), the apprentice promises obedience in return for training. The apprentice must pass through each stage of training before he can become an artisan. At the very beginning stages of training, the apprentice observes others and at times provides assistance. However, he is not allowed to work with the most important tools of the trade such as the wheel

(Damluji, 1991). This was especially true for the apprentices outside of Fez. For many years, ceramic production within Morocco was a family tradition that was passed down from generation to generation (Damluji, 1991).

According to Damluji (1991) and Irwin (1997), after the apprentice goes through the initial stages of observation, the artist independently practices the art form. In the stage of his apprenticeship the student specializes in one area. At the end of the apprenticeship, a series of works must be submitted and approved by the master craftsman in order to earn a certificate of competence. After becoming certified, the artisan can join other craftsmen to promote their craft. Damluji (1991)

and Irwin (1997), identify these specialized groups of craftsmen as guilds.

In Joseph Myers (1979) dissertation, The Political Economy of Ceramic

Production, the author devotes a chapter to “Pottery in Its Political and Economic

Setting,” in which he discusses group organizations among craftspeople. He

establishes that guilds existed in the medieval Islamic world, but, like other scholars, 69

he questions their impact (Myers, 1979). By the 14th century, a system of organization develops that Myers (1979) identifies as a craft-based professional organization. In this type of organization, a market inspector or muhtasib, regulates the standards of workmanship and enforce zoning restrictions. This position was appointed by the

Amir or local governor (Myers, 1979). The intention of this system was to insure that quality merchandise was being produced and that it was priced fairly. Specifically, how this system would have affected the motifs and patterns produced in the workshops is unclear. However, on occasion the state did commission work from the craft organizations. Meyer (1979) suggests that this may have in fact helped the craft organizations produce higher quality pieces in a more efficient manner. Meyer (1979) states that artisans may have worked to find new methods of production in order to produce their works more rapidly and thus meet the demands of the government.

Meyer’s (1979) discussion of crafts organizations also appears in Damluji’s

(1991) work. The author states that the ceramic artisans were divided into separate organizations that the author identifies as guilds. In this system, the artisans were divided into specific groups so the potters would join one organization (guild) while the zillij artists would be part of another organization (guild). According to Damluji

(1991), it is estimated that in the early 1900s, 161 artisan organizations existed in Fez with nearly 9,000 craftsmen (p. 101). This system and organization of ceramic craftsmen as described by both Meyer (1979) and Damluji (1991) existed for centuries up until the last sixty years.

According the Damluji’s (1991) research, the production of ceramics shifted from associations (guilds) to cooperatives and workshops at the beginning of the

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1940s. The primary goal of the potter’s co-operative has been to modernize production while maintaining many of the time-honored traditions involved in producing ceramics. In the co-operative setting, modern equipment is used, production lines are created, and the labor is divided (Damluji, 1991). According to

Damluji (1991), this modernization has made the potter’s craft into a less laborious occupation but in essence, the ceramic artist has now become a simple technician.

The individual ability of the potter/painter is rarely demonstrated as the patterns and moulds set by the co-operative determine the form of the piece. The reasoning behind this type of system is purely economical influencing both zillij and pottery in several ways.

According to Damluji (1991), zillij artists belong to either a potters’ co- operative or a zillij makers’ co-operative. The author states that the role of the zillij artist differs according to the co-operative. For example, in the potters’ co-operative, the artist only makes the glazed tiles whereas, in the zillij makers’ co-operative the artist cuts and arranges the tiles. This may be true for the Fez site that the authors examined, however, based on my research conducted in 2002 in the Artisanat workshop also located in Fez, all production aspects of both zillij work and pottery were produced at one site. This workshop will be discussed in my Findings as well as my 2006 research of the pottery quarter (see Urban Ceramics, Fez, Morocco).

Artistic Production: Contemporary Art

Scholarship on modern or contemporary art in Morocco is limited. A cursory review of museum reading lists on modern North African Art or a search of current

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contemporary works of art produced in Morocco, quickly illuminates the issue of limited resources (for reading lists, see Stanely, 2008). A further examination of the references that do exist reveals two reoccurring themes. First, a number of texts assert that the development of Moroccan modern art was influenced by the west and coincides with the French Protectorate (see for example, Ali, 1997; Irbouh, 2001).

Second, publications limit discussions to a select number of artists which are

repeatedly represented throughout the literature. These include, for example: Ahmed

Yacoubi (1932-1987), Moulay Ahmed Drissi (1923-1973), Ahmed Cherkaoui (1934-

1967), Mohamed Melehi (b. 1929), and Farid Belkahia (b. 1934). The development of

contemporary art in Morocco will be discussed based on these limited resources. I

will first define the terms modern art and contemporary art.

In the literature centering on Moroccan art, it is not completely clear how the

authors are defining the terms modern vs. contemporary. Based on my review of the

literature, my discussion will primarily use the terms in association with time periods

versus the characteristics or ideas that drove these eras. In relationship to Moroccan

art, I will associate the term modern art with works produced in the late 19th century

and early 20th century. The term contemporary art will reference those works produced from roughly the 1950s to present-day (Chipp, 1968; Stangos, 1994;

Bocola, 1999; Clark, 1996).

In the book Modern Islamic Art: Development and Continuity (1997), Ali devotes six pages of her two-hundred and twenty five page text to Moroccan Art. In

Morocco, modern art centers primarily on painting (Ali, 1997; Maraini, 1990;

Sijelmassi, 1989). Ali (1997) asserts that the primary sources of modern art can be

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traced to Islamic art, Berber handicrafts, and European Orientalist painting.

Orientalist is being used as a term to categorize works of art produced by western artists that depict the Near East and North Africa following a specific style and

depicting a specific subject matter. For example, Orientalist subject matter in the 19th century included: women in their quarters or harems, (i.e. public baths), camel caravans, and market scenes. The French or western influence pervades texts about the development of contemporary art. Therefore, a brief overview of the growth of French orientalist painting and its influence on Morocco will be provided.

Organized around 1893, the founder of The Society of French Orientalist

Painters was Leonce Benedite. Benjamin (2003) asserts that books on the Orient

fueled his interest. For example, between the 1700s and early 1900s stories such as

The Arabian Nights were popular in the west (Thorton, 1994). Benjamin (2003)

writes that Benedite noted that he had a “mysterious” attraction for the Africa and the

Muslim world and referred to the area as a “fairyland” (p. 58). The development of

the society of painters was in part, initiated by the Algerian pavilion at the 1889

Universal Exposition in (Benjamin, 2003). As an organized group of fifty painters in the 1893, the group wanted to promote French art in the colonies

(Benjamin, 2003). Additionally, the society wished to “bring the richness of colonized cultures” to the larger public (Benjamin, 2003, p.62). In part, they achieved this vision by creating paintings and dioramas at the expositions for wide audiences.

In Europe, the society essentially assisted in the marketing of exocitism and promoted the colonial agenda through their visual works (Benjamin, 2003).

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Some orientalist artists were creating their works in their European studios

using props (Thorton, 1994). Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) assert that

gradually studio-orientalism was replaced with artists visiting North African countries such as Morocco, Egypt, and Algeria. As early as 1832 artist such as Eugene

Delacroix (1798 -1863) visited Morocco, but the number of artists traveling to North

Africa was small. In fact, Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) imply that the work

produced by Delacroix during this period in time took Europe by storm and initiated

the increase in travel.

During the 19th and 20th century a number of orientalist painters and artists visited Morocco. Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) found that a total of two- hundred and fifty five foreign artists painted in Tangier from 1832-1950. During this time period, Tangier became a convenient entry point for European artists due to its close proximity to Spain. Artists who visited Morocco during the 19th and 20th century include: Henri Matisse (1869 –1954), Eugene Delacroix (1798 -1863),

Jacques Majorelle (1886-1962), and James McBey (1883-1959). During this period of

orientalism and western travel to North Africa some scholars assert that Moroccan

painting developed (Ali, 1997).

Ali (1997) asserts that easel painting was introduced to Morocco during this

European invasion and more specifically, in 1912 at the beginning of the French

Protectorate (1912-1956). During this period in time European painters and wealthy

hobbyists began supporting exhibitions and developing artistic societies. Sijelmassi

(1989) also states that the emergence of Moroccan painting is clearly defined before

the country’s independence in 1956. Based on his review of contemporary

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scholarship written on art by Moroccans, Irbouh (2001) also supports Ali’s (1997)

assertion. He states that generally, the literature attributes the development of

Moroccan art with the country’s contact with Western artists. The life and work of

Mohamed Ben Ali R’Bati (1861-1939) provides a beginning example of the

relationship between western residents and Moroccan artists.

Both Ali (1997) and Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) state that Mohamed

Ben Ali R’Bati (1861-1939) was part of the first generation of Moroccan painters.

R’Bati worked as Sir John Lavery’s cook and was encouraged to paint. He painted public places and scenes of everyday life events such as feasts and wedding celebrations. In 1916, Lavery organized an exhibition of R’Bati’s works in a gallery. Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) refer to R’Bati as the first identifiable figurative painter and the first to hold an exhibition in Europe. However, the authors caution that early illuminated Moroccan manuscripts from the 1700s, now housed at the Royal Library of la Hassaniyya in Rabat, provide visual evidence that figurative painting existed before the 1900s.

Within Ali’s (1997) discussion of modern art, the author asserts that a “naïve” painting style developed in the 1940s. She associates “naïve” with self-taught artists and asserts these artists began imitating the Orientalist style of western colonial painters. Boutaleb (1985) suggests that naïve painters develop their style during the

1950s after colonial dependency. He further defines the subject matter of naïve painters stating that their work centers on celebrations, marriages, and scenes of everyday life. Boutaleb (1995) presents ten naïve artists which include for example,

Fatmia Louardira (b. 1956), Fatima Hassan El Farouj (b. 1945), Mohamed Lagzouli

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(b. 1937), and Mohamed Naciri (b. 1943). Boutaleb (1985) also presents the work of

Ben Allal and Ahmed Drissi which are addressed by Ali (1997).

Naïve artists mentioned by Ali (1997) include: Tayeb Lahlou (1919-1972),

Moulay Ahmed Drissi (1923-1973), Mohamed Ben Allal (1924-1995), Ahmed

Yacoubi (1932-1987) and Mohamed Hamri (b. 1932). My findings discuss several

artists that were encouraged to produce works of art by influential western residents.

Specifically, Yacoubi and Hamri are discussed in my Tangier findings.

Dana (2008), suggest that the beginning of contemporary Moroccan art began

after Morocco’s independence in 1956. Her writing implies that this beginning was

sudden and a gradual progression of artistic developments simply did not exist in

Morocco. Dana (2008) asserts that the development of the art school, L’ Ecole des

Beaux Arts in Casablanca was a primary catalyst. Missing from this assertion are several additional developments and concepts related to the production of art during the Protectorate.

In 1945, the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Tetouan was founded and administered

by Mariano Bertuchi (1898-1985) under the Spanish Protectorate of northern

Morocco. The French Protectorate developed Ecole des Beaux Arts in Casablanca in

1950. This establishes the beginning development of artistic practices prior to

independence.

Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) assert that the “masters” of the first

generation of post-independence were trained in Bertuchi or Brindeau’s school.

Mohammed Melehi (b. 1936) represents one of these first generation artists. Trained

at L’Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Tetouan, Melehi has played an instrumental role in the

76 development of the arts in Morocco. His work will be discussed in my Asilah findings.

According to Irbouh (1998), during the Protectorate the production of

Moroccan art was dependent on the aesthetics of the west. Under colonial rule artists were being taught a western aesthetics and as Irbouh (1998) states, they were naturally appropriating these elements into their artwork.

Ali (1999) also points out that Resident General Lyautey had what she terms, an “appreciation” for traditional Moroccan art and culture (p. 73). She explains that

Lyautey preserved monuments, sustained crafts, and developed ethnographic museums. Ali (1999), referencing Sijelmassi (1989), writes that during this period in time Moroccan cultural heritage was not appreciated, but as time progressed the country’s visual heritage was “a source of inspiration” for modern Moroccan artists

(p. 74).

Ali’s (1999) writing is reminiscent of colonialist language insinuating that

Morocco’s indigenous art forms needed to be saved from its peoples. Irbouh (2000,

2001, & 2005) clearly articulates the manner in which the French reordered craft production and introduced French techniques to benefit a colonial agenda. However, I believe that Ali’s (1999) comments references the work of artists immediately following independence who sought to search for their national identity through art.

According to Irbouh (2001), Ali (1999), and Becker (2006), after Morocco gained independence in 1956 some artists completed part or all of their studies in

Europe and the United States. In the 1960s artists such as Farid Belkahia (b. 1934),

Mohamed Chabaa (b. 1935), and Mohammed Melehi (b. 1936) returned to Morocco.

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Becker (2006) asserts that the artists from this generation of painters wrestled with

identity issues and were guided by nationalistic ideas. The nationalist movement

sought to “delegitimize French culture” (Irbouh, 2001, p. 50). In this post-

independence group, Farid Belkahia is perhaps one of the most widely known artists.

Belkahia studied at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts de Paris from 1954 - 1959. In

1959, he moved to Prague to study theater design. After returning to Morocco in

1962, Belkahia was made the Director of the art school in Casablanca. Under his direction, a number of changes were made within the school. He eliminated western modes of study by eliminating items such as Greek statues in a desire to retain and develop traditional Moroccan art forms (Ali, 1997; Belhassan, Fullerton, & Slaoui,

2003). According to Becker (2006), students studied Amazigh art forms such as jewelry and textiles. Lessons on Arabic calligraphy were also added. In the article

“Tradition is the Future of Mankind,” the author Rajae Benchemsi (1995) states that:

“Belkahia’s keen interest in memory and in the human evolution expressed in tradition, led him to set up workshops on the history of Moroccan craftsmanship”

(p. 13).

Belkahia and his collegues, Mohamed Melihi and Mohamed Chebaa became known as the Casablanca Group. During the next decade, the Casablanca Group was active in showing their work to the public. In the late 1970s new artistic programs

such as the Asilah Cultural Moussem were also developed (see, Contemporary

Artistic Practices, Asilah, Morocco).

In his own artistic work, Belkahia moved away from the traditional Western

techniques of oils and easel painting. He first started working with copper and then

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began experimenting with animal hides. His contemporary pieces are specifically

inspired by Amazigh visual elements found in tattoos and jewelry (Becker, 2006).

Works produced by Belkahia have been exhibited worldwide (for visual examples

see, Pontcharra & Kabbal, 2000; Becker, 2006; Belhassan et al., 2003; Jereb, 1995;

Irbouh, 1998; Bure, Bounfour, Benbouchta, & Collet, 2005; Benchemsi, 1995).

Today, a new generation of artist is receiving attention. Exhibitions and

publication materials, such as Beyond the Myth (Belhassan et al., 2003) and NAFAS

(http://universes-in-universe.org/eng/nafas/), provide a forum for artists who are

grappling with contemporary issues. These issues include globalization, identity, and

post-colonialism. Featured in number of contemporary publications (for example,

Belhassan et al., 2003; Pontcharra & Kabbal, 2000), Mournir Fatmi represents a new

generation of artist.

Born in Tangiers in 1970, Fatmi lives and works in both Paris and Tangiers.

Since 1989, the artist has employed a variety of media to explore the issues of identity. In the exhibition catalogue Beyond the Myth (Belhassan et al., 2003), the curator states:

Faced with the malaise of his generation, with indifference, and with absence of communication, adopts a radical attitude that attacks the very foundations of his pictorial practical experiences. (p. 13)

At the artist’s personal website (http://www.mounirfatmi.com/), it is noted that in

1993 he publicly asserted to the Moroccan press that he was a “symbolically dead artist.” This statement alludes to the current discourse centering on the lack of interest in contemporary Moroccan art. This sentiment was reverberated in a 2003 meeting between the Brunei Gallery of London and the artists who participated in the

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exhibition Beyond the Myth. The artists “felt excluded from the international art scene because western art exhibitions and markets were self-perpetuating” (Belhassan et al.,

2003, p. 9). Additional concerns were raised over being “pigeonholed by the West to fit an Arab-Muslim entity” (Belhassan et al., 2003, p. 9).

Mounir Fatmi employs a variety of media to conceptually create his works.

Exotic (2002), utilizes video footage to directly comment on the Western colonization

of Africa. The piece, which is 8 minutes in duration, shows young street dancers of

Kinshasa. Filmed in the Congo, the dancers are wearing David Beckham football

jerseys with their traditional costumes. Fatmi situates this image within the context of

colonization and the concept of the ‘Other’ (Belhassan et al., 2003). According to the

curators of Beyond the Myth (Belhassan et al., 2003), Fatmi’s film illustrates a

paradox in which western icons, such as David Beckman, has become “attractive and

exotic in their eyes” (p. 41).

Museums and Museum Education

My dissertation has been influenced by critical scholarship by Clifford (1988)

who outlines the art-culture system in which “exotic objects have been contextualized and given value in the West” (p. 58). Specifically, Clifford’s (1988) essay “On

Collecting Art And Culture” centers on non-western representations. His work

critically examines issues of authenticity, systems of collecting, and modern appropriation. Referencing new tribal recognition claims and the development of

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tribal museums, Clifford (1988) asserts that the dominant art-culture system is

currently being challenged (p. 75).13

Systems of collecting and displaying objects have been a point of discussion

and debate for scholars, particularly in museum education (Hooper-Greenhill, 1992;

Hein, 2000; Wallach, 1998; Pearce, 1994; Brigham, 1995). Texts such as David

Brigham’s Public Culture in the Early Republic (1995), examine one of America’s first museums of art and science, the Peale Museum in Philadelphia. Charles Willson

Peale’s museum housed a myriad of objects from paintings to preserved animals. His collection also included an array of non-Western objects. In essence his collection represented the “world in miniature” (p. 1). According to Brigham (1995), Peale believed that all of nature was “structured hierarchically” and he “defined social ranking – particularly by race – as natural” (p. 122). This belief transferred to his system of displaying art and cultural objects.

Peale’s displays and accompanying writing created a system in which visitors

encountered the objects as “curiosities to giggle at” or “evidence to be understood

scientifically” (Clifford, p. 59). Elements of Peale’s museum also mimic Clifford’s

discussion of “hierarchies of value” (p. 60). Clifford states that “the self that must

possess but cannot have it all learns to select, order, classify in hierarchies – to make

‘good’ collections (p. 60). However, in contrast to Clifford’s examples Peale’s

Museum begins to reveal the insidious nature of collecting. Bringham (1995) writes

that, “Peale and his audience constructed a cultural model in which white America

13 My findings will illustrate that exhibition spaces such as L’appartement 22 (see Rabat findings) are challenging dominant western interpretations.

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behaved benevolently toward other races and simultaneously maintained a sense of

superiority over them” (p. 122).

The system of placing paintings of other races and non-western objects on

display as “exotic” objects is also evident through an examination of world’s fairs. A

brief discussion of Orientalism and how North Africa was represented in the fairs

follows. This literature is relevant because my findings indicate the continued staging

of orientalist scenes within Morocco’s tourist industry.

In a 1998 article titled “Orientalism And the Exhibitionary Order” the author,

Tony Mitchell, revisits the concept of Orientalism through a review of the seminal work of Edward Said. Mitchell’s essay situates this discussion within the 1889 Paris

Exposition Universelle and reviews the fairs Oriental exhibits. The exhibition was a

European organization of a representation of the world that Mitchell (1988) refers to as a “system that illustrates the global hegemony of the West” (p. 495). The

Exposition included numerous constructed displays that included imagery from multiple cultures as well as new machinery.

The world exhibitions became a central place to represent the non-Western world. Objects were removed from their environment and “contextualized and given value in the West” (Clifford, p. 58). For example, the Egypt exhibit at the 1889 Paris

Exposition Universelle consisted of a recreation of medieval Cairo. The exhibit included imitation houses and a mosque. To create an “authentic” experience

Egyptian donkeys and drivers were imported. Frenchman dressed up as Orientals and sold various perfumes and other “Egyptian type” objects. However, the exhibit was essentially a façade on many levels. For example, when one entered the mosque the

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interior was actually a coffee house containing young female and male dancers.

Mitchell writes that “the effect of such spectacles was to set the world up as a picture.

They ordered it up as an object on display to be investigated and experienced by the

dominating European gaze” (p. 498).

Benjamin (2003) also discusses universal expositions in his book Oriental

Aesthetics: Art, Colonialism, and French North Africa 1880-1930. The author states that French colonies were represented in a range of visual displays at universal expositions. Benjamin (2003) asserts that the Society of French Orientalist Painters worked on large murals and dioramas for colonial pavilions for at least three expositions. The society, according to Benjamin (2003), realized that large numbers of people were drawn to the exposition. The Colonial Exposition of 1922 in

Marseille, France featured a diorama of Fez.

These cultural facades, dioramas, and panoramas are relevant to Clifford’s

discussion of cultural objects within a collection. Clifford refers to Stewarts writing to

show how collections, specifically in museums, “create the illusion of adequate

representation of a world by first cutting objects out of specific contexts (whether

cultural, historical, or intersubjective) and making them ‘stand for’ abstract wholes”

(p. 60-61). However in contrast to Clifford, Mitchell clearly addresses the connection

between non-western exhibitions and issues of power by pointing out “the importance

of this construction of otherness to the manufacture of national identity and imperial

purpose” (p. 496).

Edward Said’s (1978) seminal work on Orientalism also addresses non-

western interpretations. He specifically identifies the Orient as a “European

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invention” that is rooted within systems of power and oppression (p. 1). This

literature informs my research because orientalist imagery from the 19th century still exists today within Morocco. Furthermore, the exotic image of the orient is still perpetuated within the west through educational systems that selectively teach and exhibit imagery that does not reflect the contemporary realities of the country. This selectivity by educational systems keeps areas of North Africa quaint and othered.

Scholars in the area African studies have also addressed issues of power.

In the article “The Prison House of Culture: Why African Art? Why the

Guggenheim? Why Now?” (1998) the author, Michele Wallace, provides a brief

review of the history of displaying African art. Wallace, the daughter of Faith

Ringgold, critically discusses the appalling lack of study and appreciation of African art in this country. The author asserts that until recently, African discourse has been

“plagued by Eurocentrism, phallocentrism, and solipsism that had always marked other Western discourses about Africa” (p. 374). Wallace (1998) provides a review of the chaos that followed when Europe colonized the African continent. Specifically,

African objects were taken for exhibition and even entire villages were shipped to western powers to be placed on display. However, Wallace asserts that there is a new generation of scholars who employ methods from multiple fields – art history, anthropology, archaeology, etc. – to integrate varying discourses that expose colonial histories and the acquisition of African art.

Currently, new scholarship and museum exhibitions in the field of North

African Islamic studies are addressing the continuing misrepresentation of Morocco

and North African Arab artists. Through articles and exhibitions such as Broken

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Letter: Contemporary art from Arab Countries (2003), Beyond the Myth: An

Exhibition of Contemporary Moroccan Art (2003), and Vital: Three contemporary

African Artists (1995), scholars are attempting to redefine Western perceptions of

North African Islamic art.

Effects of Colonialism

I hear the storm. They talk to me about progress, about “achievements,” diseases cured, improved standards of living; I am talking about societies drained of their essence, cultures trampled underfoot; institutions undermined, lands confiscated, religions smashed, magnificent artistic creations destroyed, extraordinary possibilities wiped out. (Cesaire, 2000, p. 42)

As I sat in the American Legation Museum in Tangier (2006) surrounded by artworks created by both Moroccan artists and western artists, I began to sift through a vast array of texts collected by the artist James McBey (1883-1959). What emerged from my readings was a beginning understanding of the dialogue used by the colonizer to justify colonization. While the words of Scham (1970) asserted that “one of the greatest privileges of colonization is that it is in fact capable of enriching the greatest number of people without impoverishing anyone in return” my fresh rereading of Cesaire’s Discourse on Colonialism (2000) countered “no one colonizes innocently” (p. 39).

As I searched for critical scholarship that pertained to colonialism it became evident that the identifier of Morocco as a “colonized” country was at times called

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into question (see for example, Scham, 1970).14 According to Scham, Morocco was not treated as a conquered colony in the manner that Algeria was, but was instead a temporary protectorate. Scham states that the administration created by the French government in Morocco was legally defined as a protectorate which “implies only temporary intervention in the affairs of another nation; by common consent of both parties through an international agreement” (p.56). The nuances between these terms, colony and protectorate, held little meaning to me as I began reading early travel essays written prior the Moroccan Protectorate, that is, prior to 1912, (Beauclerk,

1828; Hodgkin, 1866; Amicis, 1882; Thomson, 1889) and during the Protectorate from 1912-1956 (Kerr, 1912; Wharton, 1920; Harris, 1921; Lowth, 1929; De’Righi,

1935; Landau, 1951). As I traversed down a reading path of colonialist language in

“which everything that was good and civilized was defined and measured in

European terms,” Cesaire’s words of cultures being trampled and drained of their essence appeared evident to me and fitting as an opening quote to this section of my literature review (Kelly, 2000, p. 27).

Several difficulties arose for me as I began thinking about the effects of colonialism on contemporary Moroccan art and culture. First, how is culture defined?

Hall (1994) asserts that the concept of “culture” remains complex. Multiple definitions and ways of conceptualizing culture exist. For example, Clifford (1988) provides a historical review of the term culture. He asserts that some scholars

14 In fact, during a conversation with a Moroccan political activist whose father was intricately involved in the nationalist movement, I was corrected when I referred to Morocco as being a colonized country (personal communication, 09-02-2006). During this same period of time a French proprietor who had been living in Morocco for six years stated that yes, in the beginning Morocco was a Protectorate, but it did become a colony as time progressed. She alluded to military force, but did not clearly articulate the specific events (personal communication, 09-06-2006). 86

continue to view culture as “a coherent body that lives and dies” (p. 235). Hall (1994)

also provides a definition and presents two ways of conceptualizing culture. The first

connects culture with the domain of ideas, while the other emphasizes social practices

and is more anthropological. Using the later anthropological view of culture, Hall

(1994) defines the theory of culture and the analysis of culture as “the attempt to discover the nature of the organization which is the complex of these (social) practices” (p. 523).

If I choose to define culture as fixed and as being bound within the land

borders of Morocco, problems arise.15 Specifically, the varying cultural ethnic and religious groups that coexist within the country challenge my ability to establish a frame of reference. In other words, within Morocco there are multiple ethnic and even religious groups within the country and each I believe may have been affected by colonialism in varying ways. Specifically in Morocco, there exists three indigenous

Berber groups who primarily, but not exclusively reside in both the northern Rif mountainous areas of Morocco, (north, , atlas) and in the southern Sahara regions of the country. Within Morocco there is also an Arab-Muslim population,

Arab-Jewish population, and a Gnawa population that were brought from lower regions of Africa to Morocco as slaves in the 16th century (Ross et al., 2002). 16 How do I determine the effects on each of these groups? Is this even possible?

During an informal discussion with two individuals living in Morocco, during my 2006 research trip, I began posing questions pertaining to Morocco’s colonial

15 I am exploring the idea that culture is fixed because I feel that current multicultural curriculum texts and western art history texts present materials about the non-western world in this manner. 16 Currently within Morocco there is also an immigrant Nigerian and European population that have also made Morocco their prime residence. 87

history. I specifically expressed my concern over determining the effects of colonization on a culture that I viewed as consisting of extremely diverse groups.

Both individuals were residents of Morocco, one being of Moroccan descent and the

other French. My Moroccan informant stated that my discussion of the effects of

colonization needed to center on only larger Arab cities within Morocco. This

informant stated that the indigenous Berber groups were not affected by colonization and I was told that the correct term to use when referring to Berber groups was

Amzigah, which means "free man" (personal communication, 09-06-2006). As a result of this beginning conversation I realized that as I progressed in my research it

was important to gather as many multiple interpretations as I could from individuals

who lived within Morocco.17

In light of works such as Frantz Fanon’s (1965), A Dying Colonialism, which

centered on Algeria’s struggle against their colonial oppressors, my search for critical scholarship pertaining to Morocco’s post-independence years led to a dismal array of outdated publications written by western scholars primarily during the Protectorate.

These texts (i.e. Howe, 1931; Scham, 1970) glorified France and viewed Frances occupation as assisting a “backward looking country such as Morocco” (Howe, 1931, p. 334). However, some new scholarship has emerged namely, the work of Hamid

Irbouh (2000, 20001, and 2005). As a result, the second portion of my review places an emphasis on Irbouh’s critique of colonialism and centers on French art education during the Protectorate of Morocco (1912-1956). Irbouh’s analysis of the role of

17 Despite this realization, I believe that my data is still devoid of multiple interpretations regarding the effects of colonization on contemporary Moroccan culture and is woefully narrowly constructed.

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colonialism on art education I contend begins to answer the question of how

colonialism has affected one aspect of contemporary Moroccan culture, the visual

arts.

French Art Education

According to Irbouh (2001) the Protectorate restructured crafts workshops by shifting control to the French Administration. As a result, Moroccan craftsman began to be trained in vocational schools. Scham (1970) states that by the 1920s ten of the fourteen vocational schools centered on European trades such as metalwork and four centered on “native arts” that is, leather work, ceramics, and cabinet work (p. 151).

These vocational schools, according to Irbouh (2001), adopted French recommendations which included methods of production. Irbouh (2001) asserts that the Protectorates intention was to make Moroccans economically independent which would keep them from interfering in colonial plans. Essentially Moroccans were being segregated from the French. Irbouh (2001) also asserts that unschooled children from rural areas were recruited through a system of open workshops to continue enrollment in vocational schools. Graduates were channeled into a labor force that supported the colonial agenda and facilitated the building of vast building projects

(Irbouh, 2001).

In 1915 a Casablanca Franco-Moroccan Fair was organized by the

Protectorate to display the products of local industries (Irbouh, 2005). These products

were examined and it was determined by the Protectorate that ancient artifacts were

superior to current craft productions. As a result, prototypes that mimicked or

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replicated ancient artifacts were established. Irbouh (2005) asserts that as a result of

French guidelines the personal mark of the artisan was no longer present in Moroccan

craft items.

During my trips to Morocco in 2002 and 2006, I observed and informally

interviewed workshop owners who employed apprentices. Specifically in 2002, I

spoke with an owner of a small ceramic operation in Safi, Morocco who expressed

the need to continually develop new products to stay competitive. It is clear to me

through my discussions that the arts industry continues to shift to meet the demands

of the tourist market. Current research on tourism by Cheggar (2002) and Ross et al.

(2002) identify the importance of the arts within Morocco’s economy. My own

discussions with artists through both my thesis work on ceramics and now my current

research have revealed introductions of new methods of production to cut costs and

increase profits.

Figure 27: Image of a tourist souvenir acquired by the author in 2004. Object is a ceramic dish decorated with under glazes depicting palm trees and perhaps intended to evoke memories of desert scenes in southern Morocco.

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Figure 28: Author’s photograph of an open market in Meknes, Morocco displaying ceramic objects for tourists taken in January of 2002. The image also includes additional examples of tourist ceramic objects.

Visual Culture: Print Media, the Internet, and the Tourist Industry

Through the course of my studies on visual images produced in North Africa,

I have been introduced to a number of cultural studies that have significantly influenced my research. For example, texts such as The Colonial (1986) by

Malek Alloula, critically examine picture postcards of North African women produced and sent by the French during colonialism. These images circulated in the early 1900s to the 1960s. In recent years exhibitions, such as the Smithsonian’s In and Out of Focus (2003), have examined similar imagery produced in sub-Saharan

Africa. These photographs were used to “describe and classify peoples under colonial domination” and focused on “themes that often reinforced erroneous notions of an exotic or savage Africa, visually evoking stereotypes” (Geary, 2003). As my research

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has progressed, it has become clear that the themes that were once portrayed in

colonial postcards still exist today in a myriad of formats, written, verbal, and visual.

Smith’s (1999) essay “Research Adventure on Indigenous Land” takes a critical look at Western knowledge and constructions of the “other.” Referencing scholars such as bell hooks, the author provides a critical perspective of western, white, travelers journeying through the “new” world. Smith specifically asserts that from an indigenous perspective, “all early Westerners were travelers who came with a mission (scientific, religious or entrepreneurial), rather than with a sense of adventure” (Smith, 1999, p. 78).

Smith focuses her essay on “ethnocentric and patriarchal” travel accounts and asserts that a central impetus for such records came from “a need to record things in written form” before changes occurred within the observed society (Smith, 1999, p.

79). My own exploration of travel essays reveals this agenda. In Lowth (1929) travel essay, A Wayfarer in Morocco, the author encourages travelers to visit Morocco before it changes. Lowth (1929) writes:

The Arabs appreciate our inventions and make as free use of them as their means permit; they enjoy our amusements, and take full advantage of the schools, as of the roads, railways, shipping, and post. Is it likely that they will remain for very long content with simple things – old fashioned dress, habits, food? So those who wish to see old Morocco must loose no time. (p. 3).

Smith (1999) asserts that many of these early travelers’ accounts continue to frame discourses on indigenous issues. Smith (1999) states that even today practices of

“othering” still exist. This present-day othering is tied to capitalism and the appetite

“for goods and foreign desires for the strange” (Smith, 1999, p. 89). I assert that this

“othering” still exists within Morocco and is manifested through the tourist industry. 92

With the advent of the internet and more specifically travel logs, anyone can

post their interpretations regarding their experiences in Morocco. A brief and

informal search for contemporary travel essays pertaining to Morocco revealed a

plethora of narratives. Some of these contemporary narratives mimicked the early

narratives that I had reviewed during my research at the American Legation Museum

in Tangier (Beauclerk, 1828; Hodgkin, 1866; Amicis, 1882; Thomson, 1889; Kerr,

1912; Wharton, 1920; Harris, 1921; Lowth, 1929). For example, on Suzie’s travel

web log, posted on April 20, 2005, the author has provided readers with a section on

crime for the tourist in Morocco. Stating:

Morocco has a high crime rate in urban areas. Criminals have targeted tourists for robberies, assaults, muggings, thefts, pickpocketing, and scams of all types. Some travelers have been befriended by persons of various nationalities who have offered them food, drink, or cigarettes that are drugged. Harassment of tourists by unemployed Moroccans posing as "guides" is a common problem. Unescorted women in any area of Morocco may experience verbal abuse. (http://www.shopperfavorites.com/travel-destinations/data/0243.html)

Suzie’s log runs parallel to Amicis’ (1882) description of his arrival in Tangier.

A crowd of half-naked ragged Arabs, standing up to their hips in the water, and pointing out the ship with eager gesture like a band of brigands rejoicing over their approaching prey. (p. 10)

At Ikahn's Top Ten Tips for Traveling in Morocco (2001), the author provides his interpretation of various experiences that he had in Morocco during twelve trips to

Morocco over a span of eight years. Number five in his list titled, “American = Gods or Suckers (you decide)” begins by stating, “Anyone who flies into Casablanca as much as I have has to be wealthy. Or so the locals think. But they are not above taking pot shots at you” (http://www.bootsnall.com/articles/01-01/ikahns-top-ten-tips- for-traveling-in-morocco.html)/

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One of the common threads that run throughout these narrative both past essays and current internet blogs is the sign of depersonalization. Memmi (1965) calls this sign “the mark of the plural” or essentially “anonymous collectivity” (p. 85).

Spurr (2004) offers a possible framework for examining these writings based on his twelve rhetorical modes in the colonial discourse.

In early travel essay written during the Protectorate references to Moroccans as being inferior surface repeatedly. Spurr (2004) asserts that through writing the colonizer establishes authority by creating the other. Writing by authors such as

Wharton (1920) helped to created an exotic image through essays that described

Morocco as “a land of mists and mysteries” and “of trailing silver veils” (Wharton,

1920, back cover). Picture postcards of North African women produced in the early

1900s to the 1960s and sent by the French during colonialism visually solidified the portrayal of Morocco as exotic (see Alloula, 1986).

Today as an independent country, Morocco continues to create its identity through a colonizers lens by recreating “exotic” Morocco for tourism. Recent studies on tourism through Al Akhawyan Unviersity in Ifrane, Morocco and conference proceedings through Abdelmalek Essaadi University in Tetouan, Morocco support this assertion (see for example, Cheggour, 2002; Ross et al., 2002; Amine et al.,

2006). Specifically, Cheggour (2002) asserts that guides and shop owners simplify information and create stories to recreate perpetuate the image of the exotic Morocco and fit the perceptions of travelers. However, Cheggour (2002) also asserts that:

The way tourists approach Marrakech prevents them from ‘seeing’ anything that might contradict or challenge their preconceptions. Many of them [tourists] take on the role of the civilized, industrialized and

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superior’ foreigner who comes to see, admire and perhaps help the ‘native.’ (Cheggour, p. 27)

My research during the summer of 2006 identified vast revitalization projects

underway in Fez. Specifically, a new tourist circuit had been established that

identified cultural buildings through various signs and labels. An accompanying

guide that will be examined in my findings, includes a speech by King Mohammed

VI stating that Morocco’s “objective is to turn the tourism industry into an economic

sector of highest priority” (Saber, 2005, p. 1).

Figure 29: Photo of university study abroad group (that includes the author on the far left) taken January of 2002 at a Moroccan dinner and Fantasia spectacle. The event catered to primarily tourist crowds. The woman posing in the background of the photo is dressed in replica Amazigh clothing and jewelry and played a role in the evening entertainment. The image and event support Cheggour’s (2002) assertions that the ‘exotic’ image is recreated for tourists.

It is important to note that visual culture within America can also stereotype

Moroccans through classifying residents as Arabs. Recent scholarship by Shaheen

(2001) and Friedlander (2004) bring to the forefront the power of stereotypical images within American popular culture. Shaheen’s (2001) examines the

“stereotypical confinement of Arabs” through an analysis of 900 Hollywood films in

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Reel Bad Arabs: How Hollywood Vilifies a People (2001) and discusses the effect of

these images. Shaheen (2001) asserts that through Hollywood’s eyes Arabs are

terrorists, religious fanatics, and abusers of women which have been ingrained in

Americans minds. In contrast, Friedlander documents print media, advertisements,

signs, and events (parades, fairs) that perpetuate “American Orientalism.” American

theme parks such as Epcot Center, creates similar visual facades and dioramas to

those created in the late 19th and 20th century at world’s fairs thus perpetuating the

Orientalist image of Morocco (see the Moroccan Pavilion, online at Epcot).

Contemporary Narratives and Personal Experiences

From my personal experiences and conversations with Moroccan residents I

can assert that the is an integral part of the educational system.

During an informal conversation with a customs police officer in 2004, the officer

stated: “We speak better French than the French!” (personal communication, 8-2004).

Additional conversations with artists and tourist guides have informed me that while

Arabic is the first language of Morocco, in school students are taught French at a very

young age. A third language is offered and some informants have stated that English

is often studied. Through my travels I have found that the number of languages one

speaks corresponds to the individuals’ years of schooling, their region of inhabitance,

and their specific occupation.

During my research trip to Fez, Morocco (September, 2006), I had the

opportunity to spend a day with a former female professor of political science who

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grew up during the Nationalist movement.18 During the course of our conversation my informant stated that after independence a lot of changes took place in the social structure of Morocco. She stated that life in Morocco is like living in Europe. She provided visual examples such as construction projects, but also asserted that

Morocco has some rules like Europe. She emphasized the changes in family structures. Before the family structure included many extended members of the family unit living together in one household, however now the family structure is smaller often consisting of just the husband and wife. She also stated that women in

Morocco before independence were just in the house, but today they are now working in multiple fields. She provided teaching and hospital work as two examples. Yet she said that intellectual women still want to find more and there are a lot of difficulties and contradictions within Morocco. Some individuals within the society want to be

near Europe while others want to live a traditional Islamic life. She stated that this is

why one can find a lot of different types of families and different types of women.

Missing from this portion of my review are excerpts from a myriad of contemporary Moroccan voices discussing the remnants of Frances occupation. I have found that the topic of the French Protectorate does not surface during discussions, but the current development of property by European investors has sparked several illuminating conversations. The continued presence of European residents evoked concern from several of my informants. As European investors restore historic residences to develop tourist residences, some Moroccans see families being forced out of quarters and traditions being changed. For example, I was told by

18 According the Pennell (2000) the Nationalist movement began approximately in the 1930s. Led by intellectuals, this movement connected to other nationalist movements in the Arab east, such as Egypt. 97 one informant that some families will sell their property to foreign investors because they simply need to the money. The result however, is that the family unit is divided.

In addition, this informant said that some European residents who own tourist residences complain about early morning calls to prayer. The investors seek to change this religious practice to accommodate their foreign clientele.

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CHAPTER 3

METHODOLOGY

Introduction

The purpose of this study was to identify and then analyze a range of artworks

produced by contemporary artists living in Morocco in order to defamilarize

dominant non-western art history canons and prevailing perceptions of North African

Arab cultures. My study sought to view Moroccan works of art contextually by

participating in a range of cultural activities within Morocco and by “learning from

people” rather “than studying people” (Spradley, 1979). These purposes and activities

aligned this qualitative study within the domain of ethnographic research.

Design of Study

A qualitative design was utilized to holistically approach this study. Denzin &

Lincoln (2003) assert that qualitative design is centered on understanding social

settings, is concerned with relationships within cultures, and with personal interactions that requires the researcher to be in the field (p. 57).

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The original design of this study was constructed to utilize oral history methodologies and borrow methods from the basic tenets of ethnographic research.

Through the process of fieldwork research (July – September 2006) the design of this study emerged as primarily an ethnographic study. As determined by my fieldwork, the process of recording, transcribing, editing, and making the histories of each artist’s life publicly accessible became socially and culturally challenging. These activities are the hallmark of oral histories (Perks & Thomson, 1998: Gluck & Patai,

1991; Errante, 2000).

Oral histories or narratives of identity center on memory and contexts of remembering (Gubrium, 2003; Errante, 2000; Gluck & Patai, 1991; Perks &

Thomson, 1998). Perks & Thomson (1998) assert that oral histories interviews often center on personal interpretations of historical events which offer new insight into our past. During fieldwork, one participant in my study did begin to recount her childhood memories and her family’s role in the nationalistic movement within

Morocco. Oral history methodologies and discourses about the theoretical problems with oral narratives were referenced for this particular interview, however the design of this study centers on the research methodology of ethnography.

The following literature in the field of education and anthropology was drawn upon to reformulate my study as an ethnographic work: Strategies of Qualitative

Inquiry, Denzin & Lincoln, 2003; Visual Anthropology: Photography as a Research

Method, Collier & Collier, 1986; Methodological Issues and Practices in

Ethnography, Troman, et al., 2005; Participant Observation, Spradley, 1980;

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InterViews: An Introduction to Qualitative Research Interviewing, Kvale, 1996; and

Postmodern Interviewing, Gubrium & Holstein, 2003.

A multi-method ethnographic approach was utilized to carry out my research

(Troman, et al., 2005). This approach was employed to enrich my understanding of

the art and culture of Morocco. The primary methods used were participant

observations, semi-structured and unstructured conversational interviews, and content

analysis. Based on Collier & Collier’s (1986) work, photography and film were also

utilized as a research method.

Research studies that have been conducted within Morocco or the Middle East

were utilized as a guide for formulating this study. A few of these sources include:

Remembering Childhood in the Middle East: Memoirs from a Century of Change

(Fernea, 2002), Women of Marrakech: Record of a Secret Sharer, 1930-1970 (Peets,

1988) and Behind the Courtyard Door: The Daily Life of Tribeswomen in Northern

Morocco (Hart, 1994). These resources offered an array of approaches to “writing-

up” stories and for including personal narratives within texts.

I have constructed my study to include my own voice situated alongside the

voices of western and non-western scholars and Moroccan participants in an effort to

create “layers of various kinds of information” (p. 16). Lather & Smithies (1997)

assert that the inclusion of many voices offers “various levels of knowing and

thinking through which a reader can make their own sense” of the information

presented (p. 15).

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Description of Fieldwork

Ethnography, which derives from anthropology, traditionally required researchers to be in the field for a considerable time frame (Jeffery & Troman, 2004).

Wolcott (1995) described the standard fieldwork term to be two years (as cited by

Jeffery & Troman, 2004). My fieldwork followed elements of both a compressed ethnographic time mode and an intermittent time mode. Jeffery & Troman (2004) defines a compressed time mode as a short period of ethnographic research that lasts anywhere from a few days to a month. The researcher inhabitants the research site on a permanent basis during this time frame and through primarily observational field notes the researcher “captures the dynamics” of the context (Jeffery & Troman, 2004, p. 538).

Jeffery & Troman (2004) assert that an intermittent time mode is one where the researcher extends the length of time in the field from three months to two years.

The frequency of visits is flexible and intermittent. By investigating a specific area over time the researcher is able continuously reflect on the data collected between field visits.

My research work in Morocco consisted of three separate trips of varying length dispersed over a five year period. In January of 2002, I participated in a three- week graduate field seminar in which I studied contemporary ceramic production.

This fieldwork data, which included video taped interviews, field-notes, and photographic evidence of technological processes was utilized to complete my thesis on Morocco’s contemporary ceramic production. This previously collected data was

102 utilized to determine my specific research locations for this study and assisted me in making beginning contacts.

During the summer of 2004, I completed pre-dissertation fieldwork.

Specifically, I attended Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane, Morocco for four-weeks and participated in their Arabic Language and North African Studies Program. During this experience I attended Arabic classes at the university with international students and Moroccan teaching assistants. As a part of this program, I also participated in a cultural trip to Marrakesh with students and the Al Akhawayn faculty. The university also housed a research library which I utilized to collect data on the history of

Moroccan art forms and to acquire Al Akhawayn University publications on tourism and art (see for example, Cheggour, 2002; Ross, Shoup, Maghraoui, & Marzouk,

2002). Upon completion of this program I spent an additional four weeks in Morocco independently traveling to the cities of Tangier, Asilah, Fès, and Casablanca.

Galleries, museums, and local artisan shops were visited for purposes of determining possible dissertation sites. Preliminary data was collected in the form of non- participant and participant observation notes. These field notes were written in a 4” x

6” journal filled with graph paper. Sketches of repeated visual motifs were sketched within this journal. Photos were taken on a Fuji Film 160 EZ camera and videos were shot with Sony Digital DCR-TRV19 Video Camera recorder.

The data collected for this study was based primarily on fieldwork conducted over a ten-week period from July to September of 2006. The cities of Fès, Essaouira,

Tangier, and the neighboring city of Asilah, were the primary sites for my study.

Over the span of ten-weeks participant observations and interviews were conducted

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with local artists. Additional data was collected by mining local museums, galleries,

and artists expos in each location.

Over the span of these three research trips to Morocco, I participated in the

culture of Moroccan peoples. A few of these experiences include: attending gallery

openings, visiting museums and important cultural sites, attending artisans workshops

where Moroccan artists demonstrated their production techniques, attending a

Moroccan University, observing Koranic schools, accepting an invitation to enter a

mosque, participation in “traditional” dances, and eating several meals with

Moroccan families.

Additional experiences that enriched my study included a winter quarter of

study on Egyptian culture and a ten-day study abroad trip to Egypt in 2005. This trip

expanded my understanding of and more specifically, literature and

music which was applicable to Morocco. My participation in a nine-week Arabic

Language Immersion program at The University of Chicago during the summer of

2005 further developed my Arabic language skills. In addition, the instructor was a

Moroccan citizen which provided with me an opportunity to specifically learn

additional information about Moroccan culture. Lastly, during my research I

continued studying the French language at The Ohio State University. This assisted

me with translating scholarly publications centering on Morocco.

Location of Study

These previous research trips, conducted in 2002 and 2004, served as the basis for my selection of sites for this study. Specifically, thesis research was conducted in

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Morocco in 2002 which examined contemporary ceramic production in the cities of

Fès, Safi, and Rissani. Additional contextual data was collected in the cities of

Meknes, Essaouira, Volubillis, Ouarzazate, Marrakech, Casablanca, and Rabat. Pre- dissertation research was conducted in 2004 in the cities of Ifrane, Fès, Essaouira,

Asilah, and Tangier.

The cities of Tangier, Asilah, Fès, and Essaouira, were purposefully chosen as

primary fieldwork locations for this study. Fieldwork for this study was conducted

from July 8, 2006 to September 17, 2006. During this ten-week fieldwork trip

approximately two and a half weeks of were spent in Essaouira, three weeks in the

area of Tangier and Asilah, and three weeks in Fez. The cities of Casablanca and

Rabat were utilized as secondary sites and the remaining week and a half was spent in these locations.

Each primary and secondary location chosen within Morocco provided data

that informed this study. Historically, Tangier has been the home to multiple artists

and currently the city hosts regular contemporary art exhibitions. Through the

American Institute of Mahgrib Studies (AIMS), I applied for research clearance to

utilize the AIMS facility in Tangiers. This facility, known as the Old American

Legation Museum, houses a collection of artworks and artifacts from the 17th century to the 20th century and contains a research library. The library consists primarily of travel essays from the 19th and 20th century.

A document analysis of collected data from my research conducted in

Tangier, Morocco in 2004 identified the nearby town of Asilah as information-rich.

Since 1978, Asilah has hosted an annual cultural arts festival from June to August. As

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a part of this festival, the town is white-washed and contemporary murals are publicly

painted throughout the city (see Karkri, 2004; Galerie de Hassan II, 2001). The

Hassan II International Convention Centre within Asiliah also exhibits contemporary

works from Moroccan artists.

In contrast to Asilah and Tangier, Fès is rich with contemporary “traditional”

work (i.e. ceramics). These works, while rooted in Morocco’s past, are shifting and

changing to meet the demands of the tourist market. Open workshops provide visitors

with a window into the production of many of Morocco’s “traditional” works.

Essaouira has also emerged as tourist destination due to picaresque coastal

views and its geographical location in southern Morocco near Marrakesh. The area

draws a number of contemporary artists and musicians.

Participants

Utilizing qualitative inquiry methods, a purposeful sample of approximately

ten to twelve artists were selected from three primary areas: Fès, Essaouira, and

Tangier. In Asilah, artworks were documented through photographic means to provide contextual data, but artists were not present for face-to-face interviews during my fieldwork.

The contemporary artwork that I wanted to study has not been fully

researched by scholars. From my beginning research it became evident that there was

not a formalized group or site that I could visit to acquire participants for my study.

As a result, the criteria for selecting artists for this study centered partly on

accessibility. I utilized the documents that I had collected from my research trips in

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2002 and 2004 to structure my research trip in 2006. Specifically, when I arrived in

each city I began to make connections with local galleries and business owners.

Through these beginning connections I was able to meet local artists and they in turn

introduced me to additional practicing artists. Through snowball sampling I was able

to meet artists in each primary research area. I narrowed my sample by selecting artists that informed and illuminated my guiding research questions (Patton, 1990).

Interviews as a Research Method

Interviews from my fieldwork in 2002, 2004, and 2006 have been kept in

several forms. My M.A. thesis work was completed in 2003 at the University of St.

Thomas in St. Paul, Minnesota. This final thesis document contains interviews that

were conducted in 2002. Interviews were primarily recorded using a video camera

recorder. Interview questions were asked while I filmed technical processes. Six

hours of videotaped interviews and area shots were transferred to DVD and selective

video clips have been entered into my computer utilizing Windows (2003) movie

maker. Additional field notes were taken in a small 4” x 6” journal filled with graph

paper. When possible, photographs were also taken of each artists production site to

supplement my field notes and video footage.

Interviews, photos, and video taken during pre-dissertation research in 2004

were collected in a similar fashion. Photos were taken on a Fuji Film 160 EZ camera

and videos were shot with Sony Digital DCR-TRV19 Video Camera recorder. Field

notes were taken in a small 4” x 6” journal filled with graph paper. A Gateway

600YG2 laptop was used in Morocco to transcribe select portions of these notes and

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observations into a Microsoft word document. The file folder was titled pre-proposal

research.

Fieldwork and interviews collected for this study follows the postmodernist

metaphor that Kvale (1996) labels as “interviewer as traveler” (p. 4). Kvale (1996)

explains that “the interviewer wanders along with the local inhabitants, asks questions

that lead the subjects to tell their own stories of their lived world, and converses with

them in the original Latin meaning of conversation as “wandering together with”

(p. 4).

Spradley (1979) explains that the ethnographer must explicitly and repeatedly explain the purpose of the interview. The ethnographer must also offer explanations during each aspect of the interviewing process. Participants of my study were informed of my study and interviews were formally schedule with my primary informants. However, as I progressed in my research cultural differences regarding time and space appeared. Instead, conversations were completed between researcher

and participant based on the informants’ schedule. A set of guiding preliminary

questions had been developed prior to beginning the interviewing process which closely follow Stuhr ‘s (1995) model. However, guided by Kvale’s (1996) book

InterViews: An Introduction to Qualitative Research Interviewing, a series of conversational themes were also developed to guide my conversations around specific topics. For a detailed list of themes and beginning questions see Appendix A.

Due to the conversational nature of my interviews, many were not tape-

reordered. Utilizing McCall’s (1980) interviewing process as a reference, I carried a 3

½ by 5 ½ inch notebook at all times. It was small enough to carry everywhere in an

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unobtrusive manner which allowed me to be consistently prepared for unscheduled

meetings with participants. These notations were expanded into a larger detailed

document as soon as possible after the interview process (Spradley, 1979). This

involved transferring hand written field notes to a Word document. My own journal

writings and experiences with participants were also recorded in a narrative form.

Visual documentations were utilized to supplement information gathered from

participants. In addition to collecting publications, flyers, and gallery announcements

related to the artists career the following equipment was utilized to record visual and

audio information: an Olympus Digital Voice Recorder WS-300M, a Canon EOS

Digital Rebel XT camera, and a Sony Digital DCR-TRV19 Video Camera recorder.

After my fieldwork in Morocco, computer-mediated communication (CMC)

was utilized to extend beginning interviews with primary participants. Mann &

Stewart (2003) describes two primary forms of CMC. According to Mann & Stewart

(2003) asynchronous CMC include emailing systems which allow the sender to construct messages to be transmitted electronically. The recipient then has the ability to read the message and reply. The recipient can also forward, print, and even save the message. Synchronous CMC is referred to as “real-time chat” that involves two or more individuals chatting simultaneously (Mann & Stewart, 2003, p.82). I chose asynchronous CMC to continue my discussion with those artists that had access to the internet. This allowed me to continue my interviews with informants and clarify previously acquired data while limiting the financial burden of traveling to Morocco.

In addition, language and communication differences were diminished through my language proficiency in reading French and my informants’ ability to utilize language

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translation software as an aid. However, the use of CMC did limit my data collection

in terms of the number of informants I was able to contact after my fieldwork in

Morocco. Specifically, not all of my informants from Morocco had an email account

or the means to access the internet. While internet cafes are abundant within Fès,

Essaouira, and Tangier, a number of factors limited the number of informants I was able to communicate with when I returned to the United States. These limitations included: economic conditions, knowledge of technology systems, and the ability to communicate in written form.

Photography and Video as a Research Method

In my study, photography and video were utilized as a research method.

Collier & Collier (1986) assert that “this mechanical support of field observation

extends the possibilities of critical analysis, for the camera record contributes a

control factor to visual observation” (p. 10). While photography is similar to a notebook in terms of its selective gathering of information, the information in

photography “is specific, with qualifying and contextual relationships that are usually

missing from codified written notes” (Collier & Collier, 1986, p.10).

In my study, approximately 1,300 digital images were taken during my 2006

fieldwork using a Canon EOS Digital Rebel XT. Collier & Collier’s (1986) shooting

guide for a photographic survey of an urban neighborhood was utilized as a beginning

structure to organize my fieldwork images. The ten categories include the following: location, appearance, organization, functions, people, transportation, residential areas,

daily cycles, history, and change (see Appendix B). The category of “people” was

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modified from Collier & Collier’s (1986) model to reflect a more culturally sensitive

approach. A detailed description of each of the categories I utilized can be found in

Appendix B. Images from each category were taken in Tangier, Asilah, Fès, and

Essaouira. Photographs and video stills from prior research trips (i.e. 2002, 2004) and

from the secondary sites of Casablanca and Rabat were included in my study.

Historical and Visual Documents

Prior to my fieldwork for this study (2006) I applied for a research clearance

to utilize the American Institute of Mahgrib Studies (AIMS) research facility in

Tangiers. I had visited this site in August of 2004 and through pre-dissertation

research had determined that the documents housed at the research facility were

relevant to my study. The AIMS facility, also known as the American Legation

Museum, houses a collection of artworks and artifacts from the 17th century to the

20th century. The museum also contains a research library which consists of a range of materials centering on Morocco. For this study, I primarily utilized the facilities

extensive collection of travel essays from the late 19th century and early 20th century.

Materials could not be removed from the site, nor could copies or photographs be taken. Notes were taken in a 6” x 8 ½” notebook.

An investigation of the American Legation Museum art collection provided contextual information that enriched the background study of my research.

Specifically, a review of the images at this site provided a list of western artists who traveled through Morocco and revealed their pictorial interpretation of Moroccan peoples. Lists of contemporary Moroccan painters were also identified from this

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collection. Due to the inability to take photographs, notes and sketches were taken in a 6” x 8 ½” notebook.

Additional documents were collected at museums, cultural arts events, and

local galleries. The collection of these local documents pertaining to artistic practices

illuminated my key guiding questions. These public documents were also utilized to

acquire informants. For example, during pre-dissertation research in 2004, I acquired

a Lawrence-Arnott Gallery (2003) publication that provided a comprehensive list of

painters in the Tangier area. Utilizing this list as a guide, I had the opportunity to

visit the painter’s studio in the Tangier area (see Karkri, 2004).

Methods of Data Analysis

The corpus of materials collected in the field became rich resources for data

after analysis. Field notes which were written in four 3 ½ by 5 ½ inch journals were

reviewed and relevant notations were written in narrative form. These narratives were

placed into a Word document and labeled by subject matter, date, time, and location.

Journal entries, which were primarily written in the field in Word, remained in there

original format for review.

Digital photographs, digital videos, and digital sounds were downloaded to a

Gateway 600YG2 laptop and excerpts of relevant audio were transcribed into a Word

document. All digital photographs were organized automatically through the downloading process into digital file folders by date and time. Digital video and sound bites were downloaded and labeled by subject matter. However, further divisions were made for organizational purposes. Specifically, all photographic

112 images and sounds were reviewed, copies were made, and then these copies were further divided into computer file folders identified by location.

Paper file folders were created for documents such as gallery openings, museum catalogs, and tourist brochures. These folders were also labeled by location.

Content analysis was utilized to holistically examine each document. An analysis guide was employed to guide this process. Guiding questions included: When was the document published? Who produced this document and for what purposes? For what purpose might the document be used and by whom? What information does the document contain? What themes or patterns can be gleaned from the information? In what ways is this document consistent or inconsistent with other sources of information about this topic? What is the significance of the document for this study?

Specific folders were created for each artist. These folders were labeled with each artist’s name. As information was analyzed and specific themes and patterns emerge from my data corpus individual artists folders were grouped according to theme. Contextual information gathered from my document analysis was cross examined across each theme to enrich and inform the research

Personal Bias and Ideologies

Denzin and Lincoln (2003) assert that “qualitative researchers stress the socially constructed nature of reality, the intimate relationship between the researcher and what is studied, and the situational constraints that shape inquiry” ( p.13). In this study my interactions with participants during my fieldwork and my analysis of data were shaped by my personal bias and ideologies. These biases and ideologies have

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influenced how I view people and interpret events and were generated from my own

personal life experiences (Roberts & McGinty, 1995; Merchant & Willis, 2001). By

revealing my biases the reader can identify and critically evaluate the origin of my

questions that guide this study (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003).

My Family Background

During my field work and data collection I identified myself as an only child

of European descent. I was born in the late 60s in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in a time

often described through my family’s eyes as a time of civil unrest. My extended family always appeared to me as being relatively small in number. Both my parents were older and by the time I entered middle school my father was the only one remaining on his side of the family.

My father was born and raised in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He was an only child from a working class family. According to family stories, my father enlisted in the United States Navy to fight in WWII at the age of 16. After the war my father obtained his GED, but did not continue on with his education. Eventually, he started a manufacturing company which was modestly successful and afforded our family with the opportunity to travel and participate in a range of cultural events. Upon reflection, these experiences shaped my interest in the arts and became the beginning point for my interest in travel. It was however, the countless hours that I spent in my mothers’ classroom that eventually led me to the field of teaching.

My mother was also born in Pennsylvania and was raised in a strict Irish

Catholic environment. Her mother had been a teacher, but due to financial reasons

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and social norms her career was abandoned. My mother was raised in a working class

environment, but she and her siblings managed to go on to college. My mother

obtained both her B.A. and M.A. in education and taught grade levels K-9 for 42

years with exuberance. During her career she taught in a private Catholic school in rural Pennsylvania and in a public school in a small town in Michigan. These teaching environments, which lacked diversity, shaped the view I had of the world.

Addressing Multiculturalism: My Experiences as a K-12 Art Teacher

Prior to 1998 I had traveled extensively, but to primarily European countries.

Prior to 2003, I had been educated in private, religious based higher education environments. These experiences combined with my family background influenced how I approached multicultural concepts within art education curricula.

In the early to mid 1990s my beginning experiences in art education centered on studio production. This studio focus was emphasized in the program where I received my K-12 teaching license. As I progressed in my career as a practicing teacher I sought out published curriculum materials and began attending state art education conventions. With the guidance of these curriculum materials I embarked on a myriad of visual trips through multiple countries with my students. With publications such as School Arts and Arts & Activities in hand, my earliest

“multicultural” lessons were generalized and focused on having students create pieces inspired by cultural objects. It was this quest to explore the world that led me to embark on a two month solo trip to India in 1998.

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During my trip to India, I met and conversed with two businessmen on a long train ride to the southern area of the country. After I explained why I was visiting

India, they openly criticized me for my reasons for travel. I had clarified that my desire was to learn as much as I could about India in order to construct units of instruction to teach to my students in the United States. It took several years before this comment from these two gentlemen held meaning and relevance to me as an educator. Through additional research, travel, and experience I have developed an understanding of the complexities of culture and I have developed a critical lens for the manner in which generalized multicultural materials distort culturally sensitive subject matter.

Shifting Perspectives

As I wrote up this study my identity as a female student researcher from a small Irish Catholic family dramatically shifted. In my family life, it was revealed that I was adopted and elements of my identity had been constructed. In my professional life, I no longer could fully identify myself as a student as I was about to embark on my first position as an assistant professor. I offer this personal information to provide the reader with the tools to critically evaluate my data analysis

(Merchant & Willis, 2001). A heightened awareness of how narratives are constructed and are perpetuated permeates my readings of Moroccan visual imagery.

Additionally, the way in which these constructed narratives shape our understanding of the world pervades my discussions.

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CHAPTER 4

FINDINGS

Casablanca, Morocco

Brief Historical Overview

According to both Adam (1968) and Cohen & Eleb (2002), the beginnings of

Casablanca can be traced back to an 11th century city called founded by Zenata

Berbers. During the 11th century it was a small, but thriving port. By the 13th century it developed into a center of trade under Morocco’s Merinide dynasty (1269-1471).

While this port city survived a number of attacks by invaders over the course of several centuries, the city did not survive the 15th century attack by Portuguese

vessels led by Infante Don Fernando, the brother of the Portuguese King (Cohen &

Eleb, 2002). The razed city was restored by the Sultan Sidi

around 1770. The city of Anfa was renamed Dar el-Beida which was retained until

1860 (Adam, 1968; Cohen & Eleb, 2002). 117

By 1907 the city of Casablanca stretched 45 hectares (4,500 acres) and

consisted of 20,000 inhabitants. For comparison, today the city stretches over 15,000

hectares (1,500,000 acres) of land and has over 3.5 million people making Casablanca

Morocco’s largest city (La Foundation du Roi, 2004). Authors, such as Spencer

(1980), Pennell (2000), and the La Foundation du Roi (2004), attribute the city’s

growth and prosperity to Marshal Herbert Lyautey, the first Resident-General of

Morocco from 1912-1925 during the Protectorate (1912-1956). In fact, Pennell

(2000) asserts that in 1913 Casablanca was an “ugly urban sprawl” with large

factories that produced tobacco and cement (p. 172). With a population of 59,000

people in 1913, Pennell (2000) and Spencer (1980) assert that Lyautey wanted

Casablanca to be the economic capital of the country and state that the city grew

during the Protectorate. However, Cohen & Eleb (2002) counter that the city began

its “journey down the road of modernization” before the Protectorate in 1912 (p. 21).

In fact, Cohen & Eleb (2002) state that by 1906, prior to the French Protectorate

(1912-1956), Casablanca was Morocco’s busiest port.

Adam’s (1968) provides statistical evidence that indeed, Casablanca’s port

was active. For example, in 1907 nearly 4,594 goods were imported and 4,673 items

were exported. The number of goods both imported and exported steadily rose and in

1911 the port was importing 22,164 items and exporting 19,752 goods. During the

French Protectorate importations dramatically increased. Casablanca was importing

69,404 goods in 1913 and exporting only 9,967. Similar disparities existed in 1914,

with importations diminishing to 47,007 and exportations diminishing to 8,668

(Adams, 1968).

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Constructed Identity: Depiction of Casablanca in Tourist Guides

Today, tourist guides produced by the Moroccan National Tourist Board

describe Casablanca as “the shining light of modern Morocco” (Casablanca,

Morocco, n.d, p. 1). According to the tourist board, 60% of Morocco’s companies are based in Casablanca. The city consumes 30% of the nation’s electricity, has the country’s largest airport, and the fourth largest port in Africa. Casablanca is also

portrayed as a modern, industrious city throughout the publication through its use of

imagery.

The front cover of Morocco’s tourist brochure provides a detailed image of

highly decorated cornices. The cornices are from the Hassan II Mosque which

commands a prominent presence in the city. The interior pages of the brochure are

devoted primarily to images of this Mosque and other significant architectural

structures. The text that surrounds these images of architecture presents Casablanca as

an “avant-garde city” that is technologically advanced and modern (Casablanca,

Morocco, n.d, p. 3). For example, the brochures opening statement supports this

image of modernity while maintaining a luring image of Casablanca. The text states:

Casablanca is propelling Morocco towards the future with energy, determination and an infectious optimism. Architects began designing this model city in 1912, bringing a visionary charm to this modern metropolis and organizing its phenomenal development, so that today it is the largest major city in Northern Africa and stunning for its architectural beauty. (Casablanca, Morocco, n.d., p. 1)

The text above is juxtaposed with a drawn map of Morocco and a photograph of the

Hassan II Mosque taken from the Atlantic Ocean. The map emphasizes the Hassan II

Mosque by enlarging the scale of the drawing.

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The opening text of this brochure is worthy of noting because it references the year 1912 as the development of Casablanca as a modern city. The French

Protectorate began in 1912 and as referenced in my historical overview, scholars such as Spencer (1980), Pennell (2000), and the La Foundation du Roi (2004), attribute the city’s growth and prosperity to Resident-General Lyautey.

Western tourist books also refer to Casablanca as a modern city, but place little emphasis on its modernity or its architectural structures. Specifically, some tourist books produced in the west describe Casablanca as Morocco’s economic capital with a growing middle class and a landscape dotted with up-market shops

(Stannard, 2001; Foure, et al. 1994). According to travel journal’s, Casablanca’s officially documented population is nearly 3 million with an estimated unofficial population of 5 million (Stannard, 2001). Stannard (2001) asserts that Casablanca is a metropolitan city with a skyline of high-rise buildings and its population makes it

Africa’s “second city” after Cairo, Egypt (p. 169).

Casablanca is also described as having a “sin city” image due to Hollywood’s use of its name and some western travel guides work to create a mystique (Stannard,

2001, p. 169). The publisher of Lonely Planet guides provide several examples of how western travel publications create an aura of exoticism, both textually and visually, even when referring to the metropolis city of Casablanca.

From my observations as a traveler, the Lonely Planet guides to Morocco are widely utilized by both English speakers and non-English speakers. The publication also offers selective on-line information about Morocco which mirrors its hard copy publication in terms of writing style (see http://www.lonelyplanet.com). Lonely

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Planet’s homepage to Morocco (http://www.lonelyplanet.com/worldguide/morocco/)

consists of an image of the desert and the heading, “Pick up a flying carpet in the magical of Morocco.” This caption is followed by the statement:

Tangier, Casablanca, Marrakesh...just the names of these cities stir a hint of spice in the nostrils. Jostling crowds, the piquant tension of debate, space in perpetual motion - the minute you set foot in the country you know you've arrived somewhere very different. (http://www.lonelyplanet.com/worldguide/morocco/)

The text presented appeals to our desire to go somewhere different from our known environment. The dissimilarities of the inhabitants are “exaggerated and exoticized”

and their similarities are either “dismissed or hidden” (Lippard, 1999, p. 2). Lonely

Planet provides readers with text that presents a whirlwind of exotic experiences and

the image of the desert magnifies the exoticism. The “truth” that Casablanca is a

bustling contemporary city with no desert in sight is hidden from the reader. The

reader is however, jolted by the text boldly presented in red at the bottom of the page

stating that several suicide bombings have taken place in Casablanca and to be on

alert.

While travel may be seen as an escape, travelers want to be comfortable

during their “exotic” journeys (Lippard, 1990). Some travel sites work to create a

balance between the travelers interest in maintaining a western comfort level with the

desire to experience something new. For example, the travel site Morrocco.com

(http://www.morocco.com/destinations/casablanca/) presents a lead image of a

woman veiled and the heading, “The Marvels of Casablanca in Morocco.” The text

describes the city of Casablanca as essentially the capital of Morocco. Followed by

the statement, “Any European citizen or traveler will feel immediately at home here

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and will have an almost instinctive understanding of the life here. Entertain your

wildest holiday fantasies in Casablanca!” (http://www.morocco.com/).

Personal Travel Experiences: Just Passing Through

During my fieldwork in 2006, the city of Casablanca represented to me as an arrival point, a resting point to break-up long journeys, and a departure point.

Cosmopolitan in nature, the city holds for me a myriad of western fast food chains, hotels, and through its tree lined streets and architectural structures, remnants of

Morocco’s colonial past. My disinterest in the city is perhaps a product of my western

sensibilities. As Cohen & Eleb (2002) notes, the aura around Casablanca is in part

derived from Curtiz’s 1946 film Casablanca. For tourists, the city of Casablanca

“does not fit into their romantic models of classical and medieval Morocco” (Cohen

& Eleb, 2002, p.11).

Figure 30: Author’s photograph taken in June of 2006 of the city of Casablanca, Morocco.

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Figure 31: Author’s photograph taken in June of 2006 of the city of Casablanca, Morocco and its train station. This image provides a beginning photographic survey of Casablanca based on the categories of Transportation, Functions, and Appearance provided by Collier & Collier (1986) (see Appendix B).

Figure 32: Author’s photograph taken in June of 2006 of the city of Casablanca, Morocco showing the city center, transportation, and various western chains.

I left Columbus, Ohio on July 8, 2006 and arrived in Casablanca, Morocco on the evening of July 9th. This was the beginning point of my fieldwork which would extend to September 17, 2006. Anthropologist Paul Rabinow (1977) describes the ambiguous nature of fieldwork during his first few days in Morocco during the summer of 1968. He states:

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How ethnographic. In Morocco only several days and already I was set up in a hotel, an obvious remnant of colonialism, was having my coffee in a garden, and had little to do but start “my” fieldwork. Actually, it was not exactly clear to me what that meant, except that I supposed I would wander around a bit. After all, now that I was in the field, everything was fieldwork. (p. 11).

In a similar fashion to Rabinow (1977) I quickly settled into my accommodations after arriving in Morocco. However, I viewed the structure of my work as being a bit tenuous and my sense of purpose wavered. From the beginning of my fieldwork my reflective writings were used as a “tool” to begin to understand my new environment, to grapple with the male-female dynamics of Moroccan society, to question my own sense of insecurities as a beginning researcher, and to address my unwarranted fears about traveling solo as a female

(Spradley, 1980, p. 57). In their raw form they illustrate the range of emotions and concerns that continued to surface throughout my fieldwork.

Journal Entry: Casablanca, Morocco Monday, July 10, 2006 11:55 pm

Restless from the heat of the day and the noise of the city, I arose from my initial attempt to sleep wondering why I was here. It has been two years since my last visit to Morocco. I had changed considerably over the course of these two years. My ties to home had grown uncharacteristically strong. My independence and previous desire to remove myself from any ties to family and hence some sort of stability, had now vanished with the impact of facing the emotional toil of coping with aging family members as an only child. Having arrived to Morocco late during the previous evening, it was only the first day of my sixty plus day journey to interview artists. My 124

departure from the United States was oddly tearful and filled with apprehension. Was

I prepared for such a journey? On this first day I decided to slowly and carefully re- acclimate myself to Moroccan life by journeying out on several small excursions to acquire essentials – food, water, laundry detergent, money – and to make contact with family members utilizing internet cafes and teleboutiques. Each excursion was successful and the kindness of strangers baffled me as usual. For example, in the morning I acquired much sought after change for a quick telephone call home. At the teleboutique, which is a small store with payphones and an attendant, I made an international call to let my family know that I had arrived safely. I quickly ran out of change and got cut off from my conversation. I proceed to walk a couple of blocks to an ATM to acquire Moroccan currency. After acquiring my money I was startled to see a young women approach me. She had been the only other client in the teleboutique. She handed me a 10 dirham coin (roughly $1) and after my startled look she reminded me that she had been in the teleboutique. It appears that I left the money behind in the coin return slot.

I moved through my tasks with ease, but restricted my movement. I wish I

could filter out the comments that I always receive prior to going on a solo trip – particularly to Morocco. These comments, which generally center on issues of safety, inadvertently limit my independence as the comments filter into my thoughts and I begin to question my own knowledge and capabilities for independent travel. Instead of wandering the whole day I spent the better part of my day working. My family run hotel is very modest, but is considered mid-range in accommodations and amenities.

Clearly defined, I had my own small non-air conditioned room near the city center

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and red-light district. The room was visibly clean, but the heat and smells of the city

entered the room giving it a stale, musty odor. It was equipped with a table and two

chairs, two side night stands, a TV which had 3 channels, and my own bathroom

equipped with a very small shower stall with cold to luke warm water at best, a sink,

and a western toilet (a luxury in my mind). Despite my limited amenities by some

western standards, I discovered that because I was in the city center I was able to

connect wirelessly to an internet account. I was fascinated by this discovery and

quickly performed a number of tasks, checking my email, downloading articles from

the university, and then amazingly I connected to our slingbox in Columbus. In

essence I was able to watch our TV in Ohio while I sat in Morocco. I guiltlessly

watched the my favorite programs. I justified this by telling myself that I was easing

into my experience and asserted (non-verbally to myself) that when I moved southward later in the week this opportunity would no longer exist. By the end of my third show I realized that my TV watching activities had the potential to shut me off from potentially rewarding learning experiences right here in Morocco. During my last trip to Morocco I mused over the repeated tourist buses that I observed shuttling western tourists in “safe,” comfortable environments in order for them to see and record “others.” Why do we not allow ourselves to be uncomfortable?

It is now nearly 1:00 am and the street noise is still loud. Horns blast and people stroll through the streets talking and laughing. I hear people in the hall. I plug

myself into my MP3 player in an effort to drown out the noise and regain my own

sense of comfort and attempt one more time to sleep.

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Partial Journal Entry: Casablanca, Morocco Tuesday, July 11, 2006 11:02 pm

The night is stifling, but my room is filled with the smell of flowers from the

market and laundry detergent from my washing of clothes in the bathroom sink. The noise of the city continues. The night is filled with voices and car noises and tonight a screeching cat and a repeated bell noise is added to the myriad of noises that kept me up last night.

I progressed further today in acclimating myself to Morocco and feel that by

the end of the week I will be reoriented to daily life in Morocco and willing to

venture further on my own. Acquaintances and family members often comment on

my independence. I pondered this term today thinking that these same individuals

would be surprised at how restricted I am within Morocco and how dependent I am

on individuals.

The noises during the night consist of men talking and laughing as though

they were in my room. I peak out my second floor windows and “they” are in the

streets in each direction. I stay in my room during the evening hours unsure of the

area and uncertain of the interactions that may occur in a sea of men.

Mehra (2001) asserts that:

Interactions between researcher and respondents cannot be removed from the research equation, even if one wishes to do so. The presence of such interactions can be treated as an opportunity to be exploited, and as a means to get a better understanding of the nature of reality as constructed by the respondents and the researcher…the researcher, in the naturalistic paradigm of inquiry, is not just an observer; he or she both disturbs the research setting and is also disturbed by it. (p.69)

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My writings reveal my entrance into the research setting and my uncomfortable,

personal struggles with adapting to an environment where I was the outsider.

Contemporary Artistic Practices

Arab-Islamic Architecture

The Hassan II Mosque is considered to be a great achievement by the country

and a symbol of Arab-Islamic architecture (The Hassan II Mosque, n.d.). The

documentation of the Hassan II Mosque became important because of the relationship

between religious structures and contemporary paintings. For example, during my

preliminary research signs which represented the minaret, the tower where the call to

prayer is made, appeared in several local artists’ works (for example, Figure 33). 19

Figure 33: Painting by Said Karkri (b. 1959) from Asilah, Morocco. The painting features two minaret towers located in the upper center portion of the picture plane (also see Contemporary Artistic Practices, Asilah, Morocco).

19 My first visit to the mosque was in January of 2002. During my 2006 fieldwork, my initial visit to Casablanca involved visually documenting the Hassan II Mosque. A return trip was necessary to acquire additional information in the form of both photography and history.

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Connections were also made between specific motifs and patterns found in

religious structures and in contemporary works. Specifically, my research indicated

that some Moroccan artists and Egyptian artists have appropriated specific shapes

found within the visual vocabulary of North Africa. I found that tile shapes and

patterns found in zillij (e.g. ceramic tile mosaics), are repeatedly utilized by

contemporary artists. Shapes such as the khatim (i.e. eight pointed star) is one of the

most commonly repeated shapes. It is appropriated and reproduced in multiple visual

forms. The eight pointed star and the twelve pointed star for example, was utilized in

the metalwork, carved stucco, and tile of the Hassann II Mosque.

Figure 34: Author’s drawing of the khatim.

In addition to the visual connections between Arab-Islamic architecture and contemporary paintings, I chose to specifically document the Hassan II Mosque for two reasons. First, the mosque is open to the general public and documentation is allowable. My documentation of this mosque was in part, because of my ability to enter the structure as a non-Muslim. The Hassan II Mosque is one of only two mosques that I have had the privilege to view internally within the country of

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Morocco. Second, the mosque is a contemporary structure that incorporates visual

signs and artistic materials from Morocco’s past. The blending of modern technology

and ancient visual elements illustrates the progression of artistic practices.

Based on my research in Morocco, Mosque structures appear to vary in terms of architectural decoration. Specifically, the visual embellishments are determined by the period in which the structure was completed and the region in which it is located.

However, mosques do share three common characteristics (Crane, 2004). First, the orientation of prayer is towards . Therefore, the direction of prayer depends on ones location in relationship to Mecca. In the mosque the direction of prayer is marked by niche called a . Typically the niche is a half-dome construction embellished with decoration. Second, mosques have a pulpit or . The prayer leader ascends to the pulpit in a and delivers his sermon during Friday’s prayer. Third, mosque architecture has a tower where the call to prayer is made five times a day. The tower is called the minaret (Crane, 2004;

Becker, 20002; Farah, 2000; Ettinghausen, et. al., 2001). In contemporary mosques, the call to prayer is made through a sound system and the minaret has large loud speakers that carry the call to the community (see Fig. 35).

The Hassan II Mosque: Contemporary Traditional Art

According to residents and tourist guides, the Hassan II mosque is the 3rd largest mosque in the world and it has the highest religious minaret in the world (The

Hassan II Mosque, n.d.). The inception of the mosque began in 1984 and construction began in 1987 and was completed in 1993 (personal communication, 7/11/06; The 130

Hassan II Mosque). The majority of the materials that were utilized to build the

mosque came from Morocco. According to the guides at the Hassan II mosque, it took 10,000 craftsmen and 3,000 laborers working twenty-four hours a day seven days a week to complete the mosque (personal communication, 7/11/06).

The materials and some of the visual signs that embellish the Hassan II

Mosque and other religious architectural structures within Morocco are visually

linked to ‘traditional’ artistic practices. Specifically, the Hassan II Mosque is

embellished with the following: metalwork, carved and painted cedar wood, carved

stucco known as muqrana, and ceramic tile mosaics known as zillij. Each one of these

art forms has its own history and each artistic practice is still in existence today.

Kasfir (1999) identifies these types of artistic practices as ‘contemporary traditional.’

In her book Contemporary African Art (1999), Kasfir defines ‘contemporary traditional’ art as “much older kinds of artistic practice which in many parts of the

continent have weathered colonialism” (p. 9). Kasfir (1999) identifies masks, pottery,

textiles, and architecture as a few of the art forms that fall within the term

‘contemporary traditional.’

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Figure 35: Author’s photograph taken on July, 11, 2006 of the Hassan II Mosque. The minaret (e.g. the tower where the call to prayer is made) is 200 meters high.

While the Hassan II mosque is considered a contemporary structure, the visual elements that adorn and embellish the building represent traditional art forms that have existed for centuries. As an example, I will describe the tile mosaics known as zillij which prominently adorn both the exterior facade and the interior rooms (see for example Figs. 36 & 37).

How the use of clay developed as an architectural embellishment is unclear. A number of both scholarly studies and coffee table type books have been written on

Morocco’s ceramic industry (see for example Benco, 1987; Bynon, 1984; Damluji &

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Hegecoe, 1992; Degeorge & Clevenot, 2000; Degeorge & Porter, 2001; Housefield,

1997; Jereb, 1995). However, a limited amount of scholarly research has been completed on zillij in English or French. It may be that publications do exist in

Arabic.

Figure 36: Author’s photograph taken on July, 11, 2006 of the Hassan II Mosque illustrating the exterior façade with its horseshoe arches, titanium and brass doors, and zillij (tile mosaics) exterior walls.

Despite newer Western constructions, in recent years there has been a renewed interest in Moroccan decorative techniques. Damluji (1991) asserts that in the last fifty years the number of zillij artists has risen from approximately 50 artists to 700. This can be attributed to several factors. Damluji (1991) states that King

Hassan II’s support of zillij schools and his initiative to renovate the Royal Palaces and create new building using “traditional” styles led to the rise of zillij artists. One such project, the Hassan II mosque, stands as an example of how the king has invented a new artistic tradition to represent Morocco.

While linked to the past, the zillij adorning the mosque are modern. A detail of the southern façade provides an example of just one design that can be found at this site (Figs. 37 & 38). The focal point of the design consists of a series of stars that can 133

be seen throughout Morocco. An eight-pointed star also known as the khatim is commonly utlized in architecture.20 In Figure 38, the use of yellow ochre strap work and blue triangular shapes form a larger sixteen-pointed star. By looking at the larger picture of this façade the artisans have drawn ones’ eyes to this central point by using a variety of elements including color and line. The use of white around the sixteen- pointed star creates contrast drawing our eye inward. In addition, the use of a circular pattern around the edges of this design, create the image of a flower with the use of geometric shapes. On the surface, these stylistic elements led me to conclude that the zillij work adorning this mosque is “authentic.” However, further study suggests that new traditions are being invented. In his book The Invention of Tradition, Hobsbawm

(1983) defines the term “invented tradition” as follows:

Invented tradition is taken to mean a set of practices, normally governed by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual or symbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior by repetition, which automatically implies continuity with the past. (p. 1)

When examining the work at the Hassan mosque or for that matter any of the renovation projects, shapes such as the khatim appear in both new zillij work and older styles. However, in terms of color and the configuration of these “traditional” shapes I can see that new styles have emerged. For example in terms of color, I can see that original zillij colors have been retained and coexist with newer color schemes. The greens, light blues, and yellow ochres can be seen in both older zillij work and in more contemporary work. The development of reds, pinks, a darker blue,

20 See Grabar, 1987; Porter, 1995; Degeorge & Clevenot, 2001 for a discussion on the symbolic meanings of the shapes and their relationship to architecture. According the authors, any historical meanings associated with these shapes is gone and at least in early Islamic times, there is no formal relationship between the embellishments and the mosque. 134

and a seemingly brighter yellow can be characterized as newer colors. The overall

effect is a more striking composition, in the respect that the colors play a dominant

part in the overall composition.21

Figure 37: Author’s photograph taken on July, 11, 2006 of an exterior zillij fountain at the Hassan II mosque

Figure 38: Detail photos taken of zillij fountain in Figure 37.

21 The use of new colors can be identified even clearer by looking at Hassan II’s royal palaces. See Damluji, 1991; Ypma, 1996 for examples. 135

Figure 39: Author’s photograph taken on July, 11, 2006 of the ablution hall that consists of 41 fountains and zillij embellished walls and columns. Carved plaster is also utilized to adorn the top of each column. From this lower room glass openings in the ceiling allow one to view the grand prayer hall above.

Figure 40: Author’s photograph taken on July 11, 2006 of a katim shaped design adorning the ceiling of the purification hall in the Hassan II Mosque completed in 1993. According the guide for the Hassan II Mosque, the columns that rise to the ceilings are covered in a material called tadelakt. This material is comprised of lime, clay, sand, egg yolks, and black soap (The Hassan II Mosque). It is unclear whether the ceiling with the raised katim shape is comprised of the same material.

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The mosque represents a blend of visual elements that link the structure to

Morocco’s artistic past, however the utilization of these elements within this structure

serves as an illustration of shifts in “traditions” and modernity. In November of 1990,

during the construction of the mosque, the King of Morocco, Hassan II (1929-1999) spoke at the second National Symposium on Moroccan Culture assembled in Fez.

Reprinted in the introduction of Damluji’s (1991) book titled Zillij, The Art of

Moroccan Ceramics, King Hassan II stated:

We are committed to keeping our country faithful to its history, firm in its integrity, and rooted in its identity, while at the same time following the policy of opening out which has marked and characterized its history…we can build a Morocco which reflects in all its brilliance the image of its authentic past, while adapting itself perfectly to that which is modern, and combining harmoniously the advantages of the past with the benefits of the present. Thus we shall secure the path to the future which we wish to follow, guaranteeing us a chosen place among those nations who control progress and modern civilization. (preface)

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Essaouira, Morocco

Brief Historical Overview

According to scholarly sources and travel guides published in both western

lands and in Morocco, Essaouira has historically been a seaport dating back to the

time of the Phoenicians in the 7th century B.C. (Lahlaidi, 2000; Damgaard, 2005;

Essaouira: La Seductrice, 2005; Pennell, 2000; personal communication, July 20,

2006; Moroccan National Tourist Office, n.d.). Remnants of its past history are

evident in the architecture throughout the city and port area. As my findings will

illustrate these historical visual elements appear not only in local artwork, but also in

western popular culture.

Figure 41: Author’s photograph taken on July 18, 2006. Pictured is one view of the ports fortification along the harbor. The medina and its white walls are pictured in the distance. The image of this fortification and the additional imagery provided in my findings from Essaouira have been utilized in both popular culture and in the visual arts. For example, Orson Welles utilized Essaouira for several shots in his film Othello. The town’s ramparts are included in this film. A stone monument has been erected in a small garden in Essaouira recognizing Orson Welles. Residents have also informed me that Hitchcock’s film, The Birds, was partially shot in the ramparts and boat area. The accuracy of this information is unclear, however Hitchcock’s movie The Man Who Knew Too Much, was filmed in Morocco. Lastly, Iranian artist Shirin Neshat has filmed her work in Morocco. The ramparts specifically in Figure 42 were featured in the film Rapture (1999). 138

Figure 42: Author’s photograph of the ramparts in Essaouira taken on July 18, 2006. In the left background is the port and a distant view of the fortification featured in Figure 41 is also shown. Along the horizon line, in the middle- ground of the image, is the Island of Mogador. A small portion of the islands buildings can still be seen from Essaouira.

Residents and guides of the city assert that the port was originally a trade port, but in the 1960s it was converted to a fishing port (personal communication, 2006).

According to residents, in the 1700s the port was active with trade with vessels from

Europe. The amount of trade taking place in Essaouira is attributed to Sultan Sidi

Mohamed ben Abdallah who wanted to compete with the port of . Prior to the

1700s the town had fell in decline as Agadir had become the preferred port.

Remnants of the ports history during the 1700s can also be found just off the coast of the city. In the distance the Island of Mogador sits (see Fig. 42). Traces of a fortification mark the existence of a surveillance fort which is now abandoned. As my findings will illustrate, the Island of Mogador is referenced in some contemporary 139

works produced in Essaouira. Additionally, the city’s name of Essaouira is sometimes

joined with the word Mogador.

Today’s the port of Essoauira is also busy with activity. Residents assert that

fishing is the city’s main source of income, but tourism now follows closely behind

(personal communication with local residents and guides, July 2006). It is noted that

Casablanca’s port and also Safi’s port, which are both north of Essaouira, have taken

away from the ports vitality. However, based on my observations it appears that the fishing industry is a tourist attraction and the port witnesses many visitors.

A visitor to the port will view a range of activities and visually interesting

elements that are captured in artwork found throughout the city. Activities of the

harbor include: the cleaning and perhaps building of ships, the anchoring of small

blue fishing boats, seagulls diving for fish remnants, lobster cages, and the market

with rows of fish for visitors to taste.

Situated along the coast of the Atlantic Ocean, Essaouira is located south of

the economic capital of Casablanca and to the east of Marrakesh, the tourist center of

the country. Based on discussions with local residents and also with visiting tourists, I

found that some travel companies are linking trips to Essaouira with packaged trips to

Marrakesh. Essaouira’s consistent coastal breeze provides travelers with a respite

from Morocco’s heat and has also made the city a prime windsurfing city. Today, its

current population is approximately 120,000. During the month of June the town

swells to 500,000 as the city holds an annual Gnawa musical festival. The Gnawa’s

are Moroccan residents that are descents of African slaves. Their music is integral to

140 the culture of Essaouira and my findings will illustrate that some contemporary visual artists employ Gnawa signs in their work.

Figure 43: Author’s photograph taken on July 15, 2006 of the fishing port in Essaouira, Morocco. Residents state that traditional methods are used to build ships. This process takes often nine months, although residents note that the ships are not built during consecutive days (personal communication, 2006). The ships are built of eucalyptus wood, cedar, or other imported woods. The cost of building a ship was estimated at 500,000 to 600,000 dollars.

Figure 44: Author’s photograph taken on July 24, 2006 of the gateway to the port. Residents provide tourists with a description of the visual elements depicted on the gate. According to informants, the Arabic inscription provides the date of construction, the name of the King, and the architect. The other visual elements relate to the three major religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. The seashell representing St. James and Christianity, the three crescent moons representing Islam and the King Mohammed III, and the roses (and star not shown) with Judaism (personal communication, July 2006).

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Constructed Identity: Depiction of Essaouira in Tourist Guides

Essaouira is described by tourist guides, published by the Moroccan National

Tourist Board, as an enchanting city that recalls a different era (Essaouira, Morocco,

2002). Images of the city’s coast, its fishing industry, and its characteristic blue and

white washed architecture pervade the brochure. These images paint a visual

landscape of charm and evoke for me, a relaxing atmosphere that would appeal to the

traveler that wishes to escape. The text of the brochure supports this assertion by stating “you will find everything a traveler could dream of” (Essaouira, Morocco,

n.d., p. 2).The brochure specifically communicates that the town is “enchanting,

evocative and endearing since the eighteenth century” and “a magnet for Moroccan

poets, scientist, craftsmen and creative talent” (Essaouira, Morocco, n.d., p. 6).

A review of the text written in the Moroccan National Tourist Board brochure also revealed a repeated textual reference to centuries past. I believe that this also provides readers with the sense that they can escape from their modern day lives. For example, the tourist brochure states, “climb the ramparts of Essaouira and find yourself transported back through history” (Essaouira, Morocco, n.d., p. 4). The brochure also references past artists who visited Essaouria stating, for example, “this place, straight out of the past, was chosen by Orson Welles as the location for the outside shots of his Othello” (Essaouira, Morocco, n.d., p.8).

The 2005-2007 tourist guide titled Essaouira: La seductrice is a document written in Morocco and published in Essaouira. In its title alone, Essaouira: The seductress, the authors present Essaouira as an appealing and even seductive city. In a similar fashion to the guide produced by the Moroccan National Tourist Board, the

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images and text center on the city’s past. Beginning with the prehistoric period, the

authors provide historical photos, maps, and a range of historical dates and names that

form Essaouira’s history. In contrast to the information published by the tourist board, the local Essaouira guide does provide an overview of contemporary artistic endeavors.

In her book, The Lure of the Local, Lippard (1997) discusses our personal

interest in examining our pasts. I believe that the idea of nostalgia or reminiscing

about our own histories runs parallel to travelers’ interests in the histories of other

cultures. Examining the past allows us to take leave from modernity (Lippard, 1997).

In regards to Essaouira, my findings indicate that western travel sources do

align with those published within Morocco. For example, the Knopf (1994) guide

describes Essaouira as “a bustling and attractive place” (p. 157). Lonely Planet (2005)

portrays Essaouira in a similar manner, stating that “inside the town walls, it’s all

light and charm” (p. 136). As Lippard (1997) asserts what histories are presented and

how they are presented is “highly selective” (p. 85). The text does not present the

poverty that exists in Essaouira nor does the text allude to the visual and cultural

changes that are happening as Europeans consume the town.

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Figure 45: Author’s photograph taken Thursday, July 13, 2006 at 5:21pm. The image shows the medina streets of Essaouira and provides an image of the white washed walls of the medina. Blue accents the doors. On this street, residential areas and businesses appear to intermingle. During working hours, some doors would be opened to reveal small convenience stores, telephone booths (i.e. teleboutiques), or other small businesses.

Figure 46: Author’s photograph taken on July 14, 2006 of the medina streets of Essaouira. This image shows the winding and narrow streets and the white washed walls of the medina. Blue and ochre accent the doors and windows. This photograph begins to provide an understanding of the appearance of residential areas following Collier & Collier’s (1986) guide.

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Lastly, the Insight Guides (2001) not only focus on Essaouira’s history, but

suggests that time has stood still in this small seaside town. The guide states,

“Essaouira has long attracted European tourists, but so far remains unspoilt” (Insight

Guides, 2001, p. 266). The additional use of the word “unspoilt” denotes that the area

was unchanged by development and it past character has not been ruined by modern

civilization specifically, tourism. Lippard (1999) writes, “as tourists, we are

particularly vulnerable to the stereotypes and colonial constructions that remain at the bottom of our glass and on top of the tourist literature” (p. 83).

While a relaxed atmosphere does exist in Essaouira, tourists abound leaving

the town far from untouched. During a tour of residential streets in Essaouira, a local

guide discussed the impact of tourism. According to the guide, fishing is the main

source of income for Essaouira with tourism being the second source of revenue

(personal communication, July 20, 2006). As my informant guided me through the

medina, he spoke about the old riads. A riad is defined by residents as a traditional

house set around an interior garden while a dar appears to be a traditional townhouse

without the garden.

In the 1980s the riads in Essaouira were approximately $20,000 in price.

According to my informant, prices have now risen to roughly $160,000 (personal

communication with tour guide, Abdellah, July 20, 2006). It was felt that mainly

Europeans were buying the houses and some problems were developing. Specifically,

many family members may live in one housing unit. If one hears how much houses

are going for, the head of the household may sell and therefore break up the home

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(Abdellah, 2006). It was stated within the context of our discussion that this buying

up of homes has fractured the family unit and was dangerous for the sole of the city.

Additional concerns were expressed about the changes that were taking place

due to the increase in property ownership by Europeans. My informant stated that

some riad owners complained about the call to prayer. The call to prayer is made five

times a day and includes one early morning call that can be heard throughout the

medina. The issue stems from the fact that some owners are turning their riads or

dars into businesses by transforming them into small hotels or apartments. As a hotel,

the owner is forced to create a Moroccan experience while still providing their paying

clientele with comfort.

Figure 47: Author’s photographs taken July 13, 2006 of a house that have been restored. Homes that I have viewed have retained key Moroccan architecture elements and have blended these with European designs. For example, one private home that I visited had retained the tile work and layout of the riad, but had decorated the interior with mid-century modern furniture. 146

Figure 48: Author’s photograph on July 19, 2006 of a house that have been restored. The image provides a commonly found example of a restoration project where designs from traditional tile mosaics (zillig) have been appropriated. In these photos large painted and glazed tiles have been created and used to imitate individual hand glazed and cut tiles that embellishment a range of traditional architectural structures within Morocco (for an example, the Hassan II mosque). For additional published images of restored homes within Morocco see: Dennis & Dennis, 2001; Ypma, 1996; Lovatt-Smith, 1995.

Figure 49: Author’s photograph taken on July 13, 2006 in Essaouira. Detail of tile work shown around the entrance door shown in Figure 48.

From the outside these transformed riads and dars appear similar to adjacent buildings, but inside they reveal the unique taste of the owner. Some riads exhibit local artwork, while others I have viewed incorporate a range of decorations

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including orientialist imagery found in the tourist shops. I believe that the riads and

dars provide an appealing alternative for tourists because of their location within the

medina.

The medina environment surrounding these small hotels and the renovated structure itself provides the tourist with a false “authentic” experience. This experience is sometimes marketed to the tourist as authentic or can be interpreted by the tourist as a genuine experience. The visual elements of the architectural structures provide tourists with a sense of authenticity. Images of the dar where I resided in July of 2006, illustrate the unobtrusive nature of the signage (see Fig. 50). The sign denotes that the residence is a small hotel, but the other remaining elements such as the door, windows, and wall coloring do not distinguish it from other residences in

the area.

Within the restored riads and dars, the tourist has a sense that they are able to

experience the local culture while still enjoying western comforts. A stage is set in

some riads. The visitor is surrounded by Moroccan art in the common areas of the

renovated residence and also in their rooms. Artwork may include examples pieces

produced by local painters, turning the owner into a pseudo art dealer, or rooms may

be decorated with a range of crafts that may appear traditional in nature. For example,

wool knitted items can be found throughout Essaouira. Because the town has

historically been a fishing village, the use of wool to add layers of warmth may go

unnoticed as a traditional craft item. As my informant noted the particular use of wool

for hats is an invented tradition (Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983). I asked a resident

informant about the wool products sold along the water’s edge. With a chuckle, I was

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told that the product was made for “hippies only, and was not a Moroccan craft”

(personal communication, July 20, 2006). This begins to illustrate the strong

relationship between the production of art and tourism. This will be discussed at

greater length in my findings on Essaouira’s contemporary artistic practices.

Figure 50: Author’s photograph taken in Essaouira. Image was shot July 13, 2006 and illustrates the restoration of a riad that was transformed into a small hotel. In Essouaria a number of riads and dars have been turned into rooms or small temporary residences for tourists. These renovated structures are located in the medina amongst homes of Moroccan residents, businesses, and other transformed homes now owned and operated as hotels. Local artwork and Moroccan art forms such as pottery are displayed in some renovated structures. Some owners also work to support local artists. I have also observed the display of early 20th century colonialist postcards.

Figure 51: Author’s photograph taken in Essaouira The image was taken on July 18, 2008 on Rue Laalouj, a larger thoroughfare within the medina that contains the Post and other businesses. The sign in the upper right-hand corner advertises local renovated apartments located in Essaouira.

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Personal Travel Experiences: A Second Visit

My first visit to Essaouira was in January of 2002. While my trip was brief,

my memories of this coastal city were vivid. Strewn with art galleries, it streets were

quiet and there was a serene atmosphere which pervaded the city. The Lonely Planet guide (2005) begins its descriptive narrative of the city as follows:

With its picture-postcard stone ramparts and turrets, and its almost perfectly preserved maze-like medina, Essaouira (pronounced esa-wera) is the most popular of the Atlantic coastal town. Inside the town walls, it’s all light and charm, a labyrinth of narrow lanes, whitewashed house, tranquil squares and artisans in tiny workshops. (p.136)

After reading such an introduction and after navigating through the nearby city of

Marrakesh, travelers with their well-worn Lonely Planet in tow cannot help but be drawn to the city of Essaouira. My travel writings provide a window into my experiences journeying to Essaouira and begin to reveal the inner tension that exists between my desire to be a wondering researcher and the realities of traveling solo as an outsider.

Journal Entry: Essaouira, Morocco Thursday, July 13, 2006

I woke at 5 am to catch a CTM bus to Essaouira in the hopes to find not only comfort, but research material. Casablanca did not intrigue me, but I opted to stay several days after arriving to the country in order to adjust to Morocco. At the time I thought it would be easy to find whatever I needed in Morocco’s cosmopolitan city.

However, this morning I believed that heading to my beloved Essaouira would suit me better. My previous visit to Essaouira was brief, but memorable. The sound of

150 seagulls and crashing ocean waves were engrained in my memory. Small art galleries and cafes dotted the open square and stretched before a multitude of blue fishing boats. Since my last visit in 2002, I have looked at the small work of art I purchased from this small coastal city. Perched upon my TV cabinet in my living room, the faces of two women fill the composition. Painted in bright reds, oranges, and yellows with broad, thick paint strokes, the work seems reminiscent of Kirshner’s work and

Matisse’s fauvist paintings.

I kept thinking through the night that I needed to get to Essaouira. My thoughts and worries lent to a restless night. Essaouira is located in southern Morocco and in my opinion, it is a difficult journey. There are few options for travel. Train service and airplane service is limited and/or nonexistent. This left hiring a car or taking the bus. I had traveled on the bus before so I opted for this option. It is not only extremely economical, but I had thought that the journey could possibly provide fruitful information. My last bus journey was in 2004 when I traveled from Tangier to

Casablanca. I spent the six-seven hour journey sitting beside a customs police officer who tested me on my knowledge of American music, and I tested him on his secondary school English. This particular interaction also answered some of my pressing questions about Moroccan society in general.

The Kindness of Strangers

I went down to the hotel lobby at 5:45 am to check out at my Casablanca hotel. After a debate about the bill, the desk attendee walked out of the hotel to the corner of the street. There sat two men. An exchange took place that I could not hear,

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but one of the men ran off and the hotel attendee stood outside the hotel with me. It

took me a few minutes to figure out what was happening, but then I realized that he

sent a runner to get a taxi for me so I could get to the CTM bus station. I tipped the runner for his assistance with the taxi and for his help with my bags, which mysteriously grew in dimension and weight despite my lack of purchases, and I was off.

The CTM station is well organized and actually pleasant, but little information

exists about the process. Thankfully, I had been through the steps of submitting my

bags before, but I had to rely on the kindness of strangers to help me get to my

destination. The bus consisted of mostly Moroccan families headed toward Agadir, a

city further south from Essaouira. In addition, a mother and daughter from France and

two young backpackers from England were amongst the travelers. As the bus began

its journey out of Casablanca the smell of diesel fuel filled the interior of the bus. The

fumes were overwhelming and I questioned my decision to take a bus as I breathed in

the fumes and squirmed in my seat as my equipment pinned my legs in a stationary

position. I wondered how I would make the journey, but the odors disseminated as we

left the city behind. As we progressed on our journey we stopped at each bus station

for either a package or a passenger. Knowing that Essaouira was nearly seven hours

away, I blissfully slept in an attempt to regain the sleepless hours I lost over the past

several nights. As we approached the town of Safi I knew that we would be reaching

Essaouira shortly. To my surprise the bus pulled into a rest stop. The string of shops

and restaurants were organized in a U-shape around a large open parking lot. On the

left were a series of small Moroccan convenience stores although, they should more

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adequately be called stalls or booths. These small stores sold drinks, primarily water

and various sodas, as well as chips, chocolate, and cookies. This style of convenience

store is typical in Morocco. Some of these small stores also sell basic supplies such as

soap and laundry detergent. In front of the bus was a restaurant in which the butcher

displayed his meats at the entrance. The slabs were strung up by rope and dangled in

front of potential purchasers. A young boy stood in front of the butcher stand

continuously shooing the flies away. His tool, a stick with shreds of white cloth tied

to the end, seemed to be an adequate device and intrigued me. I have observed some western travelers be alarmed by this site as it stands in contrast with our overly

processed and sterilized products sold in the west. While the site may have alarmed

some westerners, I have started to understand the importance of fresh foods in

Moroccan society. During a trip to Fez in 2004, a female guide roughly in her thirties

escorted me through the maze of winding alleys in the medina (old city). She spoke

about the importance of fresh foods in Morocco and highlighted the array of foods the country had to offer. Based on my own observations, the range of fresh produce in local markets is impressive. Unfortunately today, my American stomach and vegetarian disposition led me to the convenience store to buy Coca-Light (Diet Coke) and Pringles (Paprika flavored).

Partial Journal Entry: Essaouira, Morocco Sunday, July 16, 2006

The sun is deceiving in this sea-side town. Hazy and misleadingly cool in the morning, the sun breaks the haze to heat the day. The smell of fish always

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intermingles with the smells of the sea and the market. Cats wonder aimlessly

feasting on fish and curl in hidden recesses of the market until some mischievous

youth discovers them and disturbs their peacefulness.

Figure 52: Author’s photograph taken on July 16, 2006 at 8:03 am along the coast of Essaouira. The photo was taken in correspondence with my journal entry describing the city.

Figure 53: Author’s photograph taken July 19, 2006 of Essaouira, Morocco. Images correspond to my journal description written on July 16, 2006. A popular café situated in the main square which looks out over the fish market and provides a beginning visual survey of the businesses along the coast of Essouaira.

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Figure 54: Author’s photograph taken July 19, 2006 of Essaouira, Morocco. Images correspond to my journal description written on July 16, 2006.

Figure 55: Author’s photograph taken July 19, 2006 of Essaouira, Morocco. Image depicts juice stands which sit adjacent to the fish market. Collier & Collier (1986) categories followed include: Organization, Appearance, Functions.

Figure 56: Author’s photograph taken July 19, 2006 of Essaouira, Morocco. Provides imagery related to Essaouira’s fishing industry.

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Partial Journal Entry: Essaouira, Morocco Friday, July 28, 2006

It was a Friday afternoon and I had just made my travel arrangements for the

next leg of my trip. This had relieved my irrational worries of being completely

stranded and I was pleased with myself that I was able to successfully conduct these

transactions in my broken and often animated French. I decided to enjoy my success

and saunter down the old medina 22 streets that I had traversed over the last week. The

streets were mostly vacant, free that is, of tourists and haggling shop owners. It was

Friday afternoon, the holy day and time for prayer, which left many of the shops

closed. In this calmness I ventured from my routine path down a side alley. The

worn, thick stone walls were adorned with endless carpets and bags in deep reds and

yellows. These colors juxtaposed against the light tan colored walls were striking as

hints of the afternoon sun peeked into the alley. I began capturing this scene as best I

could with my camera. As I whirled in every direction seeking out the best

compositions, a young man came out of his shop and sat down in a chair outside his

entry way. He wore a long indigo blue caftan and turban leaving me with the initial,

but incorrect interpretation that he was dressed for the tourists and would be

embarking on a sales pitch of his Moroccan wares shortly. He asked if I wanted to

take a picture of his shop and I politely declined. Regardless of my polite disinterest

22 In Arabic, medina literally means city. However, during the colonization period of Morocco (1912- 1956) the French developed ville nouvelles, or new cities, that were composed of western architecture and wide tree lined streets. In larger cities (i.e. Fez, Casablanca, etc.) the French separated themselves from the Moroccan population who at that time, predominantly lived in the . The medina is essentially a Moroccan walled city that consists of homes that are designed to be private dwellings. In other words, the door may be the only entrance and view of the street. Wealth is hidden. Within the medina the streets consist of narrow stone paved roads that wind throughout the varying quarters. Animals, horses or donkeys, often are the only means of transporting items through the narrow passages. Today, I have observed the terms, medina and ville nouvelle, used commonly in both general speech and in signage to identify the older sections of the city from the newer sections. 156

in his wares, he proceeded to initiate a conversation with me in English at a dizzying

speed. His conversation weaved in and out of varying topics from art to the life

lessons his mother instilled in him. As our conversation proceeded we moved into the

interior of his shop where he pulled out well worn maps to provide me with

suggestions of cities I should visit. He approved of my current itinerary and through

my initiation, I turned our conversation to the droves of tourists that entered the city

of Essaouria on a daily basis. I had become tired of the hoards of people entering and

exiting. I watched as they were shuffled from place to place often taking pictures of

what they deemed to be curiosities. My turn in conversation evoked a laugh from him

and he stated “too much in the eyes” and used his hands and fingers to

mimic the effect of couscous being pelted into his eyes. Thinking about the consistency of couscous 23 I felt this comment seemed fitting for what I was witnessing on a daily basis. He explained that the travelers who come in droves in group tours receive so much information that it is almost blinding - “too much couscous in the eyes.” In essence, these travelers leave with little meaningful information and/or experiences about Morocco and its people, as they are herded from one place to another, in my opinion, places that are deemed to be significant in the eyes of the guide and the Kingdom of Morocco.

23 Tiny round shaped balls of semolina. 157

Figure 57: Author’s photograph taken on July 28, 2006 in Essaouira, Morocco. The image provide a visual of a side street containing shops which scatter their goods outside for passerby’s to see. Young residents are captured in the photo as they rest on a shelving unit at the end of the lane during the afternoon. This image corresponds to the journal entry written on July 28, 2006.

Figure 58: Author’s photograph taken on July 28, 2006 in Essaouira, Morocco. The image provides a visual of a side street containing shops.

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Roslie Wax’s (1971) essay “The Fieldworker as Fool” writes that an ideal participant observer:

is able, for weeks and months, to function like a sane and reasonable being in a situation which, for him, is largely without pattern or structure. He does not know whom he can trust, or whom he can trust about what, or, indeed, if he can trust anyone about anything. (p. 370)

Rabinow (1977) presents similar struggles with trust and comments on the challenges

of understanding cultural differences while conducting fieldwork in Morocco.

Inquiries regarding your purpose for being in Morocco abound. As new relationships

begin to form, social boundaries must be negotiated and in place in order to pursue

the work you intended to accomplish. Rabinow expresses this struggle with trust and

boundaries effectively when describing the number of village residents who

consistently sought a ride from him. He was one of the few individuals in the village

who had a car and having a vehicle in Morocco is a luxury in rural areas.

As my own journal writings illustrate, I consistently dealt with issues of trust

during my fieldwork and on occasion, this impeded my work. My additional writings

centering on gender issues presented throughout my study clearly indicate my

uncomfortable feelings. Reflecting on these entries almost two years later, it is

difficult to determine whether my apprehensions were warranted. I would like to

think that my apprehensions were not preconceived based on negative media images

centering on terrorism and inaccurate representations of peoples of Arab descent.

Instead, I wish to believe that my apprehensions stemmed from traveling solo as a

female with sketchy language skills. As I examine holistically my individual

interactions and also my documented materials, it is clear to me that a theme of fear

emerges. 159

The theme of ‘fear’ appeared not only in my personal writings about my experiences, but also in my observational notes. For example, one day as I passed fellow American travelers in Essaouira I heard the small group state,

“if we follow the wall we should be OK” (July, 14, 2006). As my trip progressed I received additional inquiries regarding the nature of my solo travels and the difficulties I may have faced. Perhaps the most poignant story that I received from an informant was based on this very theme, fear.

One of my informants was university trained as a language teacher, but

was working as a tour guide. His sister was currently working in the United

States as an English teacher. During our conversation, my informant provided me with brief vignettes of the experiences he had with previous travelers. One of the conversations centered on preconceived perceptions of Moroccan

residents and more broadly, of Arab peoples. He asserted that special interest

groups want us (i.e. Americans) to remain in the dark to create a gap between

people. We (i.e. Arabs and Americans) have common human interests. Special

interest groups and the media don’t want us to see these commonalities

(personal communication, July 20, 2006).

The conversation proceeded with my informant talking about two

American doctors that were in Essaouira for a convention. During their stay he was hired to take the doctors and their family on a tour throughout the city.

During the tour one of the members of the group started crying. She stated that what she was seeing was not the Morocco that she knew and it was not

160 the image they saw in America. The informant ended this story by personally stating: “We are a peaceful people” (personal communication, July 20, 2006).

Contemporary Artistic Practices

The Influence of Tourism on Art Forms

My interest in the art forms specifically produced in Essaouira began with the acquisition of a painting during my January 2002 study of Moroccan ceramic production. The oil painting, featured in Figure 59, was produced by Ahmed El

Fadidi. At the time, I knew nothing about the artist, but was drawn to the expressive nature of the brushstrokes and the range of colors utilized by the artist that seemed to be pulled straight from the Moroccan landscape. The hints of orange and warm reds were colors reminiscent of the textiles that had been introduced to me. The cool white and blue tones used by the artist connected to the blue and white washed walls and doors of Essaouira.

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Figure 59: Author’s painting acquired in 2002. Oil painting by Ahmed El Fadidi, completed in 2001. The artist dated his work in the left corner and signed his last Ahmed El Faidi was born in 1958 in Essaouria. He attended .اﻟﻔﻴﺬ name in Arabic school in Essaouira and also the Bac des Arts Appliques in Marrakech. According to Mana (1990), the artist has been influenced by the figurative work of Australian artist Sedlak and the cubist work of Picasso. Using paint, El Faidi depicts mask like female portraits that center on the memory of adolescence.

Ahmed El Fadidi’s painting represents for me the nature of artwork produced and sold in Essaouira. At the time, I acquired the work without contextual information from a local gallery. It was attained partly because I saw connections between the composition and my travel experiences within the country. Since 2002, this particular painting has held a prominent place within my own personal living space, reminding me on a daily basis of my travel experiences.

Lippard (1999) asserts that “class and gender are salient components of travel’s contradictions. How far away from home one can travel involves layers of touristic status…popular wisdom has it that educated middle-class travelers, more

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aristocratic and superior, pursue the distant and unexpected (1999, p.6). I believe that art forms can serve as a representation of travel experiences and hence, can elevate ones status. My painting by El Fadidi serves as a beginning example.

My El Fadidi painting demands attention through it’s positioning in my home and often evokes questions. This is often followed by wonder that I, a solo, female traveler, was able to freely wander without guidance in an area that seems so remote and filled with mystique. The artist and his body of work are irrelevant in this scenario. In fact it was not until I started Arabic language classes in 2004 that I was able to fully identify the artist’s name. Armed with this name, I returned to the gallery in 2006 and began researching this artist’s work. This search led to inadequate scholarly information. Based on this search and subsequent work, it is my assertion that many of the paintings produced in Essaouira fulfill a need for the traveler.

Travelers have an innate need to take a memory of their excursion with them. For some, this may come in the form of personal photographs of the place and its peoples.

For others, a representation of their experience is acquired through imagery found in local artwork.

In Essaouria, a range of galleries and works of art exist and offer tourists a multitude of ways to capture their experiences. In fact, the Moroccan

National Tourist Board (2002) presents Essaouira as “An Art Lover’s

Paradise” writing in their brochure: “Warning to lovers of abstract painting, naïve, cubist art and sculpture: Essaouira is bursting with art galleries where you can see the works of leading modern painters, many of whom were born here” (p. 14).

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During my discussions with local artists and residents, it was clear that certain

galleries were held in high esteem. Perhaps the most prominent gallery in Essaouira is

the Galerie d’Art Frederic Damgaard also known as the Damgaard Gallery (see

http://www.kunstdose.de/damgaard/index.htm). This exhibition space was established

by Fredric Damgaard, a Danish gallerist in 1988. The gallery holds a central position

on the Avenue Oqba ben Nafii facing the picturesque clock tower and wall off of the

main square of the city. The gallery also has a separate working space inside the

medina. From my observations, this space appears to prepare the works of art for

display and provides passerby’s with another glimpse of the works of art sold in

Morocco.

Throughout the span of Damgaard’s career, a number of publications

have been written by Damgaard or sponsored by his gallery in Essaouira.

These include, for example: Mana, 1990; Damgaard, 2005; Damgaard &

Lapassade, mid1990s; Les Artistes Singuliers d’ Essaouira, 2002; Damgaard,

1999; Damgaard, 1995. Unfortunately these texts, which feature contemporary local artists, are simply not accessible to some American educators. Specifically, many of the texts are written in French, or are out of print, or are simply too costly to acquire in the United States.24

By examining both the works displayed in the Damgaard galleries and the pieces presented in gallery affiliated publications, several interesting

24 For example, the publication, Artistes D’Essaouira by Mana (1990), was acquired for 100 Moroccan Dirhams in Essaouira. This is equivalent to 13 U.S. dollars. The book, which is featured on the Smithsonian Libraries reading list for contemporary African Art, is sold in the U.S. through Amazon for 128 U.S. dollars.

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patterns emerged. First, many of the artists were “discovered” by Damgaard.

The analyzed text also revealed that many of the artists featured had their first

exhibition at the Damgaard galleries. Based on my review of the biographies,

many of the artists are young with birthdates ranging from the mid to late

1960s through the 70s. Additionally, a majority of the artists are from

predominately rural areas surrounding Essaouira. Based on the biographies

presented, some are from Amazigh (Berber) tribes (see for example, Artistes

Singuliers d’ Essaouira, 2002).

A second theme emerges from the examined works of art in regards to

formalistic properties.25 Many of the artists utilize similar bright colors of

paint. These colors are painted on masonite boards of varying dimensions.

The colors employed by the artists are bright and often flat. The colors most

of used are the primary colors of red, blue, and yellow. In some works, greens

and tints of red are also employed. In the images the blue hue is most striking

to me because it is suggestive of the specific blue found adorning the doors,

window shutters, and small fishing boats throughout Essaouira.

A limited amount of values are used in the works currently exhibited by the

Damgaard galleries. Shading, if used, is created with tints and is developed in the depiction of both figures and animals. In general, a sense of space is limited in the works. Instead, the picture plane of many of the works of art contains individual

25 For the reader, accessible images of the types of works shown at the Damgaard galleries can be found at their website http://www.kunstdose.de/damgaard/index.htm . Figure 60 also provides one example of the type of artwork found at Damgaard. 165

images that flatly fill the space. The objects, which are flatly painted, are embellished

with a range of dots and lines that create repeating patterns.

I believe that these objects and the designs utilized by the artists are signs that

signify cultural traditions. The signs and symbols employed by the artist vary, but for

me I see snapshots of Morocco. I believe that some of these snapshots may be

recognizable even to the traveler visiting the country for the first time. For example, I

see hands depicted with five fingers stretched out symbolizing the hand of Fatima and

adorned with henna tattoos. I see Arabic calligraphy employed. I see mask-like faces and sometimes women with veils. I see huts, drums, animals, and pottery used for cookware.

Figure 60 provides an example of the type of images found in the Damgaard galleries. Painted by Abderrahim Trifiss, the work is 16 ½” by 12” in size and consists of paint on a thin wood board. In a similar fashion to those works of art published in Artistes Singuliers d’ Essaouira (2002), Damgaard (1999), Damgaard &

Lapassade (1990s), and Damgaard (1995), this image is painted in a flat manner that fills the picture plane.

In the Triffiss work I see multiple depictions of faces (see Figures 61 & 62).

Some of the faces appear similar to masks found in sub-Saharan regions in Africa.

Specifically, the triangular shape of the face, the shape eyes, and the curved line that creates the nose and eyebrow are all reminiscent of mask forms produced by the Kuba and other peoples (see Strother, 1998). I have not seen any mask-making traditions in Morocco, however I believe that these mask forms are a sign for the

Gnawas of Morocco. The Gnawa play a prominent role within the city. On a yearly

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basis in the early summer months Essaouira hosts a gnawa festival which brings

hundreds of visitors from all over the world. Additionally, the yellow and blue mask

form shown in the center of the lower half of the image is adorned with a hat and a

hand embraces a musical instrument. Figures 63 & 64, provides images of Gnawa

musicians which demonstrates a clearer connection between the signs Trifis employs

and the musicians.

Figure 60: Author’s acquired painting from Essaouira, Morocco in 2006. Signed Trifis with no date provided, but a marking of TI/005 is written on the back. I assume that this is a gallery marking.

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Figure 61: Detail of the Trifis painting Figure 62. Detail of the Trifis painting. featured in Figure 60. The image The image illustrates mask-like faces illustrates mask-like faces and an with an emphasis on they eye. instrument.

Figure 63: Author’s photograph of Gnawa performance taken in southern Morocco in January of 2002.

Figure 64: Author’s photograph of Gnawa performance taken in Essaouira in January of 2002. The image provides an example of two drums embellished with henna patterns. 168

The Trifis painting also serves as a representation of the lack of information available for the general traveler. My additional research found no documented or published literature on the artist. A request for information made to the gallery where the artist was represented did lead to some information. My inquiry resulted in a photocopied piece of paper containing biographical information in partially illegible handwritten French.

The biographical information about Abderrahim Trifis states that he was born on November 28, 1974. The artist lives in Sidi Mokhtar, which is located between Essaouira and Marrakech. The artist is married with two children and is by profession, a barber or hairdresser. However, he has been painting since he was a child in school. His education stopped at 15 years of age. The text provided by the gallery emphasized the fact that Trifis does not know other artists and is not familiar with the other artists in the gallery. The word “pas,” the negative in French has been underlined. Additionally, the text emphasized the fact that the artist’s style was personal and that he had not been aided by anyone or copied any other person.

The text that accompanied the Trifis work suggests that the authenticity of the works being sold by galleries is being questioned. The text asserting that the artist was not influenced by other artists addresses my observations regarding the similiarity between works of art being exhibited.

My findings present additional questions about the works being marketed as distinctly Moroccan or related to the region of Essaouria by gallery owners.

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An informant, who is an independent artist, said that in the early 1990s he

exhibited several paintings in a local gallery. The gallerist then told my informant that

he needed to change things in his work and if he did he could earn money. The owner

stated that all expenses for promotion and publicity would be handled by the gallery.

This informant said that some artists who live in the country and who are very poor,

sell their works to galleries for cheap prices. The prices are then inflated for the

consumer (personal communication, July 2006). I asked the informant how they felt

about the current artists/gallery situation. In response, I did not receive a verbal

answer. I received a shrug indicating to me either indifference or that nothing could

be done about the situation.

In a review of the book Artistes singuliers d’Essaouira, Stanley (2008) states

that “the artists of Essaouira, Morocco are known for their naive, colorful style of

(mainly) painting. They were encouraged and promoted by Frédéric Damgaard, a

Danish gallerist. Indeed it could be argued that Damgaard’s intervention “created” the

Essaouira artists.”26 While elements of this statement may hold some truth, it is important to recognize that a range of artists live and work in Essaouira. My findings identified several arts organizations that promote the works of a range of independent artists. Additionally, my findings identified a beginning list of artists who have small independent exhibition spaces. Several of these artists will be examined.

26http://www.sil.si.edu/SILPublications/ModernAfricanArt/maadetail.cfm?subCategory=Mor

occo

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Public, free expos highlight the work of independent artists living and working in Essaouira. The work is shown on a rotating basis. Benbrahim

(Boukbir Mustapha) was one of the artists that was exhibiting his works in this location.

Figure 65: Author’s photograph of one of several free expo sites that exhibits artwork by area artists. The sign states “Expo – Peinture.” This image was taken on July 19, 2006 off of the main square in Essaouira, Morocco.

Benbrahim’s exposition consisted of a wide range of works of art and varying styles. I viewed paintings that incorporporated calligraphy and paintings that followed an orientalist tradition (see Fig. 66). I also viewed scenes of everyday life and still lifes. Ink work and sculptures were also present. The artist stated that he primarily works with acrylics, oils, and also colored inks.

During our conversations, I specifically asked the Benbrahim about his calligraphy work and his inspiration (see Fig. 67). He stated that his ideas just come to him and the letters depicted in this particular painting were simply 171

used as a decorative element. The letters do not form words. However, the

artist did show me smaller works of art where he had written out proverbs in

Arabic (see Fig. 68).

Benbrahim stated that originally he did not study art in school. He

studied physics and chemical engineering at the university. Today, he lives in

Essaouira and has a studio in the area. He asserted that he likes to be free.

Specifically, he prefers to work with his own ideas and is not interested in

selling his work to a gallery.

Figure 66: Author’s photograph taken on July 29, 2006 of a public exhibition of Benbrahim’s work (see Appendix D).

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Figure 67: Painting produced by Figure 68: Painting Benbrahim (Boukbir Mustapha) acquired produced by Benbrahim by author in 2006. Arabic letters are used acquired in 2006. Text as a design element. states: Nothing can enslave me but Love.

Another artist that exhibited at the expo was Sliman Drissi. When I arrived at the expo I was met by his assistant, Hamid Cherbadou, who ran the artists gallery and attended to Drissi’s website (see Appendix D). During my research I was not able to meet the artist. However, I did have the opportunity to talk with Cherbadou about Drissi’s work and after the expo was dismanteled I visited his small gallery. A review of his artwork will be presented because his style is quite different from the other works that I researched in Essaouira.

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Figure 69: Author’s photograph of a public exposition site that exhibits artwork by area artists. This image was taken in July of 2006 when Slimane Drissi’s work was on display. The image in the foreground is an example of his artwork.

Slimane Drissi was born in 1976 and according to Cherbadou, he is a teacher for small children. He teaches both Arabic and French. His painting career is in part, a hobby. Although he has painted for sixteen years and has his own gallery space in Essaouira.

A review of his works identifies the repetition of similar figures and design patterns. Cherbadou states that Drissi has four styles of work. These styles include: Surrealism, African Style, Arabic Writing, and Naïve. The image in Figure 70 represents his Surrealism style.

Each of Drissi’s painting is made with gouache and natural black coloring. Cherbadou stated that his surrealism works were in part, inspired by

Dali and Miro. I asked specifically about the female form, which appears in

174 several of Drissi’s works of art. It was stated that each art work was unique, but the significance of the form was not addressed.

Figure 70: Untitled painting by Slimane Drissi acquired by author in July of 2006. The work represents his Surrealist style.

Across from the expo where Slimane and Benbrahim were exhibiting their work was Fatiha Benmoussa and Abdessadek Moudlib. Figure 71 presents the work of Moudlib.

Figure 71: Watercolor painting produced by Abdessadek Moudlib acquired by author in 2006.

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Figure 71 produced by Moudlib, represents a style of painting that I

have viewed in several locations in Morocco. The images as a generalized

group are often watercolor landscape scenes that depict palm trees. I interpret

this as a sign that signifies a warm climate or a desert. When I asked Moudlib

about his work he stated that he was not the ‘real’ artist and refered to

Benmoussa’s work.

Benmoussa’s work, shown in Figure 72 and 73, consists of everyday

scenes painted in a stylized manner. Her thick black outlines contrast with the

bold colors that she employs. According to Moudlib the scene in Figure 72 is

a gathering of women while Figure 73 illustrates a Kornic School. She utilizes

repeating designs to fill the picture plane which is reminiscent of the work of

Trifis.

Figure 72: Painting produced by Fatiha Benmoussa acquired by author in July of 2006. Depicts a group of women with children.

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Figure 73: Painting produced by Fatiha Benmoussa acquired by author in July of 2006. The image depicts a Koranic school.

The Association Essaouira-Mogador was created in 1992 and one of its primary goals has been to promote and develop the town of Essaouira.

According to the brochure published by the association (2000), during its thirteen years in existence it has contributed to the development of several projects. One of these projects is the annual Festival of the Gnawa which is held each summer and brings thousands of visitors to the area. The building where the association is located also holds classes and art exhibits on a regular basis. During my research in Essaouria two public exhibitions were on display

(see Fig. 74). The first exhibition showed work by Anass El Boury and Aissa

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Taoufik. The second exhibition presented work by Abdou Mustapha. The

work produced by each of these artists will be briefly presented.

Figure 74: Author’s photograph of exhibition hall at L’Association Essaouira Mogador displaying the work of Anass El Boury and Aissa Taoufik. Hanging on the left wall are Boury’s works. The back wall provides images of Taoufik’s work focusing on Cubism.

Aissa Taoufik was born in Beni Mallal in 1979 and currently lives in

Essaouira. He attended art school in Rabat in 1999 and design school in Essaouira in

2002. When I asked about his art training he stated that he studied the plastic arts. The term ‘plastic arts,’ is utlized often within Morocco. I asked Taoufik if he could explain the term for me. According to Taoufik, the plastic arts includes painting, desingn, and sculpture. In this show, the works that Taoufik presented consisted of a series of approximately seven paintings. He communicated to me that four jurors who were professors chose the works for the show.

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Taoufik’s work was reminiscent of several European movements. One

grouping of paintings consisted of fragmented planes. The painting had texture and

the predomineant colors the artists used were browns and oranges. I asked about these paintings and he stated that he was inspired by Cubist artists. He specifically stated

that he wanted to develop this particular style. He had used both cardboard and

canvas as the backdrop for planes of color. He then affixed tissue to this backdrop to

create texture.

On the wall adjacent to the cubist style paintings were the works shown in

Figure 75. The image on the left follows the format of a 16th century Dutch still life while the right painting follows an orientalist style. I specifically asked about the orientalist painting and the artist stated that he looked at a postcard. He didn’t know

the artist of the postcard, but thought that the work was painted by an Itlain artist. He

identified the women as being from Cairo, Egypt. In order to paint the image he used

a grid sytem of drawing to acquire the correct proportions.

Taoufik communicated to me that he hoped to be an art teacher in art plastique in a large school in Marrakech. He felt that Essaouira was a very difficult city for an art professional because the city hosts a lot of festivals. Among the festivals that he listed was the Gnawa festival.

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Figure 75: Author’s photograph of exhibition hall at L’Association Essaouira Mogador displaying the work of Aissa Taoufik.

Anass El Boury was born in Rabat in 1974 and identifies himself as a graphic artist. He is currently a professor of Plastic Arts in Essaouira.27 He has been exhibiting his work since 1991 mainly in Essaouira. However, Boury stated that he has had a show in Sefrou and Fes.

As shown in Figure 75 Boury’s works include both painted images and pen drawings. His painted images employ bright colors with an emphasis on blue and orange hues. In contrast, his pen and ink drawings are created with an absence of color with strong constrasts of black and white. Subtle greys are created through a pointillism technique (Fig. 76).

In Figure 76, I see a dark sky with a cresent moon. I identify the moon with the gateway to the port of Essaouira which depicts a cresent moon (see Brief

Historical Overview, Essaouira, Morocco). According to residents, the cresent moon

27 The term “professor” can hold a slightly different meaning in Morocco. The word is defined as a teacher, but does not necessary denote an educator in higher education.

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represents Islam. Below the moon I see several sqauares and rectangles that form structures. I specifically see a horseshoe archway and a door. I indentify this style of doorway with those that I see in Morocco. To the right of the horseshoe entry in the background I see a tall tower with three delinated steps. I interpret this structure as a minaret because of its distinctive square shape. The minaret is where the call to praryer is made. Overlapping the minaret is a wall that is repeated on the left side of the image. I interpret the wall as a rampart. Several medinas in Morocco, including

Essaouira’s consist of ramparts. When I asked Boury about the spiral that he

employ ed, he stated that it represented the city of Essaouira or Magador.

Accompanying his work, Boury wrote that he is devoted to new research on

signs and symbols, utilizing the spiral as a plastic element, calligraphy, the

architecture of the past, Moroccan houses, doors, and windows. Many of these

elements appear in his work shown in Figure 76. The artist further states that he is

interested in a contemporary plastic language that takes root in Moroccan culture.

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Figure 76: Drawing by Anass El Boury acquired by author July of 2006. Right image provides a detail of the drawing.

Abdou Mostofa presented his work in the next exhibition at the L’Association

Essaouira Maogador in July of 2006. Mostaf was born in Casablanca in 1961 and identified himself as a painter and sculpture. He also had training in the theatre and approximately six years of experience in the amteur theatre. He began exhibiting his artwork in 2003 and has shown his work in Essaouira, Safi, and Marrakech.

A review of Mostofa’s artwork revealed that the artist consistently used bright colors throughout his work. In Figure 77, the artist utlized turquoise and yellow against a dark maroon background. Aditional colors that the artist employed in his other works on exhibit include vivid oranges and greens. All of his paintings appeared flat and his work centered on omeba like forms. Geometric patterns were also a key element in his work. Mostofa provided me with background information on several of his works hanging in the exhibition. According to the artist, the work shown in Figure 182

77 depicts a dance between two figures. He clearly articulated that the image was not

based on the gnawa musicians. When Mostofa described his paintings, he asserted

that his work was like Miro’s. However, he was quick to say that his artwork was

unique and that Miro was not his (sole) inspiration. Instead, he stated that he studies

culture and symbols. For example, he stated that he studied Native American symbols

which inspired one of his works. To create several of his works he had created a

template using paper to create the crisp painted edge in works such as Figure 77.

Figure 77: Painting produced by Abdou Mostafa acquired by author in 2006.

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Several additional galleries and exhibitions spaces exist in Essaouria. Located

across from the Association Essaouira Mogador, is the L’Association Tital. This

open exhibition space was founded in 1989 by a group of professors of art (Fig. 78).

Its mission is to present the work of local artists. According to Ross, Shoup,

Maghraoui, and Marzouk (2002), the artists are initially given eight months to show

their artwork. In order to retain their spot they must sell their work. The work of

Ahmed El Faid’s is displayed in this exhibition space (for an example, see Figure 59).

Appendix C provides contact information and the name of the president of the

association, Bouhali Hamid. The association has fifty members.

Figure 78: Author’s photograph of L’Association Tital taken in July of 2006.

Throughout Essaouira’s tourist shops, paintings are also sold. These paintings, as shown in Figure 79, follow an orietentalist style. Many of the paintings are restricted to a limited color plalette. Values of blues and reds are common colors employed by the artists. The works of art are signed, but my inquiries about the pieces have not led to substantial information about any of the artists who paint these scenes. Paintings are also sold on the street. 184

Figure 79: Author’s photograph of tourist paintings in Essaouria, Morocco.

On a daily basis in the square called Place Moulay Hassan, several artists set up their paintings. Two of the artists that I met were Mostapha Assadeddine and

Mohamed Errad (see Appendix D). The public square is often busy with tourists.

This area is a common drop-off point by the taxis and the square is also by the fish market. Everyday I observed a small group of artists, which included Assadeddine and Errad, arriving in the morning with a small rolling cart of paintings. Each morning the paintings were aligned on the wall (see Fig. 80). With the works of art

185 was a framed paper that stated in French that the artist had won a prize for “primitive” modern paintings. Errard had an additional paper that identified that he had participated in an exhibition in Switzerland in 2004.

I had the opportunity to talk with both artists and review several newspaper articles about Assadeddine. At one point in his painting career he had been featured in the local Damgaard galleries. The artwork that was on display was similar in nature to those displayed in Damgaard and similar to Trifis’ work. Specifically, Mostapha

Assadeddine’s work utilizes repeated patterns and signs identified as having Amizagh origins, namely the hand of Fatima (see for example, Fig. 82).

Figure 80: Author’s photograph taken on July 18, 2006 of the square Place Moulay Hassan. Approximately three artists utilize this open space to display their works of art along the outer walls of the city square.

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Figure 81: Author’s photograph of Mohamed Erraad’s work displayed in the pulbic square Place Moulay Hassan. Images of two Gnawa performers are depicted in the center lower row. The distinct instruments that the musicians are holding signify that they are gnawa.

Figure 82: Author’s photograph of Mostapha Assadeddine work displayed in the pulbic square Place Moulay Hassan. Artwork acquired by the author in July of 2006.

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Rabat, Morocco

Brief Historical Overview

During the French Protectorate (1912-1956) the first Resident General,

Marshal Hubert Lyautey, worked to develop European architectural structures separate from the Moroccan medinas. In Rabat, Lyautey enlisted French architect

Henri Prost to design the European quarters. In Morocco a total of nine European quarters were eventually designed by Prost (Pennell, 2000). The European quarter in

Rabat consists of wide, palm lined, boulevard streets which dramatically contrasts with the visual architectural remnants of its past (Fig. 83).

Figure 83: Author’s photograph taken on August 6, 2006 of Avenue Mohammed V in the European quarter or Ville Nouvelle in Rabat.

The medina of Rabat neighbors Lyautey’s European quarter and sits near the

Atlantic on its northwestern side. It is flanked on its eastern side by the river Oued

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Bou Regreg. According to Metalsi et al. (2000) the walls surrounding the medina were built during the reign of Yakoub al Mansour (1184-1199). The walls are constructed of brick, stones, and lime and run five kilometres long and ten metres high protecting its inner city. The ramparts of the medina were built later in the 17th century (Metalsi et al., 2000).

Figure 84: Author’s photograph taken on August 4, 2006 based on the categories of Location and Appearance provided by Collier & Collier (1986) (see Appendix B). The image was taken from my residence while in Rabat of the evening traffic on Avenue Hassan II. The walled medina and its ramparts are pictured in the middleground.

At the outermost edge of medina, sitting atop a cliff looking directly over the

Atlantic Ocean and the river Oued Bou Regreg, is the Kasbah des Oudaias (Figs. 85-

89). The Kasbah is a fortress that is named after the Oudaya tribe (Moroccan National

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Tourist Office, 2002; Metalsi et al., 2000). The sultan Moulay Ismail sent the

Oudaya’s to Rabat to defend and protect the city.28

The Bab al Oudaya is the door or gateway that leads into the Kasbah. The gateway is attributed to Yakoub al Mansour during the Almohad dynasty during the

12th century (Ettinghausen, 2001). The gateway has several interesting architectural

features. As described by Ettinghausen et al. (2001) and Metalsi et al. (2000), the

façade of cut stone consists of a that is flanked by towers. Arabesques

and palm-leafed designs embellish the façade of the gateway. The frieze consists of

Arabic calligraphy. Etinghausen et al. (2001) assert that the heavy horseshoe arched

Almohad gates of Rabat (and Marrakesh) established “the basic lines for all later

western Islamic gates” (p.269). Today, this horseshoe entryway appears as a visual

element in some contemporary works of art.

Figure 85: Author’s photograph taken on August 5, 2006 of the interior of the medina. In the distance the Kasbah des Oudaias and the gateway called the Bab Oudaia is shown.

28 Conflicting information exists. For example, the Moroccan Tourist Board (2002) states that the Ouday tribe was protecting the city against Andalusian pirates. Authors’ such as Metalis (2000) assert that they were to watch the Arab Zaaer tribe who were intending to overthrow the town.

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Figure 86: Author’s photographs taken on August 5, 2006 of the walls of the Kasbah des Oudaias in Rabat, Morocco. Left image was shot with the camera directed in a southeastern position and shows an exit from the medina in the background, the street Boulevard Tarig al-Marsa, and the wall of the Kasbah des Oudaias on the left edge of the photo. The right photo was taken from the same location, but in the opposite direction (e.g. northwestern) and shows the Kasbah wall extending up to the gate named Bab Oudaia.

Figure 87: Author’s photographs taken on August 5, 2006 of the walls of the Kasbah des Oudaias in Rabat, Morocco. The left image provides a detailed image of the Bab Oudaia. The right image provides a detail of a second gate directly inside the Kasbah past the Bab Oudaia. 191

From the Kasbah des Oudaias several historical structures can be viewed

across the river Oued Bou Regreg, the Hassan Tower and the Mohammed V

Mausoleum. Located on the edge of the Atlantic Ocean and adjacent to the river

Oued, stands the Hassan Tower at 140 feet high and 200 partial columns. This 12th

century structure was to be the largest mosque in the and is attributed

to the sultan Yacoub el Mansour (Ettinghausen et al., 2001; Rabat, Morocco, n.d.).

Adjacent to the Hassan Tower is the Mohammed V Mausoleum (Figs. 88 & 89). Built

in 1962, the structure is dedicated to Mohammed V, the sultan who led the country to

independence.

Today, Rabat is the Royal city. It is the home of the Royal Palace of the King,

Mohammed VI, the capital of the country, and the place of the government (Rabat,

Morocco, 2002; Metalis et al., 2000; Pennell, 2000; U.S. Department of State, 2008).

Morocco has fourteen public universities and the country’s largest, higher education

institution, the , is located in Rabat.

Figure 88: Author’s photograph taken on August 5, 2006. The image was taken from the Kasbah des Oudaias in Rabat overlooking the river Oued Bou Regreg. In the left background stands the Hassan Tower and off to the right is the Mohammed V Mausoleum. 192

Figure 89: Detail of Figure 88 showing the Hassan Tower and the Mohammed V Mausoleum.

Constructed Identity: Depiction of Rabat in Tourist Guides

The Royal city of Rabat is described by tourist guides, published by the

Moroccan National Tourist Board, as a majestic white city whose history extends

back to Antiquity (Rabat, Morocco, n.d.). In the brochures opening page, it is asserted that Rabat is a city filled with a “kaleidoscope of colourful patios and exuberant gardens” (Rabat, Morocco, n.d., p. 1). The images that fill this tourism brochure support the texts focus on Morocco’s history and its visual beauty.

The front cover of Morocco’s tourist brochure provides a detailed image of the Mohammed V Mausoleum, the king that led Morocco to independence. The interior images of the brochure focus on the Royal Rabat by providing both imagery and text centering on the Hassan Tower and the Royal Golf course. Additional

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imagery provides picturesque views of Rabat’s coast and presents images of historical

sites such as the Kasaba of Oudayas. This majestic portrayal of Rabat stands in

contrast to some western guides. Several examples will be provided.

Rabat is described by some western on-line travel sites as a modern city with

boulevards and white buildings (see for example, http://www.wordtravels.biz/).

Steeped with history, Rabat is identified as conservative, quiet, and an easy city to

explore. In fact, some on-line guides assert that the cities easiness allows travelers to

independently explore the city, which will let you to “chat with locals in the cafes

who do not depend on the money of the tourists” (http://www.morocco.com/). For

those travelers who still wish to experience something more exotic, some on-line

guides assert that travelers can still find “local colour” in both the medina and in the

kasbah (http://www.wordtravels.com/).

The imagery that juxtaposes the textual descriptions varies. At certain on-line

travel sites, a set of key images remain consistent in the margins despite which area of

Morocco is being discussed (http://www.morocco.com/). For example, at

Morocco.com an image titled “Moroccan Woman” is shown veiled. The veil is a

bright orange and red with floral and geometric designs. The veil reveals a hint of the

woman’s eyes and provides a hint of her left cheek (specifically see,

http://www.morocco.com/gallery/). Other images provided by the site, Morocco.com, include images of the desert, camels, spice shops, and architectural elements found primarily in medinas. Absent from the images are photographs of the cities that exist in Morocco, including Rabat, and any hint of modernity.

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Personal Travel Experiences

Partial Journal Entry: Casablanca to Rabat, Morocco Thursday, August 3, 2006

Traveling Alone

In the bus station I picked up my large bag from left luggage and did some rearranging of my packing right in the Casa station. I am certain that my attempt at stretching each bag to its capacity was a comical site. However, as I worked to extend my luggage I observed a range of items being prepared for transport. Among the items being transported was a large iron table. The selection of items that were acceptable and those that were not confused me as I worked to be allowed to take my equipment bag through the checkpoint and onto the bus. I observed another couple trying to make sense of things and took comfort in knowing that transportation issues existed for others too.

I sat undisturbed as I remained in the station waiting for my final departure.

On this rare occasion, I was left in silence with my thoughts. On the far end of the

station was a flat screen TV which flashed snippets of scenes of Morocco, but it was

not the Morocco I knew. Images of posh hotels and spas flashed before me. It looks

like they are showing Essaouira. I see the wall, windsurfing, and the gnawa (or

gnaoua) musicians. Now I see Tangier and the Kasbah. I see Rabat, Fes, and all the

landmarks that I have viewed. However, these sites were visually wrapped into a

luxury package. Economically, these experiences were beyond my reach. I silently

considered how odd that these images were being shown to an audience taking bus

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transportation, one of the cheaper travel options. Or was bus transportation a cheaper

travel option only from my perspective.

The TV changed to music videos and based on my background I quickly

interpreted what I was viewing as an Arab version of the original MTV. On the screen

I observed a woman gyrating as she sang. She wore her hair in dreads and her western clothing attire was sexually suggestive due to its tightness and limited coverage. The next singer appeared with platinum blond hair that was cut short. She wore a tight t-shirt and suspenders which accentuated her large chest. The singers seemed alarmingly similar to the way in which some western pop-stars objectify themselves.

The imagery seemed out of place in this environment. I looked around my surroundings and the TV was not receiving much attention. I sat with Moroccan residents traveling with their families. I sat alone in silence. The images warranted attention and discussion. Why did I feel that these images did not fit in this

environment? Was it because of my own constructed notions of what would be

considered appropriate dress within Moroccan society? Are these images common

and a part of the contemporary visual culture within Morocco? Are these visuals

accepted by some and rejected by others? How are these images and the opinions

surrounding these images interpreted and viewed in relationship to sentiments about

western values?

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Figure 90: Author’s photograph taken in August 3, 2006 of Avenue Hassan II taken at 5:32pm upon my arrival in Rabat. The blue vehicles are taxis. The municipal market and the edge of the medina is shown in the left background. Photographic survey categories include: Transportation, Daily Cycles, and Appearance (Collier & Collier, 1986).

Figure 91: Author’s photograph taken on August 5, 2006 of the streets and shops in the medina. The right side of the photo shows zillij fountains.

Figure 92: Author’s photograph taken on August 5, 2006 of the streets and shops in the medina. The Moroccan flag hangs across the street (i.e. a green pentagram against a red background). Photographic survey categories include: Appearance, Organization, and Function (Collier & Collier, 1986). 197

Figure 93: Author’s photograph taken on August 5, 2006 of Rabat’s coast line along the Atlantic Ocean. Photograph was taken from the cliff of the Kasbah des Oudaias and shows residents and visitors on the beach. In the left foreground extending to the background is a cemetery and in the distance along the edge of the water is a light house. Small stands or cafes and a walking path separate the cemetery from the beach.

Contemporary Artistic Practices

Identifying Emerging Galleries and Regional Artists

In 2003, an on-line magazine titled Contemporary Art from the Islamic World, was developed by the Institute for Foreign Cultural Relations and in cooperation with

Universes in Universe (Haupt & Binder, 2008). Over the course of my research this on-line site has been utilized as a beginning resource. The website focuses on contemporary works produced in the Islamic world and provides articles, general information about artists, and listings of exhibitions. This on-line resource has led to the acquisition of several exhibition publications such as: Beyond the Myth: An exhibition of contemporary Moroccan Art (Brunei Gallery, 2003) and VITAL: Three contemporary African artists (Benchemsi, 1995). 198

The voices of artists and gallery owners also found through this on-line magazine (i.e. Contemporary Art from the Islamic World), identified several problems early on in my research. First, that contemporary works from the Islamic world had a limited representation in the western world particularly, in the United

States. And second, that the works that were represented are narrowly placed into

categories by western curators that may eliminate some artists working in differing

styles (Belhassan et al., 2003; Magdy, 2003; Chakar, 2003; Haupt & Binder, 2004).

In 2007 the on-line magazine, Contemporary Art from the Islamic World, was

renamed NAFAS.29 The change, according to the editors (Haupt & Binder, 2008), was to eliminate misunderstandings surrounding the term “Islamic.” As noted by

Haupt and Binder (2008) and authors presented in my research (see Blair & Bloom,

2003), the use of the term “Islamic” presents a generalized view of areas that have a predominantly Muslim population. Haupt & Binder (2008) state:

…we wanted to speak to stereotypical ideas in order to counter them by confronting them with works by artists who do not fit the usual clichés. …the point of this project is to foster not only a differentiated perception of artistic practices, but also of the complex reality of life in the "Islamic world." This is primarily done by presenting a large number of individual artistic positions behind which a broad range of personal, cultural, religious, social, and other contexts become visible. While the strategy of using the first title functioned quite well as far as the audience in the "West" is concerned, it sometimes caused uneasiness, specially [sic] among artists who did not want to be categorized by a label tied to a religion. (see, http://universes-in- universe.org/eng/nafas/editorial)

It is through the writings of Haupt and Binder that I was first introduced to the gallery

space L’appartement 22 (e.g. Apartment 22).

29 According to the editors of the magazine, Haupt & Binder (2008), the word nafas means breath or breathing. The word, Nafas can also be linked to the concept of a “second wind” or can be associated with the meaning “freedom.” 199

The experimental exhibition space called L’appartement 22 was founded in

2002 by Abdellah Karroum and is located in the ville nouvelle or French quarter of

Rabat. Karoum, who was born in Morocco in 1970 and educated in France at the

University Michel de Montaigne 3, has identified himself as an independent art researcher, a writer, and a curator (personal communication, 2006; http://www.appartement22.com/spip.php?article4). L’appartement 22 is a small gallery space that was originally intended to be Karroum’s home, but according to

Karroum it became a place of freedom for artists to show their works (Haupt &

Binder, 2005).

In a 2005 interview conducted by Haupt and Binder, Karroum explained his

reasons for developing his exhibition space. He asserted that there were a limited

number of opportunities for young artists to exhibit and distribute their work (Haupt

& Binder, 2005). He further stated that the small number of non-profit galleries that

do exist are state-run and their programs are determined by members of the Ministry

of Culture (Haupt & Binder, 2005).

Situated in the French quarter, L’appartement 22 is unlike most galleries and small museums that I have visited in Morocco. Located on Avenue Mohamed V amongst shops, cafes, and governmental buildings, the space is difficult to find and signage for the space is non-existent on the street side (see Figs. 94 & 95). A visitor to Rabat would need to know of the exhibition’s existence. Even after acquiring the specific address for the space, it is necessary to enlist the help of surrounding residents in order to find the apartment. Specifically, no building numbers exist on the

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exterior of the building and the apartment’s entrance is hidden in an alcove. Once

inside the building, an 8 ½ x 11 sheet of paper posted to the mailbox advertised the

exhibition.

I believe that due to the location of the exhibition space and the lack of

advertising, there is limited access to these contemporary works. This seems to be

counterproductive to Karoum’s intentions. In a 2005 interview, Karoum stated that

his primary goal was “to create a presence for art works and give artists the chance to

meet the public” (Haupt & Binder). He additionally stated that his intention was “to

share artistic experiences with the public in Morocco and in other parts of the world”

(Haupt & Binder, 2005). While L’appartement 22 is difficult to access, the exhibition

spaces location in the governmental section of Rabat, quietly stands in opposition to

state-run programs. These state-run programs, according to Karoum, provide limited

opportunities for young artists (Haupt & Binder, 2005).

Figure 94: Author’s photograph taken on August 6, 2006 of Avenue Mohamed V located in the ville nouvelle of Rabat, Morocco. L’appartement 22 is located on this street as well as the Moroccan Parliament.

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Figure 95: Author’s photograph taken on August 6, 2006. The alcove off of Avenue Mohamed V shows the appearance of the area (Collier & Collier, 1986) and the hidden left side entrance to the building for the exhibition space L’appartement 22. The exhibition space is located on the 3rd floor of the building.

The apartment building specifically faces the Moroccan Parliament. Karroum stated to Haupt & Binder (2005), that the area provides an environment “of life in the country” (http://universes-in-universe.org/eng/nafas/articles/2005/l_appartement_22).

Karroum described young people taking evening strolls. Based on my observations in

2002 and 2006, the area is active in the evening not only with young people, but a range of individuals including some families. In contrast to this visual, Karroum asserts that on a regular basis both students and the unemployed attempt to reach the parliamentary building, but are stopped by the police (Haupt & Binder, 2005). During my visit in 2006 I did not witness unrest, however my time in this area was brief.

During my 2006 research trip I had the opportunity to attend an opening of a new show and also communicate with the organizers of the exhibit. After being put on the attendance list for the gallery opening of Adel Abdessemed’s God is Design, I went to the exhibition as an observer. As I entered the stairwell and made my way to the third floor of the building, music filled the halls. The door of the space was open. 202

The small room was painted white and two benches constructed of wood and painted

in white were placed several feet in front of the wall. The floor tile was also white.

An LCD projector projected images on the wall. Black drawn lines appeared on the

wall and then seemed to be erased to form other shapes (for images see,

http://universes-in-universe.org/eng/nafas/articles/2007/adel_abdessemed). The

patterns repeated on a backdrop of white. As the patterns cycled the images shook

and gyrated seemingly in correspondence with the music. The music was unidentifiable to me.

At the far end of the small exhibition room was a balcony which could hold

only three individuals comfortably. The balcony visually contrasted with the

starkness of the room and created a visual break in the repetitive whiteness. With the

exception of balcony, the space was constructed as a modernist white cube allowing

the artwork to be seemingly free from interferences (O’Doherty, 1999). O’Doherty

asserts that the wall’s “neutrality is an illusion” as it represents a specific community

of individuals “with common ideas and assumptions” (p.79). The white wall,

according to O’Dohery (1999), is “a formalist invention” and a triumph of modernism

(p. 80).

The absence of context in this sterilized room led to initial interpretations that

the patterns were drawn from traditional visual elements found in North Africa.

Specifically, through my observations I observed patterns that I identified as

geometric in nature and linked to traditional tile and ceramic designs. I assumed that

the music was also linked to cultural traditions, but the connection between the

specific music selection and the imagery was unclear. The limited contextual

203 information that was provided combined with my outsider status limited my understanding of the visual references the artists employed.

Two handouts regarding the exhibition were available and a small selection of books centering on the Abdessemed’s work were present for attendees to view

(handout at, http://universes-in-universe.org/). The handouts and text provided by the coordinators of the exhibition stated that Abdel Abdessemed was born in 1971 in

Constantine, Algeria. In 1994 Abdel left Algeria for France during political unrest.

According to Tortosa (2003), the artist has lived in Paris, New York, and . He was asked to remark on the cultural origins of his work. After commenting on his arrival in France and his initial focus on the Maghreb, he stated “Now I am in the global madhouse” (p. 117). Abdel’s focus on global violence is suggested through

Tortosa’s (2003) interview and is identified by L’appartement 22 curators presenting his work (see for example, http://listart.mit.edu/node/438).

In the promotional materials for Abdel’s opening at L’appartement 22,

Karoum identifies the drawings as representations of the three monolistic religions:

Christianity, Islam, Judaism. Karoum (2007) provides additional contextual information about the exhibition, God is Design, through the on-line magazine

NAFAS (Haupt & Binder, 2008) and the website for L’appartement 22. He writes:

The video was realized in 2005, a few years after leaving New York due to the "unliveable" atmosphere set off by 9/11. The artist felt unwanted in this city because of the amalgam made by a large majority of Americans in considering that all Arabs, Muslims, and people from the Middle East, are high-power potential terrorists. (Karoum, 2007) 30

30 See http://universes-in-universe.org/eng/nafas/articles/2007/adel_abdessemed and http://www.appartement22.com/spip.php?article12 204

The social and the political commentary of the work, God is Design, was lost for me

as a viewer of the work. Without the knowledge of the signs utilized by the artist and

the contextual information of his experiences, I read the work as an appropriation of

North African signs employed throughout history. In an interview with Lebovici

(2007), Abdel stated: “I do not live between two cultures. I am not a post-colonial artist. I am not working on the scar and am not mending anything. I am just a detector

(cited at http://listart.mit.edu/node/438).

The curators of L’appartement 22 see their space as a unique exhibition site

for Morocco because there isn’t a space for contemporary art (personal

communication, 2006). Other galleries and museums do exist within the country,

however what works of art are selected for exhibition and who selects the pieces is of

concern. According to the curators, God is Design was the first exhibition of Abdel’s

work in North Africa (personal communication with curators, 2006).

While the exhibition space at L’appartement 22 is limiting in terms of its

access, the website that corresponds with the space does allow a wider audience

entrance into the contemporary art world within North Africa (see,

http://www.appartement22.com/). Since the beginning of my research and discovery of L’appartement 22, the website has grown in terms of its content. An educator can find exhibition information, artist biographies, images, announcements related to new art initiatives, and relevant articles centering on contemporary art. For the English reader, navigating the website does take time and patience. The text is primarily written in French with some English translations. These English translations are overtly present in some sections of the site and buried in others. Text at Karoum’s 205

website can also be found in German and Arabic making the site visually confusing

and unorganized to me and perhaps, to some students.

Additional gallery spaces do exist within Rabat. For the traveler who is a

wanderer, barrages of small commercial galleries exist throughout the medina. Works that follow an orientalist aesthetic, as noted in my Essaouira findings, are the primary art forms being sold. Additionally, contemporary traditional art forms such as carpets are also found in the markets. The Galleria d’ Art Nouiga provides one example of the small galleries that travelers will find (Figs. 96 & 97).

Located past the medina in the Kasbah of the Oudayas, the Galleria d’Art

Nouiga holds a position of prominence on the main thoroughfare of the Kasbah. The

path takes travelers and residents to a cliff at the edge of the Kasbah and provides a

picturesque view of the ocean and several monuments. Several of my photographs

featured in my findings were taken from this viewpoint (see Fig. 88).

In August of 2006, works by Miloudi Nouiga, Stephanie Lecomte, and

Patricia Vassilkov were being exhibited at the Galleria d’ Art Nouiga. In

addition to original works of art being sold, postcards of contemporary works

of art and general tourist orientalist postcards were also for purchase. This

orientalist subject matter also appeared in the original works of art within the

gallery. For example, Nouiga works with a range of media including

photography, acrylic paints, watercolors, pastels, and pencil. His images

include exoticized veiled women and romanticized scenes of the desert.

Scenes of everyday life are also depicted. However, Nouiga’s focus on

206 individuals in traditional dress combined with his use of strong lighting effects perpetuates an air of mystique that stereotypically surrounds Morocco.

Nouiga’s work provides an example of the types of works commonly found throughout Morocco (see, http://www.miloudinouiga.com/). In my opinion, the technical execution of his paintings and drawings are stronger than those commonly found in Essaouira. As with the works in Essaouira, the accessibility of the art found at the Galleria d’Art Nouiga is limited. For example, printed information is not readily available and contextual information that can be found on the internet is often written in French (i.e. http://www.miloudinouiga.com/). Additionally, the information may not be from a reliable source.

Figure 96: Author’s photograph of the Kasbah of the Oudayas in Rabat, Morocco taken August 5-7, 2006. The photograph provides a visual example of the blue and white washed walls of the Kasbah.

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Figure 97: Author’s photograph of the Kasbah of the Oudayas in Rabat, Morocco taken August 5-7, 2006. The image shows the exterior of the Galleria d’Art Nouiga located in the Kasbah.

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Tangier, Morocco

Brief Historical Overview

Tangier’s position at the northern most tip of North Africa has historically

positioned it as an important economic position in terms of trade and since the 1890s,

tourism (Pennell, 2000). Residents point out the short distance between Tangier and

Europe noting that the distance across the is only approximately

13km or 8 miles. On clear days residents say that Europe can be seen from the shores

of Africa. This visual site must present challenges to migrants who temporarily reside

in Tangier hoping to cross over to Europe.

Control over the port has passed through European hands for centuries.

Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) specifically note the transfer of control from

Portuguese hands to English powers as being impactful on the arts. In 1471, the

Portuguese captured the city followed by the Spanish. The Spanish controlled from

1581 to 1640 followed by the Portuguese once again, but by the 17th century (e.g.

1661), England gained control of Tangier (Benmlih, Azouga, Alouazen, Bouzerda, &

Brini, 2002). According to Cladermond & MacCarthy (2003), England reintroduced a number of art forms including religious works of art and general home decoration. A number of paintings, drawings, and engravings were commissioned by Royalty during this period in time that provides a visual depiction of the city. Today, these images are scattered. Some are housed in the British Museum (Cladermond &

MacCarthy, 2003). For visitors to the city of Tangier, elements of its history can be viewed through its architecture. Several of these structures will be discussed.

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The Kasba is situated in the northwest part of the medina and is surrounded by

. Benmilh et al. (2002) identify the ramparts which surrounds the medina

and the Kasba as visual remnants of Portuguese rule. These stone ramparts are

visually prominent and form a pentagon around the medina and the Kasbah. They are

approximately 2200 meters or 1.36 miles and contain thirteen doors (see Fig. 98). The

Kasbah also houses a former palace built by sultan Moulay Ismail in the 17th century

called the Dar El Makhzen. Ismail took control of Tangier in 1679 and Moroccans

retained control of Tangier until the mid-19th century. The former palace, Dar El

Makhzen, now houses a collection of Moroccan art forms which is encyclopedic in nature and historically informative (see Fig. 99). Specifically, the exhibitions center on Morocco’s history and emphasize the country’s production of traditional art forms such as pottery.

Figure 98: Author’s photograph taken on August 16, 2006 in the Kasbah. In the background is a rampart that runs along the coast line. Through the archway that pierces the wall is a view of the port. An image of the other side can be found in Figure 160. Similar views appear in the work of Matisse. The wall on right separates the Kasbah and medina. This image also provides a view of the sea of tourists lined up to walk through the rampart gateway to capture a picturesque view. 210

Figure 99: Author’s photograph taken on August 16, 2006 in the Kasbah at the former palace, the Dar El Makhzen. The museum now houses a collection of Moroccan Arts. The room in the image illustrates the architectural embellishments found in palaces and other traditional architectural structures such as mosques. I view the use of individual tile mosaics known as zillij (featured on the floor and fountain) as a traditional embellishment because the use of this material extends back to the 12th century. The museum also contains preserved Roman mosaics and Moroccan craft items (i.e. pottery).

Figure 100: Author’s photograph of the street, Rue Boukaja, in the Kasbah taken on August 16, 2006 in Tangier.

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Figure 101: Author’s photograph of the Kasbah taken on August 16, 2006 in Tangier.

According to Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) a limited number of artists visited the port in the time span between 1684 and 1832. It was in this period of 1832 that French Orientalists painters such as Eugene Delacroix visited Morocco.

Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) assert that paintings by artists such as Delacroix became popular in both England and France. This interest led to an increased number of painters entering into Tangier and other areas of North Africa, specifically Algeria and Egypt. Based on Clandermond & MacCarthy’s (2003) research, between 1832-

1950 two hundred and fifty five foreign artists painted in Tangier. The location of

Tangier in relation to Europe made the site attractive for some artists. The mild climate and the opening of European hotels also made the city an attractive location for artists (Clandermond & MacCarthy, 2003). Visual images of the artists paintings from Tangier and documentation related to their work can be found in a number of publications including: Cowart & Schneider (1990), Melville (1991), Thorton (1994), and Benjamin (2003).

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During the 19th century Morocco fell to colonial rule. The French Protectorate

lasted from 1912-1956. However, the area of Tangier became an object of interest. In

1923 Tangier and its surrounding areas became an International Zone controlled by

agents of France, Spain, Britain, , Sweden, Holland, Belgium, , and the

United States (Pennell, 2000; Clandermond & MacCarthy’s, 2003). Tangier became a

refuge for both visual artists and authors such as (1910-1999).

Throughout travel guides this period of time in Tangiers history is referred to as a

time of excess and illegal actions (see for example, Lonely Planet, 2005). Morocco

remained an international zone until the country gained independence in 1956.

Constructed Identity: Depiction of Tangier in Tourist Guides

The on-line source for the Moroccan National Tourist Office describes

Tangier as an enchanting “white city on a hill where all civilsations [sic] have left

their mark” (http://www.visitmorocco.org/). The website explains that the city offers

a unique atmosphere and emphasizes its appealing nature to artists and writers. The

site paints a visual picture of a city where you can casually take strolls along the

modern boulevards and be charmed by the environment of the medina streets.

However, the local magazine Mediterranee Magazine Maroc (2006), asserts that

Tangier is in upheaval due to the new jet-set. Fears that new construction will be a detriment to the architectural and historical references of the city are expressed.

Western tourist guides such as Knopf Guides (2000) and Lonely Planet (2005)

also focus on Tangiers history as an artist’s haven. Potential travelers are introduced

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to literary figures such as Paul Bowles (1910-1999) and the artists Henri Matisse

(1869-1954) and Eugene Delacroix (1798-1863). In fact, Lonely Planet (2005)

identifies the city as “a painter’s paradise” (p. 160). While textual references speak to

the city’s charm, guides also present a warning about its seedier side. Lonely Planet

(2005) states, “despite considerable improvements in recent years, Tangier is still

home to some of the most persistent hustlers and adept pickpockets in the country.

Keep a wary eye open and be particularly vigilant after dark” (p. 155).

Figure 102: Author’s photograph of the port in Tangier taken on August 16, 2006. Image is taken from my residence overlooking the port of Tangier. This spot draws numerous groups of tourists. The image provides a visual of the port activity including the transportation of goods and the large boats that transport passengers from Spain to Morocco. The coast line and beach area is off the picture frame to the right. The image illustrates Collier & Collier’s (1986) categories of Transportation, Appearance, Organization, and Function.

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Personal Travel Experiences: Reflecting on the Past

Lippard (1999) states: “For the most part we see travel as escape, getting away, going somewhere “else” – often inhabited by “others” whose dissimilarities will be exaggerated and exoticized, and whose similarities will be dismissed or hidden…” (p. 2). The portrayal of Morocco as an exotic destination runs rampant throughout contemporary travel literature (see for example, Lonely Planet, 2005).

Many of my informants in Essaouira spoke about Marrakech as being the primary tourist destination in Morocco. Having visited Marrakech both in 2002 and in 2004, their statements hold truth in that the sites and sounds of Marrakesh are partially constructed to appeal to the traveler.

Cheggour (2002) notes that American tourists arrive in Marrakesh with preconceived notions of the city’s exotic nature and Moroccan residents perpetuate this myth. Even western ethnographic travel essays such as Mayne’s (2002) A Year in

Marrakesh, Fernea’s (1988), A Street in Marrakech, and Peets’ (1988) Women of

Marrakech at times, heighten the dissimilarities between cultures. For example,

Peets’ (1988) text focuses on topics headings such as “The Baths,” “The Seventh

Wife,” and the “Elimination from the Harem.” Peets (1998) text presents a western perspective on the interactions of women and the reality of people’s lives. However, her selection of subject matter follows the outlines of an early 20th century colonial postcard and confirms the dissimilarities that exist whether they are real or constructed.

From my observations, I believe that Tangier holds an equally prominent role

in the construction of Morocco’s identity. Situated on the northern most tip of the 215

country, day trippers coming from Spain are able to ‘experience’ Morocco with all

that it has to offer in the comfort of a tour bus. On foot they are sheltered by a guide

who whisks them away to designated tourist spots where they are sold ‘authentic’

Moroccan goods.

My travel writings from Tangier provide a partial glimpse of my observations

of tourists entering and exiting the city on a daily basis. This is important to note

because some travelers are purchasing contemporary traditional art forms and objects

that may be constructed just for the tourist. Interspersed in this section of my findings

are my writings about taking solace in the familiar, an English church. These findings

are presented to begin to show the integral relationship between art, tourism, and

colonial rhetoric.

Journal Entry: Tangier, Morocco Thursday, August 10, 2006 2:00pm

One Day Excursions

I returned in the afternoon tired from the summer heat. I sat on the balcony of

my residence overlooking Tangier’s port and embraced the slight breeze. The hotel and its balcony were large, but oddly vacant. I sat by myself under a palm enjoying

the solitude as I read Fanon. It was an applicable text for the environment in which I

was placed. It was just 2 pm and suddenly a hoard of people arrived, then two more

groups. Quickly, the balcony became engulfed with people. As they came onto the

terrace in droves, they pounded drums, took photos over the port, and adorned Fez

hats. For 35 dirham’s some had their hand or foot tattooed with henna. I watched in

216 dismay wondering what experience they would be taking back with them. More groups ascended onto the balcony all lead by a resident adorned in traditional

Moroccan dress. Drinks were served for a fee and groups viewed their newly acquired treasures. With all of the seats on the balcony nearly taken, I offered my remaining chairs to a young couple. A conversation quickly ensued and the young woman asked if I was traveling alone. I simply stated yes. Her face showed visual concern and she asked how it was traveling alone. I avoided directly responding to the question by explaining that this was my 3rd trip to Morocco and I was nearing the end of my 10 week journey. I could have and perhaps should have used this opportunity to discuss my travel experiences. However, the couple accepted my partial answer and began talking about their trip. They stated that they were from Spain and had come to

Tangier for just one day. They only had a one week holiday. She asked how much

Tangier represented Morocco. Without hesitation I stated that the city was very

European in my opinion and suggested that they visit two other Moroccan cities. She proceeded to verbally express her dislike for Morocco. I thought this was curious since it was her first visit to the country and her experience had been artificially constructed by a guide. The short exchange came to an abrupt halt as the group gathered and left the balcony. The balcony visit seemed to be no more than 15 minutes in length. However, my time of solitude was cut short again as tour groups filed in and out for the next two hours forcing me to seek solace somewhere else.

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Figure 103: Author’s photograph taken on August 16, 2006. This image provides a view of the terrace that overlooks the port in Tangier and visually describes my journal writing from August 10, 2006. In the distance near the horizon line is a one of many boats that transports day travelers from Spain to Morocco.

Figure 104: Author’s photograph taken on August 11, 2006 of St. Andrews Church located in the center of Tangier, Morocco. Around the arch featured in the image on the right, is the Lord’s Prayer carved in Arabic, the sacred language of the Koran (Clandermond & MacCarthy, 2003). These images provide visuals for my journal entry on August 11, 2006. 218

Figure 105: Author’s photograph taken on August 11, 2006 of St. Andrews Church located in the center of Tangier, Morocco. The image provides an exterior view of the church and its horseshoe entryway. The church bell-tower is constructed in a similar square format as Moroccan minarets (call to prayer towers) found in mosque architecture. The church was built in 1894.

Figure 106: Author’s photograph taken on August 11, 2006 of St. Andrews Church The image provides a visual of the grounds and gravestones before the entry of the church. This image provides a visual for my journal entry on August 11, 2006.

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Journal Entry: Tangier, Morocco Friday, August 11, 2006

Finding Solace in St. Andrews

I walked through the tight, ascending thoroughfare of the medina to the grand

socco (open square), past the mosque, and walked through the souq (market) to the

rue d’Angleterre. The area is interesting historically. Two years earlier I had found

the now dilapidated and vacant hotel in which artists such as Matisse stayed and

acquired inspiration for their work. In order to acquire a similar viewpoint I climbed

the stairs of the McDonald’s, which now sits adjacent to the once historic hotel, to

look over their balcony to see Tangier’s port. The scenic view now only visible through McDonald’s arches provides an interesting visual example of globalization.

In this same area sits St. Andrews and its cemetery tucked away from the

street bustle. Surrounded by a gate and sheltered by overgrown trees and foliage it

could be missed if it wasn’t for its church tower. Grave markers sit alongside the

short entrance pathway to the church. The gravestones marked the names of military

officials and civilians from the 1880s to the mid-1900s. The markers, which were in

various stages of disarray, tell untold stories of those who have passed through this

part of the world.

I entered the church for the first time and saw a woman sweeping. The

building was an interesting blend of English and Moroccan architectural styles. I

asked the woman in French if the church was open, but did not receive a response. I

sat down in a pew facing the alter examining the blend of visual elements that

appeared before me. I felt a mixture of emotions as I quietly looked forward, only the

sweeping attendant disrupted my silence. I heard her sweeping starting and stopping. 220

Perhaps she was wondering what I was doing. Tears began to well and I quickly got

up trying to force them back. I approached the side of the church examining the early

photos. My interest diminished and I was drawn back to the pew. The woman silently

approached and provided me with a pillow. The simple quiet gesture of kindness

resonated with me. Without words and across cultural boundaries there seemed to be

a beginning understanding that the structure provided comfort and solace.

Shisha Pipes?

I returned to my residence in the late afternoon to find the hotel balcony filled

with tourists loaded down with lamps, drums, and other “Moroccan” goods. Many of

the individuals in this group had newly bought shisha pipes also known as water pipes

or Hookahs. I asked myself whether this item was Moroccan. As I sat musing over

this object, what it symbolizes to me, and how this object had been used in colonial

imagery, tourists began physically encroaching on my space in an attempt to acquire

the best possible photo.

In her study centering on tourism in Marrakesh, Cheggour (2002) states “the

touristification of many traditional activities leads to more dependence on tourism, and enhances the tension which exists between residents and tourists” (p.31). During

my stay in Tangier I began to closely observe the environment surrounding the arrival and departure of the tourists.

Prior to the groups arrival a small group of residents would congregate near the gated entrance of the hotel. Loaded with goods, whether it be drums, hats, or textiles, the items would be aggressively pushed on groups as they entered and exited.

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This aggressive sell would sometimes be met with perturbed attitudes from travelers.

Yet, when the groups had arrived “safely” at the hotel, some residents appeared to buy the very same goods sold at the hotels large bazaar that were pushed in the streets. This demonstrates what Cheggour refers to as the constructed experience.

Figure 107: Author’s photograph taken on August 16, 2006 visually describing journal writings from August 10, 2006. The image also provides a visual description of the perhaps tenuous relationship between the foreign tourist and the resident seller of Moroccan goods. Residents selling contemporary crafts and products stand at the gated entrance waiting for foreign travelers to leave the enclosed and “protected” environment.

As a Moroccan resident who speaks several languages, Cheggour (2002) observed tours in the medina of Marrakesh. She noted that tourists were “accosted by peddlers and sellers,” but the individuals rarely gave the items a look (p.26).

Cheggour asserts that this is due to several reasons. One centers on cultural

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differences, specifically our understandings of personal space. Cheggaour (2002)

notes that in public spaces, physical closeness is not seen as an annoyance in

Moroccan culture. Second, tourists are skeptical of residents and items that are being

offered to them. Cheggaour (2002) asserts that the warnings presented in travel

guides instill this fear of distrust. In Cheggaour’s (2002) study, the author additionally

determined that tourists want to purchase items in an environment that does not challenge their perceptions of the city. In other words, they do not want to buy their goods from a modernized store. I believe that these findings explain what I was observing.

Some tourists were both annoyed and skeptical of peddlers selling goods. In

the confines of the hotels bazaar, these two elements were eliminated. Additionally,

the bazaar’s attendant provided the visitor with an optimal shopping experience. The

shop was filled to the brim with traditional contemporary crafts produced all over

Morocco (personal communication, August, 2006). Items that I viewed included a

range of Moroccan pottery, drums, Fez hats, jewelry, tables, and carpets. The items

that I examined in the Bazaar were not necessarily produced within Tangier. Based on

my observations, this did not seem to be an issue with visitors as many of them

acquired these transplanted art forms.

The shop attendant was personable as he was with every tourist and appeared to be an expert on geography and languages. Based on my discussion with him and my observations, he was able to change languages with ease (personal communication, August 10, 2008). With visitors he was also able to converse about geographical regions that were familiar with the customer. During his conversation

223 with me and with others, he was able to present worn folders of articles and pictures about his shop and the hotel. Some of the photos were of famous people, such as John

Malkovich, who starred in Sheltering Sky (1990). The book turned film, was originally written by Tangier legend Paul Bowles. The photos provide customers with a connection to the shop owner and enhanced his credibility. I believe that the general atmosphere that was created in the Bazaar eliminated any preconceived skepticism that a tourist might have about acquiring ‘authentic’ Moroccan goods.

During my travel experiences in Tangier I enlisted a guide to take me into the medina. This is an area that I had difficulty navigating by myself due to the narrow winding paths. As in all experiences, I identified myself as an art educator conducting research and openly discussed my multiple trips to Morocco. The guide, who I had viewed leading other tour groups on previous days, led me in a tour similar to those conducted for large day trippers. This was evident because we were just several steps behind other travel groups.

The tour centered on places to view the port of Tangier, visits to museums such as the Kasbah Museum, and notations about famous residents, such as Malcom

Forbes. The tour ended with a visit to several local shops that sell Moroccan goods.

Two of these experiences are important to present in my findings because the interactions illustrate that stories are fabricated to enhance the exotic and mysterious nature of both contemporary traditional art forms and general Moroccan goods.

Additionally, during these experiences my status shifted from tourist outsider to foreign insider.

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Contemporary traditional art forms are presented in a theatrical manner and

this is most clearly evident to me in local textile shops. In textile shops, the customer

is seated and served drinks while attendants present a range of textiles. As textiles are

held and strewn on the floor the signs and symbols depicted in the textiles are

presented to the customer.

During my visit to a textile shop in Tangier, the lead attendant identified

himself as Berber and explained that he studied in Spain at an art school. The works presented were identified as original works of art which followed traditional Amazigh

(Berber) tattoo markings. He asserted that the color red was derived from henna, yellow from , and blue from indigo. According to scholars such as Becker

(2002 & 2006), tattoo’s are prevalent and are reflected in textile designs produced by women. However, the textiles created for the market can be modified.

Figure 108: Author’s photograph taken on August 16, 2006 of a textile shop in Tangier selling mostly contemporary traditional rugs. This image provides a visual of the appearance of shops selling textiles.

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Stories about the designs in the weavings were not presented to me. I identified myself as an art educator, researcher, and previous traveler to Morocco.

This may have changed the nature of the presentation that I received. As an insider,

Cheggour (2002) observed textile shop owners telling stories to foreign visitors about

the textile designs. Following her observations she conducted interviews with the

owners regarding their presentation. Cheggour (2002) asserts that some owners create

stories centering on each carpet to make it not only unique, but a work of art.

Cheggour (2002) further asserts that these stories are extended beyond the shop walls.

The guides also create stories for their clients.

During tours, Cheggour (2002) states that information is presented in a

simplified manner that perpetuates a “traditional and even mystified Morocco” (p.30).

In fact, every detail presented on the tour she observed was connected to an ancestral

story. This includes details regarding the colors on the walls of the medina and the

traits of architecture. My tour included a description of the architecture and an

explanation that there was no figuration in Moroccan architecture because it was

forbidden. It was stated that architecture reflects a civilization. When I asked if

figures can be found in other art forms I first received the answer of no. Shortly after

this response, the guide changed his answer to yes and said that figures could be

found in paintings. As the tour progressed I was taken to one last stop, a spice shop.

I believe that the “traditional” side of Morocco is portrayed to tourists the

most in spice shops. A spice shop is often included in every tour that I have witnessed

or experienced. In these shops, a range of spices are presented to customers and the

story of their traditional medicinal use is explained to the group. The perpetuation of

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the exotic and mysterious Morocco is emphasized as the attendant provides customers

with a visual feast of spices arranged in an endless number of glass jars. Customers have the opportunity to examine and smell the range of items.

As I entered the spice shop in the medina I observed other tourists receiving

information about Moroccan spices. As soon as I entered, the shop owner

immediately recognized me. I had never been in this shop, but two years earlier I had

met the gentleman in a café. He had struck up a conversation with me and had

provided me with a wealth of information about traveling, the city, and his business.

At the point of recognition my identity as a tourist and outsider shifted. The owner,

who had been presenting to tourists remedies for ailments, paused and took me to

another part of the shop. I had been looking at musk, a popular item sold in Morocco.

To my surprise he remembered the details of our casual discussion two years earlier.

He proceeded to inform me that the musk I was viewing was not real and he

presented me with a different sample, the real product.

I offer the story about spices to further illustrate the complexities that exist

between residents and tourists. As Cheggour (2002) demonstrates in her study on

tourism, some tourists seek and even demand to have specific experiences that match

their preconceived ideas about Morocco. Tourists want to hear about exotic spices

and residents deliver, at a small profit. This story is offered to the reader not to

support the notion that some Moroccan shop owners are hustlers as some travel

guides such as Lonely Planet (2005) warn. Instead, I believe that it presents just a

beginning example of how relationships are formed and the weight that is placed on

friendships and family. Throughout my travel experiences meeting both shop owners

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and artists, if I happened to run into any of them I was treated as a friend, a known

acquaintance, and was not allowed to simply pass by them. This contrasts with the

United States, where even neighbors may not know each other and individuals may

live hundreds of miles away from their families.

Contemporary Artistic Practices

American and European Presence

For the day traveler or brief visitor, the city of Tangier provides a glimpse at

the coastal views that inspired artists such as Henri Matisse (1869-1954), Eugene

Delacroix (1798-1863), Jacques Majorelle (1886-1962), and James McBey (1883-

1959). Literary artists were also drawn to the city including playwright Tennessee

Williams (1911-1983) and Paul Bowes (1910-1999) which inspired works such as

Sheltering Sky. Wealthy westerners and arts patrons such as Malcolm Forbes (1919-

1990) also made their mark on the city. These western figures pervade Tangiers landscape. Tour guides point out the buildings that are associated with these

individuals and for those who travel independently, plaques, documents, and visual

references can be viewed throughout the city. Travelers utilizing western tour books

are confronted with continued references to the contributions of these figures. Knopf

Guides (1994) alone, devotes five pages to the work of Eugene Delacroix (1798-

1863) in its chapter “In and around Tangier.”

Like many of the other cities that I presented in my findings, Tangier contains

a number of museums and galleries that present contemporary works of art. Being a 228 tourist destination, Tangier also offers a range of shops that present contemporary traditional works of art such as pottery and textiles. However, according to residents, these traditional works are not produced within Tangier. During my research I have only observed a small number of independent production workshops that produced tile mosaics (zillij). Fez is more commonly known for zillij production. This art form will be discussed in the artistic practices of Fez.

In Tangier, my inquiries regarding contemporary art consistently led me to the

Lawrence-Arnott Gallery and publications authored by Clandermond and MacCarthy.

In a similar vein as the Damgaard galleries in Essaouira, the Lawrence-Arnott Gallery has sponsored a number of publications that center on contemporary artistic practices in Tangier. For example, publications include: A Dictionary of Painters in Tangier

1669-2003 (2003); Mohamed Hamri, Painter of Morocco (2003) and Without Bowles,

The Genius of Mohammed M’Rabet (2006). Recent communication with the gallery identified additional publications in progress, including an updated dictionary of painters in Tangier (Arnott, 2008).

The Lawrence-Arnott Gallery located in Tangier, is a commercial gallery that opened in 1999. During the time of my research a second gallery was being developed in Marrakesh. The opening of this museum was confirmed in 2008 through correspondence with the gallery directors. The directors of both galleries are John

Lawrence and Philip Arnott. They are also North African representatives for

Bonhams, a British auction house. Works by a range of artists are exhibited. The gallery does not exclusively work with Moroccan artists. However, during my research I had the opportunity to view a body of work produced by Moroccan writer

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and artist M’Rabet. I also was able to speak with the organizers of the exhibition and

acquire documents related to the show. I was not able to speak with the artist directly

and follow-up communication through the artists newly formed website was not

answered.

According to gallery publications, the artist Mohammed M’Rabet, was born in

1936 (see Clandermond & MacCarthy, 2006). His family was originally from the Rif area, but in 1910 his paternal grandfather established the family in Tangier. The name, Mohammed M’Rabet, is often associated with the late American writer and

Tangier legend, Paul Bowles. According to the gallery, Paul Bowles promoted the career of artists such as Moulay Ahmed Ben Dris El Yacoubi (1932-1987), but did not play a role in M’Rabet’s development as a painter (Clandermond & MacCarthy,

2006). M’Rabet is perhaps more notably known for his numerous short stories such as

Love With A Few Hairs (1967), The Lemon (1969), Marriage with Papers (1986), and

Mohammed M’Rabat Collected Stories (2004).

The exhibition that I examined included approximately seventy-nine works of art produced by M’Rabet . The corresponding gallery catalog included over eighty-

five works (see Clandermond & MacCarthy, 2006). The paintings presented by the

gallery were created in several mediums. These included gouache on paper, felt tip

pen on paper, and ink on paper. The majority of the pieces were small in size ranging

from roughly 9” x 7” to 13”x 9.” Dominant colors choices did not appear throughout

the body of his work. I saw a range of colors from variant blues, greens, reds,

yellows, and purples. Unlike other works of art that I have examined in my findings,

the colors utilized by the artist spanned a wide range of hues. In terms of style and

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subject matter, I believe that the works of art shown can be categorized into two

major time periods in M’Rabet’s life. One group was produced primarily in the 1960s

and the second group around 2004.31

M’Rabet’s works produced in the 1960s were created with gouache on paper

(see Fig. 109). A small body of his artwork consists of abstracted organic shapes of color. These shapes are emphasized with bold outlines of colors, often black. Some of these artworks transition to figurative works in which abstracted shapes appear to represent body parts such as eyes while others form into animals and human figures.

During the 1960s a portion of M’Rabet’s work centers on the division of space (see Fig. 110). The picture plane is divided into drawn triangles and squares and filled with a range of hues. Throughout this period a smattering of works that are representative of objects are also presented. For example, in 1963 a singular painting of a mosque appears.

31 Since my initial review of M’Rabet’s work, private collectors David and Josie Farmer have developed a website in conjunction with M’Rabet. Developed in 2007, the website provides readers with visual examples of the artist’s work (see http://www.mohammedmrabet.com/). 231

Figure 109: Artwork produced by M’Rabet courtesy of the Lawrence-Arnott Gallery, Tangier, Morocco. Image produced in 1960, gouache on paper, 22 x 17 cm in size.

Figure 110: Artwork produced by M’Rabet courtesy of the Lawrence-Arnott Gallery, Tangier, Morocco. Image produced in 1961, gouache on paper, 32 x 24 cm in size. 232

My examination of his works produced in 2004 reveal a different style (see http://www.mohammedmrabet.com/). The works produced in this time period were created with felt tip pen on paper and reveal a bolder and more controlled use of color. Colors employed by the artist centered on rich reds, greens, and blues with accents of black. Many of the works from this period of time depicted the hand of

Fatima and basic animal forms such as the bird. The flatly drawn objects were filled with patterning such as repeated dots and lines. Additionally, when I viewed these works I identified mask forms and eyes similar to the signs and symbols employed by artists in Essaouira (see Essaouira Findings).

Figure 111 provides one example of M’Rabet’s later work. In the center of the image is a hand flattened showing five fingers. Based on my findings regarding the evil eye, I interpret this sign as the hand of Fatima. The hand is outlined with lines of blue and black. The interior of the outlined fingers have bands of red and green colors running both horizontally and vertically. The bands are embellished with dots, triangles and oval shapes. In the palm of the hand a range of shapes exist. I specifically see two eyes and in between these eyes I see a mask form. The mask form appears to have two eyes, a nose, and a mouth. I interpret the eyes as signs that also references the evil eye. This sign appears on a range of objects in Morocco.

Figure 1 provided an image of a drum with a similar eye shape.

Clandermond & MacCarthy (2006), assert that M’Rabet’s work is

“simultaneously ‘Modern’ and ‘Abstract,’ whilst remaining essentially Moroccan and rooted in the traditional motifs of Berber art” (p. 113). While the authors’ note that

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M’Rabet admired Picasso and Dahli after visiting the Guggenheim Museum of

Modern Art in 1959, Clandermond & MacCarthy (2006) state that these artists were

not his source of artistic inspiration. Instead, he was influenced by Moroccan artist and Bowles companion, Moulay Ahmed Ben dris El Yacoubi (1932-1987).

Figure 111: Artwork produced by M’Rabet courtesy of the Lawrence-Arnott Gallery, Tangier, Morocco. Image produced in 2004, felt tip pen on paper, 32.5 x 25 cm.

The similarity between M’Rabet’s work and works produced by some

Essaouira artists was immediately evident to me. During my conversation with the

gallery representing M’Rabet, I specifically asked about this similarity. The question

was not fully answered, but it was stated that the hand of Fatima was one element that

was distinctly Moroccan. It was admitted that M’Rabet’s recent work was different in

style. It was bold and strong. The gallery asserted that his recent work had a naïve

234 style and the hand of Fatima and birds appeared consistently in his recent work

(Arnott, August, 2006).

The Lawrence-Arnott Gallery also discussed early works, which he openly admitted that he preferred. He stated that while M’Rabet worked closely with the writer Paul Bowles, his art production was not pushed by Bowles. M’Rabet’s drawings were produced on his own. According to the gallery, the artists that truly influenced him was Hamri and Yocoubi.

Additional galleries and museums do exist within Tangier, but acquired information was limited (see Appendix E for a full listing). For example, some hours of operation were unclear. Hours posted were not necessarily the hours observed. As a result, repeated visits were made to sites that were sometimes closed. I also found that some galleries and museums were deep in the medina. Assistance in simply finding the exhibition spaces often required the assistance of local peoples. Numerous residents graciously assisted me on my quest to find sites that I could not locate on my own.

I found that in several galleries attendants oversaw the running of the exhibition space. In other words, the gallery owner who organized the collection was not present. Information about the exhibited artists work was scant in these environments and follow-up inquiries were not acknowledged. This illustrates a few of the challenges of acquiring information about contemporary works within Morocco as an outsider. For me, it also confirms the nature of galleries as being commercial ventures for foreign investors. Some of the attendants that I met were local residents

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and the gallery owners were foreign residents with seemingly partial residency in

Morocco.

The nature of the works shown in some galleries directly perpetuates an

orientalist aesthetic and feeds the preconceived ideas that tourists have regarding

Morocco (for visual examples, see Appendix E for gallery websites). As noted in my

findings and discussion regarding , some tourists perceive the

country as an exotic and mysterious destination. Cheggour’s (2002) offers a quote from an American tourist about her image of Morocco before the individual had arrived in the country. The quote states, “Morocco has such a mystique. It is so exotic. One has the feeling that anything can happen there. Ah…anything! You can adventure in the smallest shop around a beautiful corner and meet the most intriguing people” (Cheggour, 2002, p. 28). Cheggour (2002) goes on to say that tourists expect to meet exotic people and local residents play the role. They look for stories to support their preconceived ideas. Scenes that can be found at galleries that may perpetuate these ideas include: paintings of market scenes with individuals in traditional jellabas (e.g. a long flowing garment), scenes depicting indigenous

Amazigh peoples in the market or at work, and gateways of cities with people in traditional dress walking on foot. Figure 112 provides a visual example of the type of scenes found in paintings produced in Tangier.

Figure 112 depicts several painting scenes shown on a partial print screen

from a Tangier gallery website (http://www.tanjart.com/). A snapshot of the pop-up

image depicts a scene created in oil paint of the large central square known as the

Grand Socco. It is assumed that the painter is Moroccan, but based on the site it is 236

unclear. The site is incomplete, thus again supporting my assertion that challenges

exist in finding information about contemporary Moroccan artists, especially for the

practicing art educator.32

In the pop-up image found in Figure 112, the horseshoe gateway named Bab

el Fahs is identified by the artist in the title. Bab is Arabic and can be translated as a

gate or door in English. The gateway or bab is pictured directly in the center of the

picture plane. The artist utilized elements of linear perspective to further direct my

attention to the gate. Lines from the pavement recede and converge to a point

possibly at the center of the gate. The horizon line is set low on the picture plane

creating the feeling that I am about to walk into this scene. It is unclear what would be in my walking path, as the amount of objects before the gate is limited.

The man in the center of the image directly below the gateway appears to be

wearing western clothes. I see pants, perhaps jeans, and a shirt that is slightly opened at the collar. I interpret these items as signs that signify western clothing. The women in the picture appear to be wearing traditional clothing, although it is difficult to decipher all of the figures in the middle-ground and background. I define “traditional” clothing as the long flowing garment called the jellaba. Interestly, it appears that several styles of dress are depicted. The individual wearing blue appears to be wearing a jellaba, however the person behind the figure may be wearing clothing of a

Riffian woman. I see the hint of red cloth that is worn by indigenous people in the Rif

32 In other words, for educators who may want expand their visual resources to include artwork examples from Morocco, contextual information is scant. While from a scholarly perspective, internet sources are not always reliable, some educators do need to rely on the web to acquire visual imagery. This is especially true for those educators teaching in areas where large libraries and research institutions are not readily accessible. 237

area. Figure 7 provides an example of this cloth and it is common to see Riffian

women in the market in Tangier. However, in the background under the arch are two

women cloaked in white. The large white cloth worn as an outer garment, also known

as a haik, is often depicted in orientalist imagery. Today, the outer garment is still

worn but based on my travels and observations the use of this form of dress is

infrequently worn in cities.

Figure 112: Author’s partial print screen of a Tangier gallery website depicting several art images including a painting of the Grand Socco featured in Figure 113. See http://www.tanjart.com/gallery/gallery_page3_en.htm for specific imagery.

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Figure 113: Author’s photograph taken on August 24, 2006 of the Grand Socco and the horseshoe gateway named Bab el Fahs.

Figure 113 provides a contemporary photograph of the same area. When the image that I shot is juxtaposed with the painting in Figure 112, I believe that it is clear that colonial visual imagery of the 19th and early 20th century remains. Specifically,

the photograph illustrates the contemporary realities of the country instead of the

exoticised and romantic portrayal of Morocco. In my photo, I see satellite dishes

adjacent to the Bab el Fahs and large antenas. I see cars through the horseshoe of the

gateway. A slight hint of additional cars are found on the road off to the right side of

the image. I see many electric street lights, one of which illuminates the Bab el Fahs.

I see people walking in various forms of dress. I see several women by the archway

wearing jellabas, but the remaining people in the photo show individuals wearing

western attire (i.e. jeans, button down shirts, etc.). I see advertisement signs including

one for a Cyber Café, a place to connect to the internet (Figs. 114 & 115). The

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symbols or signs utilized in the painting shown in Figure 112 signify a traditional

society while the signs in the photo dispel this image and instead reflect modernity.

Figure 114: Details of author’s photograph taken on August 24, 2006 of the Grand Socco featured in Figure 113.

Figure 115: Details of author’s photograph taken on August 24, 2006 of the Grand Socco from Figure 113. 240

In Tangier, other museums exist that display contemporary works by both

Moroccan and European artist. These include The American Legation Museum and

The Musée d’Art Contemporain. Both of these museums and the contemporary works

they display will be briefly presented.

According to Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) and the Legation Museum

(http://www.legation.org/index.html), the facility was presented to President Munro

in 1821 by Sultan Moulay Suelieman. It is, according to the Legation, the first

overseas property to be acquired by the United States.33 It originally served as a

headquarters for American diplomats. In 1956, at the end of the Protectorate, Rabat

became the administrative capital of the country (Clandermond & MacCarthy, 2003).

In the 1960s an American Consulate was constructed in Rabat and the Legation was

repurposed as a museum. Since the 19th century, the structure has been expanded several times and also restored.

The American Legation Museum situated on the edge of the medina on Rue

d’Amérique provides a research library and an extensive collection of artworks

depicting Tangier. The upper floors contain historical maps and engravings

reminiscent of colonial postcards. The artwork of Eugene Delacroix (1798-1863) and

Scottish artist, James McBey (1883-1959) are among the artists shown in this section

of the museum. In the downstairs area of the museum is an exhibition space identified

as “Artists and Morocco.” The exhibition includes works by both European and

33 During my travels, some Moroccan residents have noted the long relationship between Morocco and the United States. Morocco was the first country to recognize the United States sovereignty in 1776. 241

Moroccan artists. The majority of the pieces presented are paintings and the range of technical skills demonstrated by these artists is significant. In general, the majority of the scenes presented show views of villages and cities with an emphasis on horseshoe gateways, mosques, and portraits. Landscapes are also a predominant subject matter

(for visual images see http://www.legation.org/public_html/build.htm).

Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) discuss the successive directors that have worked to build the museum’s art collection. Among those who have assisted in this process was Marguerite McBey, the widow of Scottish painter James McBey. A primary portion of the collection is housed in the McBey gallery where I centered my research at the museum. According to the Legation, the collection includes over 70 works produced from 1901 to 1998. The artists represented come from a number of countries, but the common thread in their work is Morocco and Tangier in particular.

In 2004 during pre-dissertation research, I visited the museum and recorded in list form the artists represented. This list can be found in Appendix F.

In 2006, I returned to The American Legation Museum and reviewed a series of early travel essays located in the McBey collection. This information has been presented in my findings and literature review. During my review of the artwork I found that the images were not catalogued, although remnants of a previous system did exist. Artwork labels were numbered and the organizers of the collection confirmed a system had been utilized, but was abandoned (personal communication,

August, 2006). A further more extensive study needs to be completed in order to reconstruct the history of the collection. Photographs are not permitted within the interior portions of the museum and visual images of the works are not fully

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accessible via the Legations website. However, a few images from the collection can

be viewed through the museums website (http://www.legation.org/). Appendix G

provides a list of the artworks present in the McBey gallery and the information

included on the label. The information is offered to the reader as a recording of the

types of works shown in the museum and the range of artists exhibited.

The Musée d’Art Contemporain is another exhibition space located in

Tangier. It opened in 1992 and was once the British Embassy (Clandermond &

MacCarthy, 2003). Today, the museum is part of the Délégation de la Culture and exhibits a collection of Moroccan artworks, mostly paintings. In 2004, I was granted

permission to enter into the museum when it appeared that they were in the process of hanging an exhibition. The space was conducive to showing a variety of works. It was a fairly open structure that represented a blend of Moroccan and European styles. For example, the visitor enters through a zillij foyer to a space that consists of wood

designed floors, a fireplace, chandelier, and white decorative ceiling.

In the gallery spaces, typed paper labels were pasted to the wall. The writing was in French and Arabic and identified some of the works already hung. The labels consisted of the name of the artist, the year the artist was born and the region in which they were from. No contextual information was provided. Some information was missing and some of the information that was posted was haphazardly displayed. At the time, I attributed this to the in progress hanging of the work. However,

Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003) assert that some works are mislabeled and the collection is stagnant as the result of a lack of funding. In 2006, I returned to the museum to find it closed for renovations. Appendix H provides a list of the

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contemporary works of art that I viewed in 2004 and my brief pre-dissertation notes

regarding each artwork. The majority of the artworks presented in the Musée d’Art

Contemporain were produced by Moroccan artists and my list provides a general idea of the subject matter offered to the viewer.

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Asilah, Morocco

Brief Historical Overview

According to Khaznadar (1999), Asilah is a town with Phoenician origins.

Located just south of Tangier on the Atlantic coast, its history consists of a number of battles and conquests. For the visitor, the prominent visual feature of the city is its fortification. Khaznadar (1999), states that in 1471 Asilah was conquered by the

Portuguese who built the walls that still surround the medina today. Over the next several centuries the coastal town was passed back and forth between numerous powers which included countries such as Spain. The Moroccan Kingdom gained final control in 1956 when the country acquired independence from colonial powers.

While the majority of Morocco was controlled by the French during the 1912-

1956 Protectorate, some of the northern regions of the country were controlled by

Spain. Asilah was part of the Spanish Protectorate. Today, northern towns such as

Asilah, Tangier, and Tetouan, retain links to its Spanish history through the continued use of its language.

Figure116: Author’s photograph of the coast of Asilah taken on August 23, 2006. This image shows the white washed buildings of the town and its Portuguese ramparts.

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Constructed Identity: Depiction of Asilah in Tourist Guides

On-line, The Moroccan National Tourist Office briefly describes Asilah as “a pearl on the Ocean” that will appeal to those who enjoy both art and architecture

(http://www.visitmorocco.org/). In fact, the tourist office devotes a primary portion of its descriptive paragraph to Asilah’s artistic side by briefly explaining the murals that decorate the walls of the town. The online site also states that art lovers will enjoy

Asilah’s relaxed atmosphere.

Figure 117: Author’s photograph of Asilah taken in July of 2004. The photograph provides a visual of the murals which adorn the white washed walls of the town. A history of Asilah’s murals is discussed under Contemporary Artistic Practices.

Figure 118: Author’s photograph of Asilah taken in July of 2004.

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Figure 119: Author’s photograph of Asilah taken on August 23, 2006. The photograph is of the same area featured in Figure 117. New murals are created each year.

Figure 120: Author’s photograph of Asilah taken on August 23, 2006. The photograph is of the same area featured in Figure 118.

While the Moroccan National Tourist Board does textually describe the

artistic atmosphere of Asilah, the site does not provide visual images of the town.

More specifically, the site does not provide images of the many murals that adorn the

white washed walls of its buildings. However, at the bottom of the webpage

description of Asilah are three small images with the following headings: The

Atlantic, Painters in Morocco, and Artisanat (see http://www.visitmorocco.org/). A

review of the link provided under the heading, Painters in Morocco, illustrate a

continued focus on European artists and their contributions to Moroccan painters.

This section of the website will be briefly described.

The image situated to the left of the heading, Painters in Morocco, appears to

be a detailed photograph of yellow and blue powered pigment. Under the heading is a 247

link for more information. The link takes the visitor to the subheading, The secret

garden of painters. The four short paragraphs assert that the art of painting in

Morocco has flourished. However, the artists that are discussed are not Moroccan

artists, but European. For example, the artists named included Eugene Delacroix

(1798-1863), Henri Matisse (186901954), Edgard Degas (1834-1917), and Joan Miro

(1893-1983). The Moroccan Tourist Board Office further states that this European

presence of artists “naturally influenced Moroccan painters” and “pictoral art

developed at an amazing speed” (http://www.visitmorocco.org/). As textual accolades

are given to European artists, two images fade in and out at the top of the webpage.

The first consists of an enlargement of the detailed heading photograph of yellow and blue powered pigment found originally adjacent to the lead heading, Painters in

Morocco. The second photo provides a focused image of paintbrush handles and in the background, out of focus, is a minaret tower of a mosque. No images of Moroccan art are provided. Interestingly, some western travel guides do provide images of the town and its art adorned walls.

Western travel sources, such as Insight Guides (2001), also present Asilah as

having an “arty atmosphere” (p. 145). However, in contrast to the Moroccan Tourist

Board, Insight (2001) presents a two page spread of a contemporary mural adorning a

building followed by an additional full page image of the white washed walls.

Comparisons between Asilah and Essaouira are additionally made. Specifically,

Insight Guides (2001) asserts that both towns attract artists. Guides such Lonely

Planet (2005) also mention that Asilah is a “scrupulously clean” city but it is “a little

sanitized for some tastes” (p. 122).

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While I found that some western guides presented images of contemporary

artistic practices, it should be noted that both of the images that I described in the

Insight Guides (2001) contain residents. The two page spread of the mural previously described has a solitary woman walking in the street wearing a haik. The white cloth

envelopes her body and covers her face. Her face may be intentionally covered by the

woman as it appears that her arm is raised towards her face under the folds of the

cloth. In the second image both a man and woman are walking before the white

washed buildings of Asilah. The woman is also covered in white cloth and the man

wears a tan jellaba. These selective visual representations of Morocco provide only a

partial picture of its people and art forms. Spurr (2004) writes that “the journalist is

literally on the lookout for scenes that carry an already established interest for a

Western audience, thus investing perception itself with the mediating power of

cultural difference” (p. 21). Spurr’s (2004) quote describes one of the ways writing

about non-western peoples follows a colonial discourse. The visual images that I

described support this discourse that continues to pervade contemporary travel guides

and even Morocco’s visual culture (i.e. postcards).

Personal Travel Experiences: New Construction

In 2004, I traveled to Asilah for a day trip via Tangier. Notes in my journal

during this pre-dissertation period of time do not reference how I acquired knowledge

about this small coastal town. References perhaps found through the Alahawyn

University Library where I had been studying or through informants in Tangier may

have led me to Asilah. It is not clear. However, what is clear is the impression that the

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city left in my memory. Memories from my brief experiences in the city’s art filled

streets in 2004 drew me back again in 2006.

In contrast to many of the cities in Morocco, the whitewashed walls of Asilah are embellished with murals, some of which employ the city’s accent colors of bright blues and sea greens. As a female researcher the town’s relaxed, quiet atmosphere

create an environment in which I could freely examine and photograph the murals I

was viewing without being approached. At this point in time, gawking tourists seem

to be minimal which has limited the number of tourist guides and tradesmen selling

tourist art. The contemporary murals become the focus for visitors verses the

residents and “exotic” goods.

In 2006, I found a range of construction projects underway to improve its

pedestrian thoroughfares. I assume that these changes are related to the ever

increasing attention the town has received as its annual cultural festival has grown.

Melehi, one of the developers of the cultural festival that takes place yearly in Asilah,

states that in the mid 1970s Asilah could not be found on most tourist maps

(Khaznadar, 1999). While the city can now be found in numerous guides such as,

Lonely Planet (2005), Insight Guides (2001), and Knopf Guides (2000), attention to

its artistic activities varies. However, the publication of texts on Asilah and its

festival will inevitably broaden its visibility (see for example, Khaznadar, 1999;

Galerie du Centre Hassan II des Rencontres Internationales, 2004).

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Contemporary Artistic Practices

Painted Murals

The development of Asilah as one of the artistic centers of Morocco can be

attributed to the story of two individuals, Mohammed Melehi and Mohamed

Benaissa. Both Melehi and Benaissa were originally from the small town. Melhi became an artist first studying in Europe and Benaissa began a career in writing,

working first in Cairo, Egypt (Khaznadar, 1999). During the 1960s both Melehi and

Benaissa lived for a short period of time in America. In 1964 Melehi returned to

Morocco and initially joined the Casablanca School of Fine Arts directed by the artist

Farid Belkahia (Maraini, 1995; Khaznadar, 1999). He eventually left the school to concentrate on his own artistic productions which included painting and publishing.

Over ten years after Melehi’s homecoming, Benaissa returned to Morocco in 1976.

According to Khaznadar (1999), by the mid 1970s Benaissa had created a number of documentary films and a book of photographs centering on Asilah.

In 1976 Benaissa and Melehi were elected councilors in the town of Asilah

and in 1978 they formed a non-governmental organization called the Al Mouhit

Cultural Association (Ali, 1997; Alaoui, 1995; Khaznadar, 1999).34 According to

Khaznadar (1999), the organization was formed to be a non-profit, non-political organization that promoted cultural activities.

34 Listed in Melehi’s biography, The Institute du Monde Arabe (1995) state that Benaissa and Melehi were co-founders of the Association Cultural Al Moahit and the Asilah Cultural Moussem in 1987. I believe that this may be a misprint. This date conflicts with other publications such as Khaznadar (1999) and Ali (1997). As a result, the date 1978 is referenced as the beginning of the Asilah cultural festival. 251

Through the Al Mouhit Cultural Association was born the annual festival

known as the Asilah Cultural Moussem. Khaznadar’s (1999) interview with Benaissa,

states that the “manifesto” of the festival was “No to the excesses of imported

Western culture. No to the “club” culture. No to alienation, elitist encounters, the

culture of art exhibitions in smart galleries. No to the culture of narrow dialectic

discourse” (p. 38). Khaznadar (1999) clarifies the quote by stating that during this

period in time a foreign organizer of a tourist festival had been interested in Asilah. 35

Scholars and intellectuals including Benaissa and Melehi made it clear that Asilah was “not for sale” (Khaznadar, 1999, p. 38).

In 1978, the first Asilah Cultural Moussem was held initiated by a painting event that decorated the walls of the town. Eleven painters took part in this first mural painting event (Khaznadar, 1999). The Mousseum grew centering on several core elements. The elements are as follows: exhibitions, murals, forums, and workshops focusing on painting and engraving. According to Khaznadar (1999), the organizers wanted to use the arts as a means to foster a dialogue between multiple cultures.

Additionally, the festival was seen as a way to boost the economic and social development of the town.

An examination of the festivals catalogues illustrates that individuals from multiple countries participate in the annual programming which does foster a dialogue between multiple cultures. However, as a former K-12 art educator I have

35 References made to the “club” culture are unclear. Moroccan residents do speak of a rising jet-set, bourgeois class and an increasing interest in materialism. The reference to a club culture and smart galleries may be related to the new middle-upper class or it may be a reference to the creation of tourist resorts (e.g. clubs) that bring in wealthy tourists who buy Moroccan goods.

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found that the images and contextual information about the festival is limited. As the

festival continues to grow additional materials that could be accessed by American

educators may be developed. Since the beginning of my research the Asilah Cultural

Moussem has developed a website highlighting the festivals activities.

At this time, the majority of the website highlighting the festivals activities is

in Arabic and French. An English translation option is available only in select locations making it difficult for some United States educators and students to navigate the site and acquire information. Other translation options are not available.

Although, recent visual images of the event can be found through the website

http://www.c-assilah.com/intro/. Specific images of the murals presented in my

findings can be found in the section titled Galerie followed by Murale or at http://www.c-assilah.com/28/?fr;gallery;album;2. This portion of the website provides images of artists in the process of working on their mural, but is devoid of basic contextual information. Additional images can be retrieved through publications such as Khaznadar’s (1999) and through exhibition catalogues held at the Centre

Hassan II (see, Galerie du Centre Hassan II – Assilah, 2001; Galerie du Centre

Hassan II des Rencontres Internationales, 2004). Some contextual information is provided in these publications.

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Figure 121: Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 of the murals found throughout Asilah, Morocco. The murals shown can be retrieved through the festivals website (http://www.c-assilah.com/28/?fr;gallery;album;2). Images of the artists working on the murals can also be found at the website listed above.

Figure 122: Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 of Asilah and the murals found throughout the city.

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In addition to murals paintings adorning the walls of the city, the streets

consist of patterns designed by the Melehi and the artist Farid Belkahia (see Fig. 123).

This revitalization of the streets began in 1978. In the early 1980s, Benaissa became

the mayor of Asilah which led to several restoration projects (Khaznadar, 1999). The

Hassan II International Convention Centre (e.g. Galerie du Centre Hassan II des

Rencontres Internationales) was also constructed to hold an event hall and galleries

(see Fig. 124). Based on my observations, revitalization projects continue and

construction projects are being planned for the future. Specifically, in 2006 I viewed a

three-dimensional model for a contemporary art museum for a site in Asilah. The

architect, Simon Dickens, was identified but the projected time frame for the project

was not clear.

Figure 123: Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 of Asilah. The image provides an illustration of the pavement designs in the medina. The stone designs in this image were created by the artist Mohommed Melehi. Pavement designs created by the artist Farid Belkahia can be found along the outskirts of the town (Khaznader, 1999).

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Figure 124: Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 of the Galerie du Centre Hassan II des Rencontres Internationales.

Figure 125: Author’s photograph taken August 23, 2006 of the city of Asilah. A number of construction projects were underway in 2006. This image provides a beginning photographic survey of Asliah based on the categories of Appearance and Change provided by Collier & Collier (1986) (see Appendix B).

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My review of artworks exhibited in the Galerie du Centre during the Asilah

Cultural Moussem identified a range of contemporary works produced by artists from

multiple countries. For example the works published in the Galerie du Centre Hassan

II des Rencontres Internationales (2004) published in association with the July 21 to

August 31st festival of 2004 featured four artists: Pupino Samona, Mizue Sawano,

Mohamed Omar Khalil, Malika Agueznay. Samona was born in Palerme, Italy in

1925. A painter, his abstracted works consists of fields of color and orbs. Sawano, an oil painter from , depicts scenes from everyday life in Morocco and artworks featuring architecture elements referencing Asilah. The artist uses soft pastel colors with hues of red playing a prominent role in many of her pieces. Khalil, an artist born in the , creates mixed media collages using paint and found materials. The last artist featured in the Galerie du Centre publication was Moroccan artist Malika

Agueznay. During my research, a limited amount of information about contemporary women artists working in Morocco was acquired. As a result, a brief discussion of my research findings centering on Agueznay’s work is presented. Because I did not have the opportunity to interview the artist, my short review of her work is devoid of the

artist’s voice.

Born in Marrakech in 1938, Malika Agueznay studied medicine prior to her

entrance in the L’Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Casablanca, 1965. There she studied

ceramics and photography. Her artistic debut was at the Asilah arts festival in 1978.

Since her debut, her works have consistently centered on complex and elaborate

decorative designs of intertwined lines that suggest flowers, foliage, animals, and

organic or geometric patterns. Maraini (2004) writes that Agueznay’s abstract 257 compositions center on motifs with “secret writings” and complex arabesques (p. 62). Maraini (2004) draws a connection between Agueznay’s “motifs of algae” and the cut-out shapes utilized by Henri Matisse in his later collage work.

Figure 126: Author’s partial photograph taken on August 23, 2006 of Malika Agueznay’s work shown publicly in Asliah, Morocco. The image provides a small detail of an oil painting 200cm x 145cm in size completed in 1995. The painting was untitled.

While similarities may exist between Matisse and Agueznay’s work, I believe that the writings and designs employed by Agueznay tie her work to traditional art forms found within Morocco. Agueznay specifically employs visual elements derived from art forms most commonly categorized under Islamic art.

Agueznay’s work Seaweed Roses (1994) supports my assertion.

Figure 127 titled Seaweed Roses (1994) provides a partial example of

Agueznay’s use of complex interwoven lines. Featured in Asilah’s 2004 arts festival catalogue, authors such as Maraini connect Agueznay’s work to her previous training in medicine stating that she “consistently employs marine algae as a sign” (Maraini, p. 62). However, stylistically her work also connects to calligraphy and ceramic art forms found in Morocco. When Seaweed Roses is positioned alongside Arabic 258 letters, the black curved lines begin to take the form of letters. Specific letters and words appear, but these words remain secret to the viewer. As a beginning Arabic speaker, I see identifiable letters. In some areas of her painting, letters are linked to visually form words, but for me the meaning of the words are unidentifiable. When I presented a copy of the image to two native Arabic speakers they attempted to form specific recognizable words that hold meaning. They did not agree on specific words or confirm that the painting communicated a textual message. I believe that this supports the idea that like Benbrahim’s work in my Essaouira findings, the letters and words are used as a design element. Agueznay’s use of writing, placed in contrast to the background, visually creates an effect similar to another art form, ceramic cut- work.

• ت ت • ث ث • ف ف • س س • م م

ﺗﺜﻔﺴﻤﺘﺜﻔﺴﻢ ﺗﺜﻔﺴﻤﺘﺜﻔﺴﻢ

Figure 127: Author’s juxtaposition of Arabic writing and a partial photograph of Agueznay’s work. The painting by Malika Agueznay is titled Seaweed Roses (for additional artworks see Galerie du Centre Hassan II – Assilah, 2004). Created in 1994, it is a oil on canvas painting and is 0,97 m x 0,83 m. Adjacent to Seaweed Roses are several letters from the Arabic alphabet in different font styles that support my assertion that Agueznay draws from traditional calligraphy. Along the bottom of the text box are random Arabic letters strung together to form decorative “words.”

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Figure 128: Author’s juxtaposition of Agueznay’s work from Figure 127 with traditional tile and plaster work. The right image provides a close-up image of a 14th century medersa (school) located in Fez, that provides a detail of the zillij (mosaics), the cut tile work, and the plaster designs (author’s photograph taken August of 2004 in Fez).

Within Morocco, clay mosaics called zillij have been used to adorn buildings

since the 11th century (Damluji, 1992). In addition to zillij, cut tile work has been

used as an architectural embellishment. Early cut-work was used in religious schools,

called medersas and placed in a strip between zillij and plaster work. These tiles consist of Koranic phrases. Contemporary cut-work can also be found adorning gates and ceramic vessels. However, in contrast to the work found in medersas, these designs center on foliage. When cut-work tiles are placed beside Agueznay’s paintings, striking similarities appear (Fig. 128). Her use of complex and elaborate decorative designs, as well as her use of contrasting colors, connects her work to ceramic traditions which play a prominent role within Morocco. This illustrates how her works are linked to Morocco’s historical past. Agueznay’s work provides just one example of the type of contemporary art exhibited in Asilah’s Galerie du Centre

Hassan II. Local artists, who sell their work in the medina, also exist in Asilah. 260

In 2004, I entered a small shop in the medina of Asilah that was filled with painted images of scenes of daily life (see Fig. 129). The colors that the artist used were bright and appeared to me to be drawn from the accent colors used to embellish the doors and windows throughout Asilah. The walls were filled with painted images of various size produced by Said Karkri. Art supplies and partially completed works filled the corner of the shop. I spoke with the attendant about the work and at the time, I believed that he was the artist. The shop displayed images that extended beyond the realm of orientalist imagery that fills many of the streets of the medinas.

Specifically, the works did not focus on veiled woman walking in solitude through empty narrow streets and under archways.

Figure 129: Author’s photograph taken in July of 2004 in Asilah, Morocco. The image shows a local shop/artist studio featuring Said Karkri’s work. 261

Figure 130: Author’s photograph taken in July of 2004 in Asilah, Morocco. The image shows the medina street in which the shop of Said Karkri is located.

Karkri’s work centers on traditional scenes of Morocco that includes images of marriages, children at the Koranic School, individuals at the local markets, and general images of the town of Asilah (Clandermond & MacCarthy, 2003). His compositions are densely filled with objects that are painted in a variety of muted colors which are reminiscent of Asilah. Each year the buildings in the town are white washed and then painted with the accent colors of bright green, blue, and yellow for the yearly arts festival.

Featured in Figure 131 is a small 4 x 5 inch print of a painting created by

Karkri. The piece is untitled and undated, but is signed by the artist on the front in

Arabic letters. The buildings repeated throughout Karkri’s composition are rigidly depicted and organized in horizontal bands or rows across the paper. As these rows proceed vertically the objects do appear to diminish in size, which provides a subtle illusion of distance. Generally, however, his images are distinctly flat, and his 262

repeated use of various geometric forms adds to this flatness. Visually, I believe that

these geometric forms can be connected to the architectural elements found within

Asilah and in other Islamic architecture.

The ramparts of Asilah were built in the 15th century by the Portuguese architect Botacca. Identified as a Hispano-Moresque town, the rounded and squared wooden doorways and windows found in images of the town have been repeated in

Karkri’s work. For example, in the center of the composition are two distinctly shaped towers. The tall towers consist of three segments. Each segment features windows and the top edge is decorated with a triangular edge. These features directly link the buildings to Islamic architecture, more specifically mosque architecture.

I believe that the two towers in Karkri’s composition are minarets. The

minaret is the tower at the corner of the mosque where the call to prayer is made.

Specifically in Morocco, the design of a mosque is usually square and is decorated

with a variety of distinct elements. The triangular shapes that are “stepped” or

“toothed” adorn the top of each square section. Many of these features can be found

in both historical and contemporary architecture. Figure 131 features an example of

the famous 13th century Koutibya Mosque in Marrakech as well as a uniquely shaped

mosque in Asilah. Each illustrates features found in Karkri’s work. According to the

artist’s colleague, the minaret towers were intended to represent specific mosques in

the town (personal communication, July 2006). This examination provides an

additional example of a contemporary artist who employs visual elements from

Morocco’s cultural environment.

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Figure 131: Author’s juxtaposition of research photographs and Said Karkri’s work. The work of art in the top left corner was acquired by the author in Asilah in 2004. The artwork was created by Said Karkri. The remaining images are the author’s photographs. The top right images show two different minarets. The middle image is the minaret and mosque in Asilah (photographed in 2006). The far right image is the 13th century Koutibya Mosque (photographed in 2002) in Marrakech. The author’s photograph on the bottom of the text box is of the Asilah coastline (photographed in 2006).

In 2006, I returned to Asilah to examine additional works by Karkri and to possibly arrange to meet with the artist. When I entered the shop I found the same small framed sign with the name Said Karkri printed on it in bold text. However, the environment of the shop had changed. The walls were packed with paintings following an orientalist aesthetic. The scenes varied and included images of the city from the coast, deserts with palm trees, wooden doors, horseshoe archways, and women cloaked in white cloth walking through the medina streets. The majority of

264 the scenes were painted in tints and shades of blue. The use of blue in tourist paintings is a theme that is repeated in the works that I found in Essaouira. This choice of color is unclear to me. However, I view blue as a calming, cool color, which is often associated with water. Additionally, like Essaouira, the windows and doors found Asliha are painted in cool blues and greens which contrast with the brilliant white washed walls of the city. Therefore, the use of blue in these paintings may reference the key elements of the city and provide tourists with a visual reminder of their experience in Asilah.

Figure 132: Author’s photographs taken on August 23, 2006 of the shop featured in the 2004 photograph in Figure 129. The Karkri sign appears in the left foreground. The image on the right provides a detail of the images on the back wall of the shop.

I spoke with the shop attendant about the switch in artworks. While the Karkri sign remained, it appeared that none of the works were produced by the artist. In fact, he did not have any of Karkri’s work. I was guided to another shop several doors down where another owner had a small grouping of canvas paintings produced by

Karkri. The colors and style of the works were identical to the pieces examined in

2004. Figure 133 provides one example of the canvas paintings located in the shop. 265

The attendant explained the image to me expressing that the painting depicted a marriage ceremony. As I walked out of the shop and out of the medina, I witnessed a marriage ceremony taking place in the main square. The painting came to life and will be described.

Figure 133: Author’s painting acquired on August 23, 2006 in Asilah, Morocco. The painting was produced by Said Karkri.

In the background of Karkri’s painting (i.e. Fig. 133) I see a number of figures, both female and male. The features of the individuals are stylized and their gender is partly identifiable based on their clothing. I see a number of different styles of traditional dress including individuals wearing jellaba’s (e.g. long coat with pointed hood) and some women perhaps wearing a haik (e.g. draped white woolen cloth) with a veil. For me, the veil is a sign for a traditional facial covering only worn by women. I have repeated the word “traditional” to emphasize the fact that many styles of dress are worn in Morocco and I view the jellaba and veil as a type of

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clothing worn primarily by women of an older generation.36 Based on my observations, many younger women dress in contemporary western clothing.

Although, dressing in western attire appears to be more prevalent in cities and also in university environments. My assertion is not necessarily applicable to rural areas.

In the center of the image is a horse draped in a cloth with a star. I interpret

the five pointed star as a reference to Morocco. The country’s flag consists on a

solitary five-pointed star. A large box is being carried by the horse and is embellished

with dots and crossed lines. Based on the image, it is unclear what is inside the box.

However, knowing that the scene is of a wedding I immediately associate the box

with gifts. This interpretation may be based on my western sensibilities. Peets (1988)

narrative describes weddings and discusses the bridal chest. Peet (1988) describes the

chest as a purple velvet-covered box that is decorated with studs. Based on Peets

(1988) the box can be interpreted as a bridal chest.

In the foreground of the image on the left are four musicians. They can be

identified as gnawa musicians based on the artists use of skin color, the instruments

that they hold, and their dress. Images of gnawa (or gnaoua) performances were

featured in my Essaouria findings and a brief discussion of their musical history was

presented. In Karkri’s painting, the two gnawa figures have their arms raised ready to

beat on the drums that they are holding. The other two figures are holding the qarqab, a heaving iron castanets used by the musicians. The qarqab is an additional sign that signifies that the musicians in the left foreground are gnawa. On the far right are four additional musicians. With their hands raised two are beating drums and the

36 See Mernissi (1991) and Llyod (1999) for an extensive discussion on the complexities of the veil. 267

remaining two are blowing air into long thin horns. The wind instruments may be an

oboe or ghaita, but it is unclear (Jereb, 1995). In reality, the ghaita appears smaller in size and consists of a reed.

The photographs taken in Figures 134-136 illustrate the wedding ceremony that I viewed in Asilah and provide visual examples of the signs depicted in Karkri’s painting. The photographs may be of the transference of the bridal chest, but as a non- participant observer of this activity it is unclear which portion of the ceremony I was observing. In Morocco, the wedding ceremony generally consists of celebrations lasting several days. During this process the bride is attended to and celebrations take place at both the bride and grooms residence. During the culminating wedding ceremony, the bride is adorned in jewelry and finery and is hoisted above the crowd for all guests to view. Some organized tourist groups and language programs recreate this specific portion of the ceremony for visitors. As a result, portions of the wedding ceremony are known by some foreign visitors and visual references found in Karkri’s painting may be recognizable.

Figure 134: Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 in Asliah, Morocco. The image illustrates one aspect of the marriage ceremony, the gnawa musicians performing. Many of the visual elements shown in the photograph are depicted in Said Karkri’s work (see Fig. 133).

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Figure 135: Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 in Asliah, Morocco of a marriage ceremony.

Figure 136: Author’s photograph taken on August 23, 2006 in Asliah of a marriage ceremony.

Further inquiries regarding Karkri’s work led to limited information. The shop attendant communicated to me that the artist was from Asilah, but worked another job in a different city (August, 2006). The attendant was not able to answer additional questions regarding Karkri’s work. According to Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003),

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Said Karkri was born in , Morocco, although he has lived in Asilah since his childhood. A self-taught artist, he started painting in 1976 and made his debut as an artist in 1980 at the Asilah Festival. In 1988 he participated in an exhibition at the

Musee d’Art Contemporain de Tanger and in 2001 he exhibited his work in Berne,

Switzerland.

A general on-line search provided little contextual information. However, posted to a German gallery website (http://www.g26.ch/index.html), Abdeslam

Chouiakh writes the following description about Said Karkri:

Simple and modest, he offers you his colored, mystical and harmonious palet, such as a musical symphony. All of his works are some messages, some voices of a happy man, who lives in a town where the time often stops to allow sensitives [sic] souls to admire the beauty of the nature. From morning till night, Saîd El Karkri works in his small workshop, which is located between the shops of keepsakes. (http://www.g26.ch/art_said.html)

The passage is provided as an example of the textual portrayals of some self-taught

Moroccan artists. Patronizing in tone, the text adds to preconceived notions that

Moroccan society has stood still in time and people live simple traditional lives

(Price, 1989; Cheggour, 2002).

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Fez. Morocco

Brief Historical Overview

The development of the city of Fez is attributed to Moulay Idriss II and was

founded around 808 A.D. According to both scholarly texts and Moroccan tourist

guides, Fez was the first capital of the Idrissid Dynasty (788-956) and has been

identified as the oldest city in Morocco (Burckhardt, 1992; Metalsi, Treal, & Ruiz,

2000; Becker, 2002; Aouni, L., Faiz, M., & Saber, M., 2005; Fez, n.d). According to

local residents and Moroccan tourist guides, the name Fez is attributed to the finding

of a pickaxe during the construction of the city (Aouni et al., 2005; Fez, n.d). In

Arabic fa’as means pickaxe.

Over the next several centuries a series of ruled the Kingdom. The

sequence of dynasties ruling Morocco remains consistent throughout both scholarly

and public tourist literature. However, the date of each dynasties reign varies in

publications. For the purposes of this brief overview, the dates are presented as

centuries of time. Following the Idrissed Dynasty were the following: Almoravid

(11th - 12th century), Almohad (12th – 13th century), Merinid (13th – 15th century),

Wattasids in Fes and the Saadians in Marrakesh (16th century), Alawites (17th century

– to present day). Both scholarly sources and local residents, attribute the development of specific art forms and architecture developments to specific dynasties. Several of these artistic developments will be briefly reviewed.

Metalsi et al. (2000) and Moroccan sponsored tourist guides (Aouni et al.,

2005) assert that during the Almoravid and Almohad period (e.g. 11th – 13th century),

Fez saw both economic growth and the development of urban areas. During this 271

period of time souks, public baths, and fondouks were developed (Metalsi et al.,

2000).

Fondouks served as a storehouse for goods for traders. Local tour guides

assert that hundreds of fondouks exist in Fez. (Rachid, 2006). Today, some of the

structures are used as warehouses and production sites for traditional art forms.

However, the Al Nejjarin Fondouk and complex has been restored and retained for tourists. Based on tour circuits and texts, this fondouk appears to be the most photographed and widely visited of its kind (see Figs. 137 & 138). Specifically, western tourist guides, Moroccan brochures, and various texts centering on architecture in North Africa highlight the features of this structure (see for example,

Metalsi et al., 2000; Aouni et al., 2005). The Al Nejjarin Fondouk is most notable for

its embellished façade and adjoining zillij fountain.

Metalsi et al. (2000) asserts that by the 13th century there was “unprecedented

prosperity” with roughly 120,000 houses and 700 mosques (p. 30). As discussed in

my literature review, art forms such as ceramics and tile embellishment were

flourishing. The Kutubiya Mosque in Marrakesh shown in Figure 16 provided a 12th century example of a mosque structure and architectural embellishment.

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Figure 137: Author’s photograph taken August 31, 2006 of the Al Nejjarin Fondouk. This particular fondouk was built in the 18th century. Moroccan tourist guides assert that it became a police station during the French Protectorate (1912-1956) (see Aouni et al., 2005). The building is embellished with plaster work, zillij, and wood elements.

Figure 138: Author’s photograph taken August 31, 2006 at the entrance of the Al Nejjarin Fondouk. The Nejjarine Complex provides an image of the plaster adorned entrance, the zillij fountain off to the right, and the souq or shops on the left where a range of art forms are sold. 273

During the Merinid period (13th-15th century) a number of or

Koranic schools were built in Fez (Berkhardt, 1992). In a similar fashion to

dwellings, the madrasa was built around an open courtyard with rooms flanking the

perimeter. The structures were used for both student housing and scholarship. Figure

17 provided an image of the Al Attarin Madrasa which was constructed in the 14th century during the Merinid period. This image presents an example of the elaborate decorative embellishments which adorn architectural structures. Al Attarin features both zillij and plaster work. Like the Al Nejjarin Fondouk, this madrasa is part of the tourist circuit and is widely photographed (see for example, Metalsi et al., 2000;

Aouni et al., 2005).

The number of historical structures that exist in Fez are numerous and will not be fully examined in my findings. Instead, I have provided examples of several structures (i.e. fondouk, madrasa) that emerge repeatedly throughout both scholarly and tourist literature to provide the reader with a beginning visual understanding of the appearance of Fez. During my research in 2002, 2004, and 2006 I took hundreds of photos of architecture structures primarily documenting tile embellishments (i.e. zillij). These embellishments can be found in courtyards and adorning walls and gateways. What emerged from these findings is the understanding that the decorative embellishments of the past remain today in new forms. These so called “traditional” art forms, have not remained stagnant. Elements of these art forms can be found in modified and contemporary forms. My findings centering on the urban ceramic industry will be presented in my section titled Contemporary Artistic Practices.

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Constructed Identity: Depiction of Fez in Tourist Guides

The Moroccan National Tourist Board (Fez, n.d.), identifies Fez as “the

intellectual capital, the craftwork capital, the most imperial of all cities in Morocco

and pearl of the ” (p. 2). In 1981, the United Nations Educational,

Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) classified the medina of Fez as a

World Heritage site (see, http://whc.unesco.org/en/statesparties/ma/). Since this

period in time, a number of renovation projects have been underway with the

assistance of the government and the World Bank.

During my 2006 research trip, a number of changes related to tourism were

noted. Color coded car and pedestrian circuit signs appeared jutting out of ancient buildings throughout the medina area. Identification signs and explanatory signs were found in Arabic, French, and English in both the interior and the exterior of numerous sites. A corresponding guide acquired in Fez identified that a tourist circuit had been developed based on six themes (see Aouni, Faiz, & Saber, 2005). One theme centered on ‘traditional crafts’ which takes visitors to the Al Nejjarin Fondouk and the tanneries (see Figs. 137 & 142).

During my research, contemporary tourist imagery has also been viewed. In many of the cities and small towns that I have visited in each of my research trips

(2002, 2004, 2005) colonial imagery has been recorded and collected. Specifically, I have viewed hotels displaying colonial postcards which were prevalent primarily during the early to the mid 1900s (see literature review and Alloula, 1986; Bonjean, n.d.). Additionally, throughout the markets I have viewed reproductions of orientalist advertising and tourist posters originally created in the late 1800s to the early 1900s.

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The images follow an orientalist vision with themes of exotic travel, veiled women,

deserts, and camels (see Slauoui, & Ghozzi, 1997). Today, they are still sold in

postcard form and one can occasionally find a poster replica. Among the plethora of

orientalist postcards and posters that I found in Fez, was a set of reproduced drawings.

In 2004, a set of drawings were acquired both in Fez and just outside of the city in Ifrane. The set of drawings illustrated specific monuments in key cities such as the Hassan II mosque featured in my Casablanca findings. Figure 139 provides a partial photograph of the drawing I found representing Fez. The image depicts the tile

embellished entry gateway to the medina which is active with people.

Unlike the orientalist tourist postcards and posters of the past, this particular image

presents an everyday contemporary scene.

In the foreground of Figure 139, people are dressed in a range of clothing

styles. I see a person in a suit in the left foreground and others in pants and jackets.

The individuals are involved in everyday activities. In the background, I see

structures that in reality do exist within the medina gateway. I see two separate square

towers. Their shape, size, and drawn embellishments are signs to me that they are

minarets. Additional buildings with awnings flank the side of the inner medina street.

Absent from the image are signs that signify exoticism and mystery. Figure 139

represents a markedly different portrayal of Morocco. This particular contemporary

image of the city was not found again during my 2006 research. In fact, none of the

images in the series were located.

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Figure 139: Author’s photograph of a portion of an acquired tourist drawing. The drawing was acquired in the Fez area in 2004 and is part of a series.

In a similar fashion to Moroccan guides, Western tourist literature asserts that

Fez is one of the oldest cities in Morocco and known for its traditional art forms

(Lonely Planet, 2005; Rogerson, 2000; Knopf Guides, 2000). Specifically, Lonely

Planet (2005), asserts that “Fes is arguably the symbolic heart of Morocco” (p. 213).

At the same time, concern for the condition of the declining condition of the medina is noted. However, restoration projects to restore Fez’s historical structures are underway. The Kingdom of Morocco and western organizations have worked to restore the city’s historic structures.

During each of my three research trips I have had the opportunity to meet several European and American residents who have bought property in the medina and have worked to conduct renovations. Several of these individuals have turned their property into rentals or hotels (see Figs. 140-141). The development of

European properties in Fez has also happened in Essaouira which I presented in my findings (see Essaouira, Morocco). However, in Fez it is unclear how residents feel 277

about the development of European owned hotels in residential areas. The Kingdom

of Morocco’s efforts to renovate the city will be discussed further under the heading

Personal Travel Experiences: Staged Events.

Figure 140: Author’s photograph taken in September of 2006 of a Medina Project residence. The restored rental residence is a royal suite from 1880 identified as the Pasha Baghdadi Massriya. Zillij embellishment can be found on the floor and entryways. Carved plasterwork adorns the archway and the upper portions of the walls (for additional images see http://fesmedina.com/index.htm)

Figure 141: Author’s photograph taken in September of 2006 of a Medina Project residence. 278

Personal Travel Experiences: Staged Events

In Lippard’s (1999) introduction to her book On The Beaten Track: Tourism,

Art, and Place, the author discusses rubbernecking, a term that she describes as a

“willingness or desire on the part of the tourist to stretch, literally, past her own experience, to lean forward in anticipation, engagement, amazement, or horror” (p.

2). Lippard’s (1999) quote encapsulates the experience I initially had visiting the tanneries.

Perhaps one of the most often visited sites in Fez is the tanneries. It is one of the standard stops during most tours conducted by official guides in Fez. Having visited the city of Fez several times during my research trips in 2002, 2004, and 2006,

I have had the opportunity to experience multiple visits to the tanneries and have also observed the reactions of other visitors.

The winding and narrow medina streets of Fez can intrigue tourists. Moore

(2001) writes about her medina experience stating: “Overexcited, nervous [sic], I

walked down the hill into the medina and, as I had hoped, was drawn immediately

and without recourse…into the Middle Ages. I was both seduced and alarmed by the

exoticism” (p. 296). For the first time visitor the unfamiliar sights and sounds can

overwhelm. As one wanders the streets of the medina and draws near the tanneries

huge piles of hides carried by donkeys can sometimes be seen (Figure 142). In the

medina goods are generally hauled from place to place via the backs of horses and

donkeys. Upon arriving at the tannery street the smell assaults the senses. Staged for

tourists, tannery shop owners are ready at the door with fresh mint leaves for each

visitor to smell as they proceed forward. Up small and narrow stairways, I like other

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tourists have been taken through several levels of contemporary leather goods. The

final destination is a balcony overlooking the tanneries (see Figure 143).

Figure 142: Author’s photograph taken in September of 2006 of hides being transported through the narrow streets of the medina in Fez.

Figure 143: Author’s photograph taken in September of 2006 of the tanneries.

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The site of the tanneries evokes amazement and then for some, horror at the process (Lippard, 1999). Tourists are then shifted to the leather shops adjacent to the balcony to purchase essentially the products that they are observing being made. This surveillance of the production of goods provides the tourists with a guarantee that what they are purchasing is authentic. Cheggour’s (2002) interviews with tourists and shop owners in Marrakech reveals the emphasis that visitors place on wanting ‘real’ products. Cheggour (2002) concluded that tourists seek the experience that will fulfill their preconceived perceptions about the city.

The experience one has in Fez is greatly dependent on one’s wealth. It is home to some of the most luxurious hotels in the country. One of these hotels is perched above the old medina providing guests with the opportunity to look down on the ancient city while wrapped in a cocoon of comfort. During a guided trip through the medina with a resident we passed this particular hotel. He offered me the opportunity to stop and enter the establishment in order to see the view of the city. I took the opportunity and assumed that he would join me, but was quickly told that he would not be welcomed. The comment revealed to me class distinctions and forced me to reflect on the manner in which I traveled.

Journal Entry: Fez, Morocco Tuesday, September 5, 2006

It is nearing the end of my research trip. I have independently traveled from the southern town of Essaouira to the northern tip of the country to Tangier. I have traveled through the winding roads of the Atlas Mountains to Fez and back to

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Casablanca. I have traveled alone on public transportation via bus, petit taxi, train, and grand taxi squished with five other people plus the driver. I have dragged my bags bulging with new books for what seems like miles. Often, I was the only westerner and the solitude sometimes became unbearable. Rarely, however, did a day go by without an encounter. Almost on a daily basis I received some sort of attention, from the common minor statements and sounds (i.e. pssst) to the occasional more aggressive unwarranted advance. With the number of winding medina streets that I have traversed, beaches I have roamed, and ville nouvelle boulevards I have wandered is it necessary to even mention the negative encounters that I have experienced? Is the revealing of these experiences perpetuating the negativity that pervades tourist literature regarding solo travel? Sitting now in the open courtyard of a riad with lit candles surrounding me and soft music playing, the 8:00 pm call to prayer can be heard in the distance. The owners have created a magical relaxing atmosphere that in reality is staged. At this very moment am living in an unrealistic tourist bubble. I have traded in my basic accommodations and standard travel experiences for a small taste of luxury and the weight of my journey has been lifted.

My journal entry illustrates my struggles with defining my role in the research environment. My decision to travel independently and through public means was not an attempt to be an insider following the same philosophies as early ethnographers.

Instead, it stemmed from the desire to remove myself from the tourist environment that exists within cities such as Fez. I perhaps did not travel in herded groups of foreigners, but my outsider status and privilege was still undeniable. My simple ability to travel and choose my mode of transportation and accommodations placed 282 me in a privileged position. I believe that my desire to not be a tourist placed me in areas in which I was being toured and under surveillance (Lippard, 1999).

Contemporary Artistic Practices

Introduction

My literature review visually illustrates that the production of art forms such as pottery and zillij has existed in Morocco for centuries. These art forms still exist today often in new forms, but reflect elements of their past history. I identify these art forms as contemporary traditional works of art (Kasfir, 1999). The term “traditional” is often a loaded term suggesting that the art form has remained rooted in its past and retains authenticity (Hobsbawm, & Ranger, 1983). In my findings the use of the term

‘contemporary traditional’ simply implies that the ceramic works are being produced in contemporary times, but the core elements of the art form has existed for centuries.

Contemporary traditional works such as ceramics are prevalent in many parts of Morocco. However, Fez is one of the main production sites for both zillij and pottery (Damluji, 1991). Howe (1931) asserts that Moroccan craft production was in danger of being lost. Her account of Lyautey’s programs explains a purposeful mission to restore and preserve Morocco’s architecture and art forms.

According to Howe (1931), the Department of Native Arts worked to see that traditional designs elements were not lost. During the Protectorate, museums were created to house examples of traditional art forms that had been carefully chosen

(Howe, 1931). Howe (1931) asserts that Lyautey selected museum sites that represented Moroccan life. The Batha Museum located in Fez provides an example of 283 a colonial ethnographic museum (see Figs. 144 & 145). The palace was developed into a museum in 1916 and houses an extensive pottery collection The site also further illustrates that the use of clay to embellish structures is embedded in the visual culture of Morocco.

Figure 144: Author’s photograph taken on September 9, 2006 of a fountain in the courtyard of the Batha Museum in Fez, Morocco. The building, which was originally a palace, was constructed at the end of the 19th century. The floor of the courtyard is comprised of zillij that is configured into the khatim shape around the fountain.

Figure 145: Author’s photograph taken on September 9, 2006 of the Batha Museum in Fez, Morocco. The museum houses a range of craft production items including pottery and textiles.

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Howe’s (1931) comments regarding the Protectorate’s role in essentially

saving Morocco’s art forms contrasted with Irbouh’s (2001) assertions that they did

not do this innocently (see Literature Review), calls to mind Price’s (2001) assertions

about power plays. Price (2001) discusses power plays in which the western world assumes control over the Third Worlds artistic production. Price (2001) asserts that

“in short, westerners have assumed responsibility for the definition, conservation, interpretation, marketing, and future existence of the world’s arts” (p. 69). Irbouh

(2001) notes that during the French protectorate colonizers needed to strengthen the craft industry to keep Moroccan segregated in the old medinas (e.g. walled cities).

In my findings I will present information regarding the production of

contemporary urban ceramics. This will present one side of the artistic practices of

Fez that plays a prominent role within the city. As a contrast, the second section of

my findings will examine the work of a female painter, Khadija Tnana. These two

contrasting examples will begin to illustrate that a range of contemporary artistic

practices exist in Fez.

Urban Ceramics

The Artisanat De Fes workshop is a family-owned business that is set up

based on a workshop model, but more than one type of ceramic form is produced (see

Literature Review). In this workshop, both zillij tiles and several clay and pottery

forms are being produced at the same location. Observations and interviews at the

Artisanat site (Fakhkhari, 2002), revealed that virtually the same materials were being

used for both the zillij tiles and the pottery vessels. Economically this makes sense, 285 as the workshop can use the same site and utilize the same basic materials to produce both ceramic art forms. By setting up the workshop in this fashion, the workshop can easily adjust its production based on the current market. At the Artisanat workshop some craftsmen are paid by the number of pieces they create while others are paid by the day. How the artists’ wages are determined is not clear.

The Artisanat staff states that the average wage per day can range anywhere from 150 to 250 dirham, which in 2002 was about 15-20 dollars (Fakhkhari, 2002).

Workshops take into consideration the current demand for the goods its produces in order to maximize profits. For example, if there was a decreased demand for pottery, the kiln operator would be assigned to fire more tiles than pots. This would be especially true if he were being paid by the day. In terms of paying workers by the piece, the artisan’s goal would be to naturally produce as many works as possible to earn a living. This sets up a new type of industry that mass-produces items that are dictated by the market. The chisel work produced at the Artisanat de Fes provides an example.

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Figure 146: Author’s image from a video clip completed in 2002 at the Artisanat De Fes workshop. The artist is creating a chiseled ceramic tile piece.

In the workshop at Artisanat de Fes, artists traditionally created chisel work

on tiles (see Appendix I). This is a process that involves several steps after the tiles

are created, baked, and glazed. First, the designs are stenciled onto individually glazed tiles. The artist then uses a chisel to take away the glaze around the design

(Figs. 146 & 147). Essentially the positive image that remains is the glazed design while the negative image is the textured clay body that was created by removing the glaze with a chisel. Typically these types of tiles can be found adorning walls most often in a band above zillij work or around the entrance of a gateway.

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Figure 147: Author’s still image from a video clip completed in January of 2002 at the Artisanat De Fes workshop. The enlarged image shows the artist creating a chiseled ceramic tile piece.

Figure 148: Author’s photograph taken on September 11, 2006 of medina gateway in Fez. The gateway is embellished with green glazed cut tile work similar to the tiles in Fig. 147.

According to the Artisant de Fez (2002), in the past eight years this type of chisel work has been transferred to bowls and vases. Figure 149 illustrates a bowl that was created with the chisel technique traditionally used on tiles. Figure 150 presents a vase with the same chisel work. In addition, this example shows the transfer of

“traditional” zillij shapes and patterns onto portable vessels. This provides additional evidence that designs and techniques have been transferred between ceramic art forms. Damluji (1991) offers one explanation for this transfer by stating that the

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number of potters has increased within the last century and therefore competition has also increased. This has encouraged potters to invent new forms and designs to distinguish their work from other potters (Damluji, 1991). Previous interviews with potters support this assertion. During this same research trip in 2002, interviews were

conducted in southern Morocco in the town of Safi. The potter, Hicham Tabia (2002),

also communicated to me that new designs needed to be developed in order to

compete within the market. He stated that people (referencing foreign visitors),

demand new motifs.

Figure 149: Author’s image from a video clip completed in the ceramic workshop, Artisanat De Fes in January of 2002. Image depicts chisel work created on a plate and follows a similar design found in zillij (for an example, see Figs. 17, 19, 20, and 144).

Figure 150: Author’s vase acquired in the ceramic workshop, Artisanat De Fes in 2002. Image depicts chisel work created on a plate and follows a similar design found in zillij.

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The invention of new traditions have not been limited to just the creation of vessels and chisel work, dramatic changes have also taken place in the production of zillij. My literature review identified that the use of clay as an architectural embellishment began as early as the 11th century, (Damluji, 1991). However, the

production of zillij peaked around the 13th -14th century, declining considerably in the fourteenth century. While specific data does not exist to illustrate this decline, according to Damluji (1991), a survey completed during the reign of Khalifah al

Muwahhidi Muhammad al Nasir (AD 1199-1213), estimated as many as 188 ceramic workshops existed outside of Fez alone. Damluji, (1991) asserts that by the mid

1900s only forty to fifty zillij artists remained and cites the French colonization of

Morocco as a key factor. Damluji (1991) asserts that colonization brought newer

Western styles of construction to North Africa, which were often thought of as superior to Moroccan architecture. The result was that more “traditional” styles of architecture with zillij embellishment were abandoned.

Damluji (1991) asserts that the number of zillij artists has increased since the

1950s due in part to the renovation initiatives of the Moroccan Kingdom. An additional influence on the zillij industry can be attributed to the increased interest in this art form by westerners. In the past, the use of zillij as a decorative art element could be found on specific types of architecture. For example, zillij adornment can be found in the courtyards of houses, palaces, and madersas. They can also be found decorating mosques, tombs, and fountains. Zillij can now be found decorating objects such as fireplaces and swimming pools. This use of zillij clearly changes the original relationship between zillij patterns and their architectural space suggesting that new

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traditions continue to be invented (for visual examples see, Ypma, 1996; Lovatt-

Smith, 1995; Dennis & Dennis, 2001. Figure 151 provides an illustration of zillij

tables sold in workshops geared towards tourists. A review of early zillij work

supports the assertion that some of these tables contain designs that are not

historically based within Morocco, but are created for western interests. The starfish

and flower designs are two contemporary examples shown in Figure 151 as well as

the tile plaque shown in Figure 152.

Figure 151: Author’s photograph taken in the pottery quarter in Fez, Morocco on September 11, 2006. See Appendix I for additional information.

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Figure 152: Author’s tile plaque created using zillij methods acquired in Fez, Morocco in July of 2004. This particular tile piece was fashioned after a tourist postcard. The shop also had a zillij plaque that was a replica of an orientalist postcard. The artist in the shop also made “traditional” zillij work, but communicated to me that his passion was making the works shown in this illustration.

Author’s such as Damluji (1991) provide an extensive examination of the designs that ceramic artists utilize. Specifically, an analysis of the geometry employed by the artisans’ is presented. My own questioning of shop owners and artists about their designs led to some unclear answers. From the artist’s perspective, I wanted to understand the origin of the signs that were drawn and then painted on the ceramic pieces. During my interview at the Artisanat de Fes, and a more recent 2006 visit to the potter quarter to the Serghini Maitre Potier, I was guided to a pattern area for some of their production pieces. Patterns or templates were used to create works such as zillij panels. I observed a different method employed for vessels.

Designs for vessels were drawn first with pencil often using a compass. It was communicated to me by Tabi in 2002, that some of his ceramic artists went to school

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to learn the trade. He felt that they were more creative because they employed new

designs and methods. While he did state that some new motifs were used, Tabi stated

that most of the motifs came from the early days. He was from six generations of

potters.

Based on my personal observations of the Fez workshops, I feel that some of

the works are produced in an assembly-line fashion. It may be that a description of

the designs cannot be communicated because they are not fully known in this

production centered atmosphere (see Fig. 153). It may also be that my western

centered aesthetic is searching for a symbolic meaning in an art form that is centered

on graphic patterns.

Figure 153: Author’s photograph taken in the pottery quarter of Fes on September 11, 2006. The female artist is applying underglaze to the ceramic objects prior to their second firing.

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A Contemporary Female Artist

In the beginning pages of Lloyd’s (1999) book Contemporary Arab Women’s

Art: Dialogues of the Present, the author asserts that “most western non-Arab audiences know little about contemporary Arab art and we know even less about

Arab women’s art practices” (p. 10). During my research I found this to be true. My literature review identified artists like Malika Agueznay, but once my fieldwork began my use of snowball sampling continually led me to non-female artists.

In September of 2006, I had the opportunity to view several restored houses in the Fez area. Each home was owned by a European or American resident and had been converted into either a rental establishment or a hotel for travelers. One of the homes, Riad al Bartal, had their walls and individual rooms filled with Khadija

Tnana’s artwork (for visuals see, www.riadalbartal.com). Prior to my arrival in Fez, I was not familiar with this artists’ work. Through my contacts at the Riad, I had the opportunity to meet Tnana and visit her home and studio.

Khadija Tnana was born in 1945 in Tetouan, Morocco. In 2006, she resided in a small town outside of Fez (see Appendix I). The artist’s works hanging in the riad were primarily paintings of abstracted figures. One particular painting stood out to me because the image consisted of Arabic text with figurative images overlaying the writing. This painting is featured in Figure 154 and was the first work that I examined with Tnana.

Figure 154 is an untitled painting that was created in 1997. The image is signed by the artist and dated in the lower left hand corner. The painting is a

9 ½ x 13 ½ wide piece of paper that has markings in the center that signify to me that

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I am viewing two pages from a book. The text on the front is written in Arabic. When

the book sheet is turned over Arabic writing also appears on the back. I can identify

basic letters and a minimal number of words. However, I do not know what the text

states.

Both the back and the front of the artwork, where the artist has signed her

name, show signs of age. I see warn and ripped edges. On the back, additional tears become visual. Only on the front side do I see lines drawn. I see black curved lines, turquoise lines, and white lines. I also see broader washes of color primarily in the background and around the lines in the colors of red, brown, and green. The lines appear to me to be figures. I see two enclosed circles one on each side that I interpret as heads. The figure on the left appears to me to be male and the one on the right female. Specifically, the figure on the right has lines jutting out of the torso that takes on the abstracted form of breasts. A curved line separates these two figures.

Figure 154: Author’s photograph of untitled painting by Khadija Tnana created in 1997 acquired by the author. The image is signed by the artist and dated in the left hand corner. The painting is 9 ½ x 13 ½ wide. 295

I asked Tnana about her work shown in Figure 154. She stated that the artwork represents her history. The Arabic text that I was viewing was a book about the Koran that was her fathers. The black lines represented two figures. She did not identify their gender. When I asked about the connection between the text and the figures, Tnana stated that the reading talked about the body. In this respect the text connects to the figures. At one point she stated that in both the Koran and the Bible woman is created from man. The joining male/female figures that she creates are based on this concept. However, it was not clear to me whether this comment about her figures was related to the image shown in Figure 154. A clarification was not provided by the artist. Based on the artist’s limited response, I concluded that some of her works were personal expressions of her thoughts and experiences. When I visited

Tnana’s studio, the artist revealed additional information about her life which illuminated her works.

Tnana’s studio, which is roughly an hour outside of Fez, is filled with her artworks (see Figs. 155 & 156). Although most of her works that were on display were paintings, Tnana did provide me with examples of posters that depicted her artwork, collages, and a collaborative book project with poet Jean-Luc Wauthier (see,

Tnana & Wauthier, 2006). A review of these works identified that Tnana has traveled extensively and has participated in at least one artist residency in France where she worked on a project for five months. The exhibitions that I noted included collective and/or solo shows in the following countries: Morocco, Germany, Belgium, France, and Spain.

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Figure 155: Author’s photograph of Khadija Tnana’s studio taken on September 1, 2006.

Figure 156: Author’s photograph of Khadija Tnana’s studio taken on September 1, 2006. The artist made of point in noting that she painted figurative works of art (as shown above) and that these were displayed within Morocco. This is a significant point because a common misconception is that the Koran forbids the use of figures and hence, figurative imagery is not created by artists within Muslim countries (see Literature Review, Defining Islamic Art).

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One of the posters that Tnana showed me was an advertisement for the 2000

World March for Women. Two figures, a man and a woman stood in the center of the

poster holding the world. The world was positioned with the continent of Africa

facing the viewer. It was at this time that I learned about Tnana’s first life.

Tnana communicated to me that she sees her life as two separate parts. Her

first life was in politics and her second one, which she is now living, centers on art.

She stated that she was born with several initial passions. Her first passions were politics and the nationalist movement (see Literature Review and Pennell, 2000). Her father played a prominent role in this movement and she was surrounded by politics.

In addition to these political passions, she had a passion for art. When she was a little girl she liked all art forms: dancing, theatre, and the cinema. However, Tnana explained that she was born in the 1940s in Tetouan when men and women in

Morocco were separate. The passion for art was in her, but referencing specifically dancing, she said that it was not possible to express these passions.

In roughly 1968-69 she was in Paris at the university studying politics. During

this period in her life she lived near the Beaux-Arts and was surrounded by art and galleries. She stayed in the galleries most of the time and was influenced first by the

Impressionists. Tnana stated that she then discovered the expressionists. However, at this time in her life a career in art was not her path.

According to exhibition documents provided to me by Tnana, she became a

university professor with the faculty of Law in Fez (L’Emigration Clandestine, 2003).

Additional documents identify that in 2003, she was the vice-president of the

L’Association Créativité Féminine (L’Emigration Clandestine, 2003). A brochure

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describing the objectives of the organization states that Tnana was at one time

president of the group (L’Association Créativité Féminine brochure, n.d.). Fatima

Mernissi, an eminent scholar who has written about the male-female dynamics in

Muslim societies, is also a member of the organization (see, Mernissi, 1987, 1989,

1991, 1994).

The mission of L’Association Créativité Féminine is to achieve equality

between sexes by reinforcing the competencies in cultural and artistic creativities.

According to the organization, one of the groups objectives is to eliminate all forms

of discrimination in regards to creative women (L’Association Créativité Féminine

brochure, n.d.).

Tnana asserted that her first work of art was completed roughly in 1972-3.

However, it was not until the early 1990s that her artistic side was encouraged after

her works were viewed. She stated that in 1993 politics was out the door for her and

she moved from Fez to her current resident outside the city. Tnana said that her god

gave her a better life now than the first one and that she was very happy with

painting. She would never work in politics again. I will assert that her leadership role

in organizations such as L’Association Créativité Féminine, illustrate that she has

blended her two lives together. Figure 157 supports this assertion.

Figure 157 was positioned in her home and studio in a central location

propped on a mantel piece. The image was small, roughly 6”x 9” in size. The image

consisted of a grouping of figures. The figures in the center wore coverings over their

bodies with hoods. The pointed shape of the hoods was a sign to me that the

individuals were wearing jellabas, a common flowing overcoat worn in Morocco.

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These figures appeared to be faceless in the sense that facial features were generally missing. A blue stroke was placed on the oval faces that signified to me a mouth. The figure on the far left was different than the others.

The figure on the far left appears to me to be a woman. Specifically, I see the figure wearing a dress. I see a body that is curved at the hips, waist, and bust. I see curly hair and general facial features including a red stroke of paint for lips. Together these signs signify that the figure is a woman. In the far right corner is another figure shorter in stature not wearing a jellaba or a dress. Her size may signify that I am viewing a child.

All of the figures are grouped together. Two signs or banners are being held in the air. The one of the left has the appearance of Arabic letters, but I cannot identify any letters or words. The banner on the left depicts a portrait. It is unclear whether the portrait is of a male or female. However, I can see that the person is wearing a white clock that may be a jellaba.

Figure 157: Author’s photograph of Khadija Tnana’s studio and untitled painting taken on September 1, 2008.

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When Khadija Tnana began to speak about the image she pulled out a

photograph shown in Figure 158. The artist asserted that her image was based on the

photograph which shows a Mohammed V manifestation. Specifically, Moroccan

females were protesting against colonialism. In the front row on the right, her mother

stands in a black cloak and white veil. Khadija, dressed in a plaid skirt, and her sister,

stand to her mother’s left. This photograph confirms that from an early age, that

politics was part of Khadija Tnana’s life. The corresponding painting that I reviewed,

as well as others that I had the opportunity to examine, illustrate to me that her

political side and her art side are merged together.

Figure 158: Author’s photograph of Khadija Tnana’s inspiration for the painting in Figure 157. The artist and her sister are the two young girls in the front row on the right. Her mother is standing to their left.

When I asked Tnana about her style of painting she stated that she was not a painter of a specific style. She was searching. This question led to a series of questions the artist had about my knowledge of contemporary art within Morocco. I 301 was humbled when I realized that my knowledge of Moroccan art was narrowly confined to the books that were available to me. Tnana proceed to communicate to me that Morocco really did not have a gallery centering on contemporary art forms.

She noted that Fez in particular focused on traditional art forms (i.e. pottery). She also asserted that galleries present very specialized works of art and stated that she thought that they were prisons for the artist.

In relationship to our conversation about galleries, Tnana stated that she was not interested in money. She was interested in producing good work and expressing herself. This response mirrors the sentiments of the artist Benbrahim (see

Contemporary Artistic Practices, Essaouira, Morocco) and stands in contrast to several of the gallery artists that I have presented in my findings. Tnana further explained that her artworks do not contain a message. She does not create her works of art in order to say things, but instead draws things that are in her mind. Some of her images focus on immigration that is, Moroccans illegally moving to Spain due to the high unemployment rate in Morocco. Tnana stated that she draws about illegal immigrants not to give a lesson. Instead she draws to express her bad feelings about the issue.

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CHAPTER 5

DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

Introduction

My discussion of my research findings center first on gender issues and consider how my role as a female researcher affected my research within Morocco. In my writing, I am utilizing Smith’s (1999) definition of gender to refer “not just to the roles of women and how those roles are constituted but to the roles of men and of the relations between men and women” (p. 45).

During my fieldwork in 2006, I completed a narrative journal that described my interactions with artists and descriptions of my encounters conducting everyday mundane tasks. Drawing from the work of Lather and Smithies (1997), I have constructed my discussion to include segments of my narratives. My journal entries are personal and raw narratives which specifically reveal my reflexive thoughts on my struggles traveling within Morocco and disclose how I perceive my gender as a possible hindrance in the research process.

Additionally, I have situated my own voice (i.e. my narratives) alongside the voices of western and non-western scholars and Moroccan informants in an effort to

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create “layers of various kinds of information” (p. 16). These travel essays and ethnographic studies provide information regarding western perceptions of Moroccan woman. For example, early written texts by Beaucleark (1828) and Thomson (1889) are juxtaposed with contemporary travel guides (Hardy et al., 2005; Rogerson, 2000).

These texts are critical to my discussion on gender. The inclusion of written descriptions of Moroccan men and women by western writers begins to establish what is perceived through western eyes and a continuous pattern of thought regarding gender roles within Moroccan society begins to emerge. My journal essays consider how these well-established beliefs about Moroccan society and the role of woman have possibly influenced my own perceptions and in turn affected my research.

Lather & Smithies (1997) assert that the inclusion of many voices offers “various levels of knowing and thinking through which a reader can make their own sense” of the information presented (p. 15).

My second discussion addresses the relevance of my findings and more

specifically, the significance of my research in relationship to my teaching at the

university level in the field of art education.

Gender Considerations: Reflections from the Field

Gobineau said: “The only history is white.” M. Caillois, in turn observes: “The only ethnography is white.” It is the West that studies the ethnography of the other; not the others who study the ethnography of the West. (Cesaire, 2000, p. 71)

During my fieldwork Cesaire’s statement resonated with me as I wrestled with

the complexity of the male-female dynamics within Morocco and considered how

gender considerations within Morocco affected my research. Specifically, Cesaire’s 304

statement raised doubts in my mind as to my ability to comment on any gender issues

within Moroccan society due to my outsider status. While I have completed three

research trips within Morocco over the span of five years, my work has been

relegated to primarily urban areas (i.e. Fez, Tangier, Casablanca, Rabat) and my

interactions with women have been almost non-existent. These limitations exist

because I have followed leads through word of mouth and through limited

publications produced primarily in Morocco and France.

The number of women artists represented in museums and publications on

contemporary Moroccan artists is relatively small. By relying on snowballing or chain

sampling, that is, relying on predominantly male informants providing me with

contacts, I seem to have relegated my sample to being male-dominated (Patton,

1990). The artists and scholars that I have interacted with have been primarily male

and I have consistently had a difficult time acquiring contacts and information

regarding contemporary women artists working within Morocco. This lack of

information about woman artists and their worlds has limited both my understanding

of contemporary art in Morocco and my understanding of the complexities of male-

female dynamics within a Muslim society.

My Work within Morocco as a Female Researcher

My discussion of gender begins with my biographical information specifically

centering on my position as a female educator within my family structure.37 This is important for my discussion on gender because it provides the reader with a general

37 From 1968-2006 305

understanding of my background and the lens that I utilized during my research

travels. My unique biography and values have influenced how I view people and

interpret events (Roberts & McGinty, 1995).

I am a 38 year old woman who is single and without children. I am an only

child and come from a rather small family. My father is also an only child. My family

is Catholic, but I do not identify myself with a particular religious group. I am from

European descent and I am often identified as being “English” when I travel within

Morocco. At the age of 38 I have now lived more than half of my life hundreds if not

thousands of miles away from my family home. Ohio is the seventh state that I have

resided in since my birth. Currently, my mother lives in a retirement community and

my father lives in a nursing home in a neighboring home. Throughout my life I have

traveled extensively which has perhaps fostered my independent nature. I am well-

educated, but have been educated in primarily private, religious based higher

education environments which have limited the scope of my learning experiences.

The majority of the women in my family have attained higher levels of education than the men in my family and many of the female members of my family work within the field of education. This type of environment promoted my independence and fostered my desire to continue with my studies in the field of education. As a female in my family choosing to have a career and pursuing a Ph.D. was never questioned. Through my discussions with informants in Morocco many of these elements that make up who I am are seen as anomalies within Moroccan culture which create interest and at times criticism. Interest because I often travel alone and criticism because I am

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focused on work instead of family. At the center of this interest and criticism I believe is my gender.

Repeatedly through personal communications with informants during my

attendance at Al-Akhywayn University in Ifrane, Morocco (2004) and my most recent

research trip (2006), my personal history stood in opposition from family centered

ideals within some strands of Moroccan culture.38 Regardless of the nature of my discussion with informants, questions regarding my family and my marital status often arose. It became clear from my daily journal entries over a 10-week period that the individuals I had conversed with had difficulty culturally understanding how I could be traveling on my own to pursue my research interests. While at first I perceived this as offensive, I began to understand through repeated conversations that the concern over my solo status could not be simplistically interpreted. At times I felt that my male informants showed concern about my travels due to a culturally embedded desire to protect women. Specifically, during a discussion with an informant regarding differences between western societies and Moroccan culture, the informant stated that:

Western women say they are free and independent but we see that she pays for independence and freedom by having to work hard in a variety of labor intensive jobs (i.e. factory work and outdoors) and possibly without children. The woman’s task is to teach a generation, the next generation (personal communication, 6-20-06).

The informants’ statement taken out of the context of our conversation may be read as a criticism of western women, much like myself, who are without children and have

38 The word “some” has been emphasized because varying types of family structures exist within Morocco. My experiences should not be generalized.

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chosen to work outside of the home. However, when I considered the informants

family structure and placed the statement within the context of our entire discussion I

questioned my initial offense. Specifically, my informant’s sister was a university

educated English teacher who was teaching in the United States. Additionally, our

conversation was centered on the younger generation of Moroccans that were trying

to “squelch their culture” by picking up European habits (personal communication, 6-

20-06). Eminent Moroccan scholar, Fatima Mernissi (1987) writes:

Fears associated with changes in the family and the conditions of women are justified. These fears, embedded in the culture through centuries of women’s oppression, are echoed and nourished by the vivid, equally degrading images of Western sexuality and its disintegrating family patterns portrayed on every imported television set. (p. 167)

Whether my informant had a desire to protect woman or to protect ‘traditional’ family

structures is unclear to me. Rosalie Wax (1971) describes the ambiguities of

fieldwork asserting that it is “difficult to understand what goes on in another culture”

and even more difficult to describe another culture and what transpires in the field

situation (p. 42). As my most recent (2006) field experience progressed I became

acutely aware of my lack of entry into Moroccan family structures and my minimal

understanding of gender roles within the society.

My “outsider” status was magnified during my last week of my ten-week trip

(2006) when I was invited into the home of a young, newly married couple. As the

evening progressed and I observed the interactions between the family members I

realized that my previous experiences with Moroccan families had been limited. The

women that I observed were very young and followed traditional roles of cooking,

serving, and cleaning. One of the young women who came to visit the newly married 308

couple had been escorted by her husband to the home. The women and the men

engaged in separate activities during the course of the evening although, we all ate

together.

The interactions that I observed in the newly married couples home stood in opposition to the female artist I had been introduced to during the prior week of my travels. A free-spirited social activist she lived and traveled as an independent female.

I began to realize that my interactions with both men and women had been narrowly constructed and included, almost solely, individuals in the fields of higher education and the arts. These prior experiences with academics and artists had provided me with only a partial view of the female-male dynamics within Morocco. I became acutely aware that as a (female) researcher I had centered my focus on events and contacts that challenged and countered the media representation of woman within Muslim societies. Influenced by writers such as Shaheen’s (2001) who examines the negative representation of Arabs in Hollywood films, I sought examples of dynamic, independent woman who did not fit the Hollywood image of a cloaked, silent, and oppressed woman. During my quest I had failed to engage with individuals, specifically females, from varying family structures.

Mary Vogl, (2003) discusses Insiders/Outsiders; Truth/Falsehood in her book

Picturing the Maghreb Literature, Photography, (Re) Presentation and poses the

questions: “Who has the authority to represent? What are the consequences for those

representing and those being represented? Can anyone truly be an insider?” (p. 120)

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Western Perceptions about Moroccan Culture and Gender Roles

Smith (2005) notes, “views about the Other have existed for centuries in

which comparisons are “made between the ‘us’ of the West and the ‘them’ of the

Other” (p. 32). My inclusion of western written travel essays and imagery of

Moroccan women begins to establish a continuous pattern of western thought

regarding gender roles in Muslim societies. In light of 9/11 and the Iraqi war, my

discussion extends slightly beyond the boundaries of gender roles to include visual

imagery that depicts Arab individuals as dangerous extremists. Establishing this

broad foundation is important because my journal essays illustrate my daily struggles

as a female researcher in Morocco. Specifically, in my journal I consider how these

well-established beliefs about Moroccan society or more broadly the Arab world,

have influenced my own perception which in turn affected my research.

During my research I uncovered a series of early travel essays written about

Morocco that provided western descriptions of both men and women. Several themes

emerged as I progressed through these essays which centered on the male gaze.

Women were viewed as exotic objects and there was a repeated desire to strip each

woman of their veil to reveal their hidden identities. For example, in the early 19th century Captain G. Beauclerk (1828) writes about his journey through Morocco stating:

While prescribing for our young patients, there came in a Moor, who requested we would repair to his house to visit his wife; and as the opportunity was so good for seeing a Moorish woman unveiled, we immediately went thither. (p. 31).

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Joseph Thomson (1889) writes about his travels in Morocco stating:

Our eager outlook for the gazelle-eyed and veiled Moorish beauties of whom we had daily visions on our way hither is equally fruitless. Only black-eyed Spanish and Jewish damsels meet us at every turn, displaying on their persons the latest reputed Parisian costume and newest fashion in dress-improvers. Nothing daunted, though disappointed, we mount the street intently on the watch for the genuine article. (p.19)

While both of these excerpts have been drawn from 19th century travel essays, my

collection of images in the form of tourist postcards and tourist paintings throughout

Morocco reveal that Moroccan woman continue to be exocitized for western audiences.

In Rose’s article “Visual Culture, Visual Pleasure, Visual Disruption” (2001), the author explains gendered visuality through the writings of Linda Nochlin. An art historian, Nochlin examined gendered visuality through a nineteenth-century “soft porn postcard” of a woman and then an equivalent image of a man. Rose clearly explains that the “visuality that constructs women as objects to be seen does not allow the spectator to make sense of a man being shown in the same terms,” only women are “suitable objects for sexual display” (Rose, p. 108). This particular example runs parallel to the plethora of visual images that have been consistently created of women in North Africa.

Colonial postcards and posters from the late 19th century and early 20th century provide two examples (see for example, Alloula, 1986; Slaoui, 1998). The spatial and visual organization of the women in these images emphasizes the woman as an object, as a “passive spectacle” (Rose, p. 112). Alloula (1986) asserts that the colonial photos of women as a whole specifically refer to the western obsession with

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the myth of the harem. The harem, which has been deemed by the west as “a universe

of generalized perversion and of the absolute limitlessness of pleasure,” provides the

quintessential example of women portrayed as objects (Alloula, 1986, p. 95).

Through my own observations continued displays of French colonial images

that render women of North Africa (e.g. Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia) as sexual objects

continue to be displayed within contemporary Moroccan society. Women depicted in

haik 39 or veiled are common depictions of women. As discussed in my findings, these depictions are found on postcards throughout the market and are also recreated in tourist paintings yet, through my own observations these forms of dress are rarely worn within contemporary Moroccan society. Shaheen (2001) notes:

Throughout the Arab world, from Bahrain to Lebanon, women wear a wide variety of apparel. Some don the traditional black cloaks and veils; others dress in the latest Western fashions, whether it be jeans, designer dresses, or bikinis. (p. 23).

Intertwined with the perpetual portrayal of woman as exotic creatures is the

concept that all women particularly in the Middle East, or of Muslism faith, are being

oppressed within their societies. September, 2006 airings of the War of Terror video produced by the organization Progress for America show images of women in Burkas as the narrator states that “women have no rights” within the terrorists system. The

juxtaposition of text and image sends a powerful message that the veil is a form of

oppression. As repeated images of violent acts juxtaposed with pictures of men of

Arab descent, these images of women viewed within the context of the whole video

perpetuates a message that all women are oppressed within Muslim societies

39 A haik is a white cloak that fully covers a woman’s body. This form of dress is worn by a small number of women in southern areas of Morocco such as Essaouria. 312

(http://progressforamerica.org/). These warnings and negative stereotypes are repeated in western guidebooks.

Travel essays and guidebooks provide warnings for the single women traveling solo through Morocco. It is suggested by travel books, such as Lonely

Planet (Hardy, 2005), that women wear wedding rings and carry pictures of their

“husbands” and “children.” I carry my pseudo ring and pictures each time I travel to

Morocco, but I do not use them. Each time I have traveled to Morocco I have received unsolicited comments prior to my journey, during my journey, and after my journey related to my safety as a solo female traveler within a Muslim country.

Inevitably questions are also often asked about my clothing attire during my travels.

All of these comments and questions have come from westerners of whom many are highly educated. I perceive this general interest as a desire to make sense of the media construction of the Arab world and I am their informant. Specifically, lingering images of orentialists women and turbaned men remain and continue to take form through paintings in our museums, the media coverage of the Middle East, and

Hollywood films (see for example, Shaheen, 2001).

Despite my knowledge and experience working within Morocco, as a solo female traveler it is difficult for me to completely filter out the barrage of media images that depict the Arab world as dangerous and oppressive to women. However, at the same time, the images of western women viewed in Morocco via satellite TV have also constructed a false view of western women within Moroccan society. The complexity of these misunderstandings is revealed within my personal journals and is an integral part of my response to my findings and discussion of gender roles.

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In the following pages I have included excerpts from journals over the course of my ten-week journey traveling in Morocco (2006). Interwoven between my personal essays are excerpts, specifically from the writing of Fatima Mernissi (1987).

The excerpts have been included to extend my journal entries and to provide an alternative perspective regarding my experiences.

Journal Entry: Essaouira, Morocco Sunday, July 16, 2006 9:25 pm

A Savvy Traveler?

Part of my daily routine is to sit in the open square by the fish stalls. I have chosen this area partly because of the benches which are used by both men and women, and partly because of the interesting people who wander this area. It appears to be the center square where adventurous European tourists enter the city with their baggage to find a budget hotel and also where they exit the city. Taxis can be readily found at the outer edge of west side of the square. Wealthier Europeans coming from their beachside hotel, also promenade this area to sit at one of the cafes flanking the far north side or to visit the fish stalls and view the fishing boats.

As I sit and write my notes from my morning experiences two men approach and the one closest one to me says Bonjour. I limit my eye contact by continuing to write and limit my speech to the simplest of pleasantries. In my note-taking journal I literally write “Can I not have some peace and quiet in this country…the concept of personal space is different here.” The men continue the conversation with me in

French and I begin to see where the conversation is going quite quickly. The conversation circles around my marital status and whether I am alone. These 314 conversations start the same and I often wonder whether they are simple conversations, friendly chit chat that is, or if they are fishing expeditions. My inherent skepticism always takes over and I quickly make up a story that I am meeting my husband. This time I may have made a mistake with my French because the conversation continues when I assert that I am an educator. The man closest to me says in French that he is the director of a computer school and they need help speaking English. Both men asked if I would teach a class in English for them. I insistently say no. All during this brief conversation I continue to write in my journal and explain that I really needed to work. A brief moment of eye contact was made and the man next to me said that I was “very beautiful.” This comment solidified my thought that this was definitely a fishing expedition and my concerns were perhaps warranted. My persistence remained and the men were off with a final statement of bon chance (good luck). I quickly move to a café to seek solace.

Was my concern warranted? Later in the afternoon I walked by the tourist office and saw a flyer that explained that students in Essaouira wanted assistance with their English. The flyer asked for travelers to provide assistance on a voluntary basis.

Contact information, a meeting time and place (technical school and festival association) was provided.

I have concluded from this experience that it is difficult for any traveler of a different culture to grasp the cultural norms of another group in terms of personal/private space. Tourist writings and unsolicited travel warnings from those that are around me have affected my ability to judge interactions. In the modern

Morocco that I see, women and men interact on a daily basis. Women are not veiled

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and in the cities they hold various positions. However, from my scholarly reading of

traditional Morocco, whether that be past practices in the cities or current practices in

small villages, the interaction between men and women is still limited. My being a

women and alone creates intrigue in a society that appears to be based on the family

structure.

The eminent Moroccan female scholar, Fatima Mernissi (1987) writes in the

introduction of her seminal book, Beyond The Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in

Modern Muslim Society, that her work is about sexual space boundaries. She states:

“It started from a harmless question: Why can’t I stroll peacefully in the alleys of the

Medina that I like and enjoy so much?” (Mernissi, 1987, xv) This question repeatedly

emerged in my own travels. The concept of being the center of attention on a consistent basis was difficult for me to understand. However, Mernissi (1987) challenges my western perception of gender roles by asserting that:

The striking characteristic of Western sexuality is the mutilation of the woman’s integrity, her reduction to a few inches of nude flesh whose shades and forms are photographed ad infinitum with no goal other than profit. While Muslim exploitation of the female is cloaked under veils and hidden behind walls, Western exploitation has the bad taste of being bare and over-exposed. (p. 167)

How has the western exploitation of women shaped the perceptions of the

males who encroach on my space?

Partial Journal Entry: Tangier, Morocco Saturday, August 12, 2006 9:30 a.m.

I sat on a concrete bench embracing the cool breeze. Enjoying the reprieve I

attempted to remain hidden in the shadow created by the tree planted next to me. The

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square is the center of activity, but to my surprise I was left to my thoughts. I sat and

observed women entering the city from the country side. My limited knowledge of

the Rif area led me to believe that they were from small Berber villages from the

clothing they were wearing. Each wore a white under layer of cotton that seemed to

be comprised of layers of white fabric. Fastened around the waist to create a skirt was a red and white striped woven cotton blanket. Their straw hats were adorned with colorful pompoms and layers of white cloth were tied around each woman’s neck in order to hold parcels on their back. Their bags protruding with some sort of products both hands carrying sacks filled to the limit. It was easily discernable that the weight they were carrying was heavy. Each woman’s shoulders sagged as they laboriously took each step down the hill to the market. I sat ashamed that I was uncomfortable in the heat wearing my short sleeve shirt and capris, tired from the simple walk up the hill. It is nearly 10:00 am and the square and streets are now filling with people. The square is speckled with tourists holding guidebooks looking for the “important” landmarks. As the square fills I get more stares. I assume this is fairly appropriate. I even wonder what I am doing….

Afternoon

I began to walk back to my residence and as I approached the square I hear behind me “Oh My God!” My body reacts immediately knowing what events may ensue. The man reveals himself by positioning his body slightly in front of me. I watch discreetly as I continue to walk and it appears that he is consistently looking back at me. I quickly cross the street and he follows. Profane words freely float in my

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mind and I quickly think about how I can shake him. The streets are now filled and a

convenient slip into a shop does not seem to be an option. He promptly begins talking

to me before I come up with a plan. He begins with a compliment. Having reached

my limit of encroachments on my personal space, I quickly and firmly say that I want

to be left alone with animated hand gestures to clearly drive the point home. All my

language skills seem to disappear in these situations and I hope that the hand gestures

(while still culturally appropriate) explain my thoughts. I continue to walk, but he persists. My frustration must have been clearly evident as my follower now continues the conversation by asking me if I was unhappy in my life! I had reached my limit and quickly crossed the street again and finally was left in solitude. As I continued walking forward I carefully slow my pace to ensure that my follower is in my full visual field ahead of my path.

How have my experiences prior to my arrival in Morocco shaped my feelings towards men within Moroccan society? How has this effected my interactions with men and more importantly my informants? In Rogerson’s (2000) travel guide,

Marrakesh Fez Rabat, the author includes the following excerpt under the heading

“Sexual Attitudes:”

My Abd as Slam, Malika’s husband, is young and handsome. Like most young Moroccan men in Tangier, he dreams of finding a rich Christian woman who will take him to Europe or the States and make him a rich man. (Henry Munson, cited in Rogerson, 2000, p. 32)

Rogerson’s (2000) excerpt is a sentiment held by some foreign travelers. During my residence at Al Akahawayn University in Ifrane, Morocco (2004) I listened to the reactions of young women after being approached by men. The hostility of some 318 young western women was alarming. Mernissi (1987) asserts that the both sexes in the Third World suffer from exploitation and deprivation, stating that, “men do not have, as in the so-called abundant Western societies, glaring advantages over women”

(p. 176).

Partial Journal Entry: Tanger, Morocco Sunday, August 27, 2006 10:30 a.m.

I sat in the square enjoying the sound of the fountain and watching the passerbys. Today, I observed a young man in his early 20s wandering in my vicinity with a backpack and guidebook in hand. He climbed the stairs to the Café Chorouk to achieve a better viewpoint of the neighboring mosque. He observed the mosque and then referred to his guidebook. Suddenly I thought – There are times when I wish I was a man! The freedom he had to simply wander without a clear destination armed with signs of a foreign traveler. I walk with a clear purpose and destination in mind. I traverse the same roads repeatedly in order to be recognized as more than a tourist – to be recognized perhaps even as a new resident. I hide my camera and guidebook or simply leave them behind. I wonder whether these are necessary precautions or have I imposed the guidelines on myself. How have guidebook warnings and media images influenced and shaped my actions?

As I sat writing an older gentleman walked by with a cane. I looked up and smiled and without words he raised his hand to say “Hi”. Perhaps my fears or perceptions that I need to take precautions are unwarranted. As I have sat here have I received any threats? Have any attempts to harm me been initiated?

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A young man walks by and says “Bonjour, ca va?” This is the constant

unwanted attention that I receive that at times pushes me to the edge. Yet, perhaps it

is my lack of truly understanding the realities of Moroccan culture that is the issue. Or

does the issue center on the fact that I am not in control. The power dynamics have

shifted. I am no longer observing. I am being observed.

Mernissi (1987) suggests that American women perceive that they have more

freedoms than Muslim women. She asserts that both groups struggle, but in varying manners. She states:

American women will get the right to abortion but it will be a long time before they can prevent the female’s body from being exploited as a marketable product. Muslim women, on the contrary, engage in a silent but explosive dialogue with fragile ruling class whose major task is to secure economic growth and plan a future without exploitation and deprivation. (Mernissi, 1987, p.177)

Mernissi’s dialogue brings to the forefront the continued exploitation of women through media formats. These media images filter throughout the world via satellite and are readily available for viewing by other parts of the world. Has my identity already been pre-constructed as a single woman to mimic those found in American popular culture?

Journal Entry: Fez, Morocco Wednesday, September 6, 2006 12:24 pm

This morning I went to the market to buy much needed food items. My maneuvering in and out of the winding streets resulted in a few, but manageable approaches. These minute disturbances seem manageable because I have started to take control of my environment. I know my route, I know which merchants I will be

320 visiting, and my eyes always remain fixated on the well-worn stone path I am walking. I am fully aware that in order to move with ease I have closed myself off from casual interactions. This has been my personal defense mechanism, but I wonder if it is even necessary. What interactions am I missing?

This week a female, solo traveling photo-journalist was staying at my hotel.

As we conversed during the week I watched her carefully and listened intently to her conversation. She had been traveling for months all over the world writing and taking photos for a humanitarian organization. What could I learn from her? How would she handle herself within Morocco? What I learned was one’s occupation may seem incongruous with one’s true personal nature. I realized that perhaps what I am searching for simply may not exist – a model to follow, a plan, or a template, something that validates my feelings and allows me to retreat when necessary without feeling as though I have failed in some manner.

It is nearing the end of my ten week trip and I am filled with conflicting feelings about my journey. From day-to-day my emotions swing between highs and lows that seem to be directly related to the interactions I have with people. I consistently wrestle with feelings of resentment over being the object of curiosity. Is it not my fiercely independent nature that is really at the heart of the issue? Or perhaps it is pride. Having worked so hard to achieve my goals and obtain an admirable career I feel belittled by the propositions and advancements. I struggle not to take these advancements personally and work to place my experiences within a contextual space. The male-female dynamics within Morocco have been shaped both by cultural norms and the inundation of media images. My career status as an

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educator and my personal status of being single without children does not fall within

the parameters of cultural traditions and does not fit with the media images of western

females.

It is important to remember that the media images of Arab women have been

equally damaging. Today as I viewed the Herald’s cartoon I was drawn to the image of a veiled woman standing by a tank. I quickly eliminated the reference to

Afghanistan and connected the image of the veiled woman with the simplistic belief that the veil is a form of oppression against women. The layers of meaning that the veil symbolizes in relation to geographical location and historical context are lost.

Inevitably my discussions with (western) scholars, teachers, friends, and family members, regarding my research eventually shifts to general questions pertaining to what I wear while I travel through Morocco. The media images do not reflect reality.

Yet, I have been so intent on conveying the falsities that I may be limiting my vision and inadvertently selecting representations that support only my assertions.

These personal journal entries have been included within my discussion of my

findings to paint a picture of my daily routine and encounters with individuals as a female researcher within Moroccan society. These entries begin to reveal my own

uncomfortable feelings being a female researcher in what I feel is a patriarchal

society. In Roberts and McGinty’s (1995), article on “Awareness of Presence:

Developing the Researcher Self,” the authors cite their academic adviser’s response to

their research log created during a field experience at a high school. The advisor,

Alan Peshkin, writes: “What are you not learning because of who you are not seeing

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and hearing, where you are not going, and what you are not allowing yourself

(unconsciously) to attend to?” (p.50).

It is clear to me that my position as a female researcher and solo traveler limited my scope of research because of my perceived understanding of gender roles within Moroccan society. The limitations that I placed on my interactions with individuals were constructed based on my tenuous understanding of the male-female dynamics within the country. While some of my narratives were personal and uncomfortable for me to share, being transparent and sharing these excerpts will allow readers to come to their own conclusions about the data I collected as a female researcher within Moroccan society. Additionally, these excerpts may perhaps elicit thoughtful contemplation regarding the male-female dynamics within a Muslim society.

Discussion of the Relevance of my Findings

My initial intentions of my research centered on providing K-12 educators with a “different perspective” of the contemporary art being produced in the primarily

Muslim country of Morocco (Kader, 2006, p. 25). This rationale was developed through my examination of K-12 curriculum texts and supplemental materials being utilized in public schools (see for example Brommer, 1997). These observations were made over an extensive period of time that encompassed my work as a K-12 practicing art teacher, as a museum educator, and as a supervisor of pre-service educators in K-12 institutions. Repeatedly, I observed some K-12 educators following

Discipline Based Art Education (DBAE) models and multicultural approaches that at

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times, perpetuated misconceptions and stereotypes of groups of peoples. For example,

some educators were broadly examining continents (i.e Africa) and/or countries by

generically studying one art form that had little relevance to contemporary artistic

production.

My conference presentations at both state and national art education

conferences broadened my understanding that K-12 educators, often strapped for

time, found it difficult to find contextual information about underrepresented

contemporary artists (personal communication, NAEA 2005, 2006). At the same

time, I came to realize that this “strapped for time” element lead to the increasingly

lack of interest in the contextual information that I strove to provide. Specifically, this

became evident at state conferences when I observed overloaded rooms for project

based presentations and dwindling attendees for my research based presentations.

Observations of educators filling rooms to learn about “multicultural” hands-on

projects such as duct tape totem poles (OAEA, 2005), illustrated the need to develop

methodology classes at the university level that educated pre-service teachers how to

critically evaluate curricula for relevance and meaning making.

Relevance of my Findings: Teaching Pre-Service Educators

My research findings have significantly impacted the manner in which I

approach art education methods courses at the university level. In the fall of 2007, I

entered into an art education faculty position in an institution with an enrollment of

approximately 14,000 students. The university is situated in the south-eastern part of the United States, in the heart of Appalachia and the student population is

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predominantly from the Appalachian region. This assertion is based on my informal

class discussions with students and my review of unofficial university student data

information (faculty orientation, 2007). The university’s art education program is

situated in the Art & Design department and consists of one full-time faculty member

and several adjuncts. Historically, the art education program at this south-eastern

university followed a DBAE approach which emphasized art production. The core

textbook utilized by the art education program was Wachowiak and Clements (2006),

book titled Emphasis Art: A Qualitative Art Program for Elementary and Middle

Schools. General education majors taking art methods utilized Hurwitz and Day’s

(2008), Children and Their Art: Methods for the Elementary School (8th Ed.). Based on my review of past syllabi the chapters regarding visual culture and new technologies found in Hurwitiz and Day’s (2008) book were not addressed. My initial assertion made in this dissertation that art education pedagogy within academia has moved forward to Visual Culture Education with an interdisciplinary, thematic approach, was not completely accurate based on my review of curriculum documents.

During my review of curricula at this south-eastern institution, I also informally reviewed the art education programs at the university’s peer institutions. My beginning investigations found that some of the peer institutions also followed a

DBAE curriculum model and utilized similar textbooks (i.e. Wachowiak and

Clements, 2006).

My analysis of past syllabi, textbooks, student portfolios, and project examples utilized at this south-eastern university illustrated that my dissertation premise that antiquated multicultural curriculum models are continually utilized today

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extends beyond K-12 institutions. My findings from this research were used to

construct three methods courses. The courses consisted of two sequential methods

classes for art educators. The second course in the sequence had a strong emphasis on craft production. The third course was an art methods course for elementary educators both in the PK-K and the K-6 certification program. I found that my findings from my dissertation research provided visual images that broadened the students understanding of the arts outside of the United States and fostered a number of critical discussions about race, gender, stereotypes, and multicultural curriculum models.

Several examples will be provided to clearly illustrate the connections between my research and these university level methods courses.

During the semester long methods course, conducted both in the fall of 2007 and the spring of 2008, both elementary educators and art educators were provided a series of readings on visual culture. Readings included for example, “Interpreting

Visual Culture” (Barrett, 2003) and “Visual Culture in the Classroom” (Duncum,

2003). Additional readings were provided to pre-service art educators that addressed visual culture and also critically examined issues such as race and gender. Examples include: “An Exploration of the Issue of Stereotyping in the Artroom” (Chung, 2008);

“Cultures for Sale: Perspectives on Colonialism and Self-Determination and the

Relationship to Authenticity and Tourism” (Ballengee-Morris, 2002); “Teaching

Through TV: Transformative Encounters with Constructed Reality” (Poleniecki,

2006); and “The Mountain Crafts: Romancing the Marketplace” (Obermiller, P. [ed.],

2002).

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The articles listed above provided students with a starting point for multiple

discussions centering on relevant social issues (i.e. race, gender). Images from this

dissertation research centering on topics such as tourism, gender issues, and craft

production, extended these beginning discussions. As students made connections to

their daily lives, discussions quickly progressed to the media’s role in constructing

identities. With candor some students spoke of the racism that existed in their hollow.

During class discussions, some students specifically expressed vocally their

experiences with family members and community members who have acted in a

racist manner either through specific actions or through hateful words. During open

conversations about race, some students identified that the “lack of contact with others” has contributed to racist attitudes (personal communication, Feb. 7, 2008).

Specifically, students’ defined “lack of contact” as meaning that there was a lack of

diversity in their communities. Demographics from the area support the students

concerns regarding diversity.

The 2006 Regional Chamber of Commerce provides both regional

demographics and county demographics. According to 2003 statistics, the region, which consists of the bordering communities in three neighboring states, consist of a population of 313, 661. Of this population 96.2% are White, 2.2% are Black, and

1.6% are identified as Other.

Some students have also recognized that being associated with a specific

county within WV has labeled them as “backward.” This sentiment surfaced during a

project in which the students considered their cultural identity and their membership

in multiple communities (Gollnick & Chinn, 2006; Speirs & Gaudelius, 2002). In an

327 essay centering on the student’s membership in their geographic community, the student wrote:

I now have a better understanding of who I am and realizing that where I am from has shaped my views on things and people often judge me because of where I am from. Whenever someone asks me where I am from, often after I tell them I am from Mingo County, WV they look at me with a sad face and say something like, OH, I’m sorry. People have misconceptions of people in southern WV as being uneducated and poor, as well as the whole state of WV. People in the southern half seem to have a bit more stereotypes placed upon them mainly because of their heavy Appalachian (Southern) accents. (personal communication, 2007)

Findings from this dissertation research revealed practices of othering through colonial discourse practices in writing (i.e. tourist information), through art production, and media images in both Morocco and the United States. The excerpts provided from my art education methods courses illustrate that pre-service educators were able to connect with the social issues raised in my work through their own personal experiences. Additionally, it illustrates that some human concerns and social issues are shared across geographic boundaries.

I do believe that my findings can broaden an educators understanding of the visual forms produced within Morocco. An examination of the signs employed in these visual works may challenge preconceived ideas regarding cultural practices (i.e. gender issues, religious practices, etc.) within a predominantly Muslim country.

Additionally, my discussion centering on the tourist industry and the fluid nature of

“authentic” visual signs provide a critical examination of works of art that are categorized as traditional representations of cultural groups. My findings can also provide educators with general biographies of artists and visual images that could be utilized in the classroom in a unit of instruction. Appendix J provides an additional

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beginning resource guide for art educators. However, I believe that the utilization of my findings as a whole in a separate, isolated cultural unit may not provide any meaningful relevance to their students’ lives.

My findings from my research and subsequent use of these findings in my art

education methods courses have raised questions on how we prepare pre-service

educators. Beginning questions that have emerged include: What tools do students

need to successfully create units of instruction that connect to students lives? How

can I prepare students to be informed citizens and critical viewers of images

presented to them in curriculum materials?

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CHAPTER 6

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY

Connections to Art Education and Suggestions for Further Study

In Kader’s (2006) instructional resource titled “Contemporary Art of Kenya:

A Different Perspective,” the author states that the goal of her research was to increase our understanding and our “appreciation for the complex nature” of art produced in post-1960 Africa (p. 25). Kader (2006) specifically addresses the question “What type of art do Africans most appreciate?” in the opening paragraphs

of her article (p. 25). I will retort with the following: What type of art do Americans

most appreciate? The retort, which I present to pre-service educators after they have

read Kader’s (2006) article, reveals the broadness of the question and in my opinion,

perhaps even its absurdity. This passage serves as a beginning point for my

recommendations and calls into question my own research framework.

First, my research provides only a generalized look at a range of works of art

and imagery produced in Morocco. Similar to Kader’s generalized references to art

produced in Kenya, I feel that my research may also present only general information.

Further in-depth research needs to be completed in order to truly present multiple

330 narratives from the voices of the artists in Morocco. As noted in the discussion of my findings, as I progressed in my research I realized that my study was narrowly constructed around male artists living and working in Morocco. Additionally, due to my own language limitations communication with some artists became difficult.

Second, while my Arabic language skills provided me with the ability to communicate in Arabic, my level of understanding was at best at an intermediate level. More specifically, academic texts written only in Arabic were not linguistically accessible to me. As a result, resources utilized in my dissertation were predominantly written by western authors. This also limited the number of voices presented in my research. Additional research of academic resources needs to be conducted to provide a more comprehensive examination of contemporary artistic production in Morocco.

Third, cultural practices and boundaries continually affected my research process. Difficulties arose in setting up scheduled meeting times with individuals and often the opening of galleries inexplicability changed. Some informants discussed with me the importance of relationships within Moroccan culture. Time and care was taken to engage in conversations and in the areas in which I conducted research, this was often done in outdoor cafés. Time is flexible. From a research perspective, this fluctuating sense of time resulted in some missed appointments and for me, missed opportunities to view works of art. Chance meetings with artists and impromptu discussions became more of the norm and altered my original structured interview format. Therefore, it is my recommendation that extended studies in one location need to be completed versus shorter research stays at multiple locations. A research

331 focus on one region within Morocco would provide the time to build relationships with artists following the social norms of the culture.

After Thoughts

I had always been interested in the art forms of other cultures. As an art teacher, the manner in which I introduced this information was guided by pre- packaged curriculums and my own informal investigations.

I was introduced to Morocco when I was a junior high art teacher and part- time graduate student studying art history. My first entry into the Kingdom of

Morocco was through a university sponsored program and guided by a scholar. The trip, which was rich with relevant scholarly topics, ignited my interest in Moroccan art forms. Through my dissertation writing I have come to the realization that I too, was allured by the “exotic” and “mysterious” qualities of the country. One can surmise this simply by viewing my initial photographs (see Fig. 159). During this period in time, I was not able to see beyond these partially staged events and these photographs were the images that I brought back to the classroom.

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Figure 159: Author’s photograph taken in the Sahara desert during first journey to Morocco in January of 2002. The image is of the author wearing a blue turban and standing amongst a caravan of camels that we had ridden into the Sahara. As Shaheen (2001) points out in his book Reel Bad Arabs: How Hollywood Vilifies a People, images of Arabs in popular culture include camels, desert scenes, and turbaned individuals. Many of these images do not reflect the contemporary reality of Arab societies.

Today, I have moved my lens away from images of peoples and from images that magnify, perhaps falsely, the differences. In this dissertation I have instead focused on the beauty that I see, but in the process I have also created a frame of illusion. My images do not show the hard realities that exist - the poverty, the pollution, the unfinished abandoned structures, the peddlers who sell their wares, and the lack of even basic necessities for some. I am ending my dissertation with a photo that is turned back onto the subject matter that is hidden or dismissed (see Fig. 160).

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Figure 160: Author’s photograph taken in August of 2006 of a popular tourist location where picturesque views of Tangiers port and the Straits of Gibraltar can be taken. Instead of presenting the view often taken by tourists, I have shifted my camera back to the ledge where individuals stand to frame their photographs. My image goes beyond the boundaries of the picturesque view to reveal what is often hidden. This image begins to illustrate the realities that exist in the country (i.e. poverty, pollution) and provides a subtle commentary on the nature of the tourist industry and the artists who depict Tangier.

334

APPENDIX A

BEGINNING INTERVIEW QUESTIONS AND TOPICS OF CONVERSATION MODIFIED FROM STUHR (1995) AND KVALE (1996)

335

Beginning Questions

1. Tell me where you are from. 2. Tell me about your art training. 3. What type of art forms do you produce? 4. Who taught or influenced you to produce these works? 5. What do you consider to be the major influences on your art? 6. For whom do you produce art? For what reasons? 7. What is your artistic status in the community and outside the community? 8. If a person wanted to see your work, where would he/she go to do so?

Topics of Conversation 1. Artistic Styles 2. Art Schools 3. Gallery Representation 4. Typical Workday 5. Colleagues 6. Tourism 7. Colonialism and/or Changes within Society

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APPENDIX B

MODIFIED COLLIER & COLLIER (1986, p. 41-42) SHOOTING GUIDE FOR A PHOTOGRAPHIC SURVEY OF AN URBAN NEIGHBORHOOD

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LOCATION: Photographs which show landmarks, geographical features, signs, and other location identifiers.

APPEARANCE: Photographs which illustrate the visual character of the location such as building types and streets.

ORGANIZATION: Photographs that visually describe the components of the neighborhood including the location of businesses, religious institutions, and residences.

FUNCTIONS: Photographs that illustrate how the neighborhood is used in terms of activities, services, and functions noting schools, businesses, restaurants, and recreation facilities.

PEOPLE: Photographs of residents in public places or evidence of the people that live in the area such as goods for sale and décor.

TRANSPORTATION: Photographs of transportation methods such as buses, cars, and possibly animals.

RESIDENTIAL AREAS: Photographs that record the details of residential areas including building styles, streets, and clues as to the characteristics of the inhabitants.

DAILY CYCLES: Photographs that record daily activities and the flow of people.

HISTORY: Photographs that show evidence of past populations and/or visual evidence of spaces having past functions.

CHANGE: Photographs that record changes such as new construction, demolition, the development of new institutions, or people moving.

338

APPENDIX C

PARTIAL LISTING OF LOCAL GALLERIES AND ARTS PROGRAMS IN ESSAOUIRA, MOROCCO (2006) AND THEIR CONTACT INFORMATION

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LOCAL GALLERIES AND ARTS PROGRAMS

1. Galerie d’Art Frederic Damgaard sarl Avenue Oqba Ibn Nafiaa 44000 Essaouira, Morocco

Listed Telephone: 044.78.44.46 Telephone Gallery Provided: 212.024.78.44.46 Fax Gallery Provided: 212.024.47.58.57 E-Mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.kunstdose.de/damgaard/index.htm

2. Galerie Marea Arte 7 bis, rue Youssef El Fassi Essaouira, Morocco

Telephone: 044.47.35.95 Fax: 044.78.50.70 E-Mail: [email protected]

3. Association Essaouira Mogador Dar souiri, rue du Caire Essaouira, Morocco

Telephone: 044.47.52.68 E-Mail: [email protected]

4. Association Tilal Des Arts Plastique Essaouira 4 rue du Caire Essaouira, Morocco

Telephone: 044.47.54.24

5. Galerie Bouafia 40, Sqala de medina Essaouira, Morocco

Telephone: 061.70.98.60 – 068.87.91.43

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APPENDIX D

PARTIAL LISTING OF ARTISTS LIVING AND/OR WORKING IN ESSAOUIRA, MOROCCO (2006) AND SELECT CONTACT INFORMATION

341

ARTISTS

Benmoussa, Fatiha Artist/Job Classification: Painter Address: 10 derb My Elghali,SYBA 44000 Marrakech, Morocco Telephone: 061.60.18.05 and 067.64.78.64 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.fatihabenmoussa.uni.cc/

Boury, Anass El Artist/Job Classification: Graphic Artist, Painter Telephone: 068.54.13.29 Email: [email protected]

Drissi, Slimane Artist/Job Classification: Painter Address: Le Petite Galerie Rue Ibn Richd Essaouira, Morocco Cell phone: +212 (0) 65.660.630 Fax: +212 (0) 44.476.431 Email: [email protected] Websites: http://www.artmajeur.com/soulaiman/ (2006) Or http://www.artmajeur.com/?go=user_pages/display_all&login=soulaiman

Erraad, Mohamed Artist/Job Classification: Painter Address: Hay Ezzaouia Province d’Essaouira, Morocco Cell phone: 062.29.77.75

Hamid, Bouhali Artist/Job Classification: Painter, President of the Association Tital Address: Association Tital Des Arts Plastique 4 rue du Caire Essaouira, Morocco Telephone: 044.47.54.24

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Kess, Hassan El Artist/Job Classification: Ink Painter on Leather, Calligrapher Address: Art Atelier – Hassan El Kess N: 58, Rue Sidi Mohamed Ben Abdellah Essaouira, Morocco Cell phone: 068.41.75.00

Menouar, Ali Artist/Job Classification: Painter Address: B.P. 417 Essaouira, Morocco Telephone: +212 (0) 44.47.58.86 and +212 (0) 61.07.33.89

Mostafa, Abdou Artist/Job Classification: Painter Address: No. 14, rue El Falak, Jnane Colone 1 Safi, Morocco Cell phone: 078.39.42.60 Email: [email protected] Website: artiste-abdoumostafa.ifrance.com

Mostafa, Assadeddine Artist/Job Classification: Painter Address: Cite Ezzaouia – No. 35 El Hanchane Essaouira, Morocco Telephone: 068.51.90.68

Mustapha, Benbrahim Artist/Job Classification: Painter, Calligrapher Telephone: 068.41.92.01 and 068.41.98.01 Email: [email protected]

Moudlib, Abdessadek Artist/Job Classification: Painter Telephone: 061.60.18.05 and 067.64.78.64 Email: [email protected]

Tabal, Mohamed Artist/Job Classification: Painter Address: Douar Zaouia 44250 Tlata Hanchane Essaouira, Morocco Cell phone: 062.09.42.00

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Taoufik, Aissa Artist/Job Classification: Painter Cell phone: 212.16.97.80 Email: [email protected]

Tiffardine, Mohammed Artist/Job Classification: Calligraphy Address: 5, Rue El Moukit 44000 Essaouira, Morocco Cell phone: 068.32.72.83

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APPENDIX E

PARTIAL LISTING OF LOCAL GALLERIES AND ARTS PROGRAMS IN TANGIER, MOROCCO (2006) AND THEIR CONTACT INFORMATION

345

LOCAL GALLERIES AND ARTS PROGRAMS

6. Tanjart 40 24 Rue Derrazine, Medina Tangier, Morocco

Telephone: 039.93.85.27 Website: http://www.tanjart.com/gallery/gallery_page4_en.htm

7. The Lawrence-Arnott Art Gallery 41 68 rue Amr Ibn Ass Tanger 90000, Morocco

Telephone: 039.33.34.82 Fax: 039.33.34.86

Email: [email protected] Website: www.arnott-lawrence.com/gallery

Email: [email protected] Website: www.arnott-lawrence.com

8. Galerie Delacroix 86 rue de la Liberte Tanger, Morocco

Telephone: 039.93.21.34

9. Musee d’Art Contemporain de Tanger 51 rue d’Angleterre Tanger, Morocco

40 In 2006 the gallery provided me with the website www.tanjart.com which is no longer in full service. The site listed (http://www.tanjart.com/gallery/gallery_page4_en.htm) is current as of June of 2008. However, only the gallery portion of this website is usable. This section provides images of contemporary works of art. 41 The literature that was provided to me during my research listed the website www.arnott- lawrence.com/gallery and two different email addresses. At the time of my 2006 research, the website was under construction. Currently in 2008, the address www.arnott-lawrence.com is being utilized, but only the homepage is complete. 346

10. Tangier American Legation Museum 42 8 Zankat America Medina, Tangier

Telephone: 039.93.53.17 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.legation.org/index.html

11. Musee De La Foundation Lorin 44 Rue Touahine Tanger, Morocco

Telephone: 039.93.03.06 E-mail: [email protected]

42 At the time of my research the website for the museum was www.maroc.net/legation.com. This is the site also found in texts such as Clandermond & MacCarthy (2003). As of June of 2008, information about the museum can now be found at http://www.legation.org/index.html.

347

APPENDIX F

LIST OF ARTISTS DEPICTING SCENES OF MOROCCO EXHIBITED IN THE AMERICAN LEGATION MUSEUM IN TANGIER, MOROCCO (JULY, 2004)

348

List of Artists

1. Sydney Blair Adamson 2. George Apperly 3. Mohamed B’Allal 4. Charles Baskerville 5. Herbert Bayer 6. Cecil Beaton 7. David Bolduc 8. Natalie Bonomelli 9. Claudio Bravo 10. Yves Brayer 11. Abdelaziz Bufrakech 12. Tistam Ellis 13. Arthur Evans 14. Mary Evans 15. Patricia Garon 16. Maurice Grosser 17. 18. Mohamed Hamri 19. Patricia Haskins 20. Oskar Kokoschka 21. Mouj Lhachimi 22. Azis Lkhattaf 23. Terence T.J. MacCarthy 24. Marguerite McBey 25. Mohamed El Mesnati 26. Guillaume Metten 27. Mohamed M’rabet 28. Emily Nairn 29. Muriel Phillips 30. Elena Prentice 31. Mohamed Ben Ali R’bati 32. Fquih Regueragui 33. Emily Sargent 34. Omar Salhi 35. Janice Taylor 36. Doan Vinh (Raymond Doan) 37. Christopher Wanklyn 38. Ahmed Yacoubi 349

APPENDIX G

ARTISTS DEPICTING SCENES OF MOROCCO EXHIBITED IN THE McBEY GALLERY OF THE AMERICAN LEGATION MUSEUM IN TANGIER, MOROCCO (AUGUST, 2006)

350

List of Artists and a Brief Description of their Work

1. Artist: Sydney Blair Adamson Artwork Description: Tangier, Painting, 1908

2. Artist: George Apperly Artwork Description: Marie Poutout, Pencil Drawing, 1934

3. Artist: Mohamed B’Allal Artwork Description: A Man on Stairs, c.1960

4. Artist: Charles Baskerville Artwork Description: Si Jaffar Menebhi, Painting, 1931

5. Artist: Charles Baskerville Artwork Description: End of , Tangier, Painting, 1932

6. Artist: Herbert Bayer Artwork Description: Sinking Mug, Date Unknown

7. Artist: Cecil Beaton Artwork Description: Tangier, 1937

8. Artist: Ira Belline Artwork Description: Moroccan Scene, Painting, c. 1962

9. Artist: Biss Artwork Description: Moroccan Road near Marrakech, Painting, 1965

10. Artist: David Bolduc Artwork Description: Marrakech, Painting, 1997

11. Artist: David Bolduc Artwork Description: Untitled, Painting, 1998

12. Artist: Natalie Bonomelli Artwork Description: Dradeb, Pastel, 2002

13. Artist: Claudio Bravo Artwork Description: A View of the Straits from the Tangier- Road, 1979

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14. Artist: Yves Brayer Artwork Description: The Arab Storyteller, Print (16/20), 1928

15. Artist: Yves Brayer Artwork Description: The Horse Market at Fez, Print (8/20), 1928

16. Artist: Yves Brayer Artwork Description: The Caid’s Tent, Print (12/20), 1928

17. Artist: Abdelaziz Bufrakech Artwork Description: Untitled, Date Unknown

18. Artist: Raphel Cidoncha Artwork Description: Portrait of Marguerite McBey, Painting, 1997

19. Artist: Jose Luis Delgado - Guitart Artwork Description: Sunset North of the Straight, Painting, 1989

20. Artist: Tistam Ellis Artwork Description: Tangier, Painting, 1911

21. Artist: Arthur Evans Artwork Description: Waiting for the Rain, Painting, 1983

22. Artist: Mary R. Evans Artwork Description: The Spinning Wheel, Oil Painting, 1984

23. Artist: Mary R. Evans Artwork Description: Souk in the Rif, Painting, 1988

24. Artist: Mary R. Evans Artwork Description: Tangier at Night, Watercolor and Gouche, 1988

25. Artist: Antonia Fuentes Artwork Description: Tanger, c.1950

26. Artist: Carlos Gallegos Artwork Description: Moroccan Procession, Date Unknown

27. Artist: Patricia Garon Artwork Description: Courtship, Painting, 1984

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28. Artist: Mauirce Grosser Artwork Description: Mosque at Mestarkhoche, Tangier, Painting, 1971

29. Artist: Brion Gysin Artwork Description: Djemaa el Fna, Marrakech, Ink, 1978

30. Artist: Brion Gysin Artwork Description: Djemaa el Fna, Marrakech, 1978

31. Artist: Mohamed Allal Hamri Artwork Description: Three Musicians, 1974

32. Artist: Mohamed Hamri Artwork Description: , Painting, 1974

33. Artist: Mohamed Hamri Artwork Description: The Bordello, Painting, 1974

34. Artist: Patricia Haskins Artwork Description: Tangier, Painting, 1985

35. Artist: Oskar Kokoschka Artwork Description: Marrakech Souk, Painting, 1965

36. Artist: Mouh Lhachimi Artwork Description: L’espoir, Oil Painting, 1994

37. Artist: Aziz Lkhattaf Artwork Description: Portrait of a Young Man, Date Unknown

38. Artist: Terence T.J. MacCarthy Artwork Description: Matisse’s , Kasbah of Tangier, Oil Painting, 1990

39. Artist: James McBey Artwork Description: The Market Place, Painting, Date Unknown

40. Artist: James McBey Artwork Description: Flower Market in the Soko Grande, Tangier, Painting, c.1946

41. Artist: James McBey Artwork Description: The Atlas Mountains, Morocco, Painting, 1950

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42. Artist: James McBey Artwork Description: The Straits from Chereefian Rocks, Painting, 1948

43. Artist: James McBey Artwork Description: The Approach to Tetuan, Print, 1913

44. Artist: James McBey Artwork Description: The Ford between Tangier and Tetuan, Print, 1913

45. Artist: James McBey Artwork Description: El Soko, Tetuan, Print, 1912

46. Artist: James McBey Artwork Description: The Orange Seller, Tetuan, Print, 1912

47. Artist: James McBey Artwork Description: The Bread Market, Tetuan, Print, 1912

48. Artist: James McBey Artwork Description: Tangier, Print, 1913

49. Artist: Marguerite McBey Artwork Description: Lily at the Parade Bar, Watercolor Painting, 1973

50. Artist: Margueritte McBey Artwork Description: Moujahidine Cemetery, Tangier, Painting, 1975

51. Artist: Mohamed El Mesnati Artwork Description: Dancers, Painting, 1993

52. Artist: Mohamed El Mesnati Artwork Description: The Market Tangier, Painting, 1989

53. Artist: Guillaume Metten Artwork Description: Marabout of Mehdia, Watercolor, 1991

54. Artist: Mouda Artwork Description: Medina, Painting, Date Unknown

55. Artist: Mohamed M’Rabet Artwork Description: Hand of Fatima, 1977

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56. Artist: Mohamed Naciri Artwork Description: The Spice Market, Painting, 1984

57. Artist: Margaret Nairn Artwork Description: Ouanina, valley of the Ziz, 1976

58. Artist: Muriel Philips Artwork Description: Jibali Lady, 1987

59. Artist: Elena Prentice Artwork Description: Untitled, Painting, 2001

60. Artist: Mohamed Ben Ali R’Bati Artwork Description: Magistrat au pretoire, c. 1935

61. Artist: Mohamed Ben Ali R’Bati Artwork Description: Rue a Tanger, c. 1935

62. Artist: Mohamed Ben Ali R’Bati Artwork Description: Bab el Assa, c. 1935

63. Artist: Mohamed Ben Ali R’Bati Artwork Description: Ceremonie d’allegeance au Sultan, c. 1936

64. Artist: Mohamed Ben Ali R’Bati Artwork Description: Courtyard, c. 1935

65. Artist: Mohamed Ben Ali R’Bati Artwork Description: Scene de la rue a Tanger, c. 1935

66. Artist: Mohamed Ben Ali R’Bati Artwork Description: Flowers in a Blue Vase, Date Unknown

67. Artist: Fquih Regueragui Artwork Description: Self-Portrait, Painting, 1980

68. Artist: Omar Salhi Artwork Description: Night. The Medina of Tangier, Pastel, 2002

69. Artist: Emily Sargent Artwork Description: Socco Grande Tangier, Painting, 1901

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70. Artist: Yves St. Laurent Artwork Description: Sketch of one of the costumes designed for the American School of Tangier’s Production of Euripides’ “The Bacchae,” Pencil and Marker Drawing, 1969

71. Artist: Janice Taylor Artwork Description: Mimoun, Painting, 2003

72. Artist: M. Tomov Artwork Description: Le Souk de Marrakech, Painting, Date Unknown

73. Artist: Edmond Vales Artwork Description: Riad Jamai, Print, date unknown

74. Artist: Doan Vinh (Raymond Doan) Artwork Description: Feast of the Drums, Painting, 1958

75. Artist: Christopher Wanklyn Artwork Description: Mosque at Touijjena, Oil and Acrylic Painting, 1975

76. Artist: Ahmed Yacoubi Artwork Description: Autumn, Oil or Acrylic Painting, 1960

356

APPENDIX H

NOTES ON CONTEMPORARY ARTISTS EXHIBITED IN THE MUSEE D’ART CONTEMPORAIN, TANGIER, MOROCCO (JULY, 2004)

357

Contemporary Artists

Karin Bennani Notes: organic, abstract, wood forms, some natural wood others painted white, relief sculptures

Mohamed Chebaa Born: 1936, Tanger

El Mati Daoudi – No Artwork Hung Born: 1949, Tanger

Fadi Foukih Notes: paintings, scenes of horses and figures, dominant use of browns and reds

Abdel-ilah Failali - No Artwork Hung

Ruggero Giangiacomi Born: 1930, Italy Notes: two large plates, created in the 1990s, blues, whites, yellow/tan, lines created with a resist maybe other areas glazed, scenes are street scenes perhaps of the medina, but the door of one building is open and a cross is on the wall, reminds me of a sea town like Essaouira or perhaps Chefchaouen

Patrick Hadacek Born: 1961, Safi

Moustapha Hafid Born: 1942, Casablanca

Mohamed Hamidi Born: 1941, Casablanca Notes: painting of a hand with five outreached fingers, patterns on fingers, hand appears to be emerging from a checkerboard at the bottom of the picture plane

Ahmed Hamri Born: Jahjouka, region de El Kebir Notes: Impressionist – “Naïve” Style, one image of village, one of a donkey with figure

Abdellah Hariri Born: 1949 Notes: two works create in 1984/85, abstractions with lines and areas of color, palette restricted to browns, reds, and grays, work similar to Paul Klee

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Mohamed Melehi Born: 11/22/1936, Asilah

Mustapha Rouass Notes: most works follow an orientalist style, for example – image of woman lounging in a room in room (odalisque in nature) looking out onto a courtyard playing music, very beautiful angelic looking women with flowing dresses, strong use of blues and greens, strong use of value, three of the five works have mountains in the background, perhaps alluding to Marrakesh, one surrealist image, for example – a woman is walking out of a gateway to a beach and ocean, has a white draped sheet, back is bare, goats are floating in sky

Oum-El Banine Slaoui Born: 1953, Fes

Unknown Artist – No Label Notes: graphite horses, repeated in varying sizes, whole room of variations of the horse theme, example – map of Marrakech (orange) with black horses painted on top in different sizes and scattered on the picture plane

Unknown Artist– No Label Notes: oil painting, thickly painted, Arab market scene, reds, yellow ochres, browns, greens

Unknown Artist– No Label Notes: sculpture, half moon red table positioned on top of three black stacked legs

Ahmed Yacoubi Born: Fes, died in New York, 1986 Notes: ameba forms that take on the appearance of sea creatures and bugs, outlined in black, pastel blue and green colors

359

APPENDIX I

PARTIAL LISTING OF ARTISTS LIVING AND/OR WORKING IN THE FEZ, MOROCCO AREA (2006) AND CONTEMPORARY TRADITIONAL WORKSHOPS WITH SELECT CONTACT INFORMATION

360

ARTISTS

Khadija, Tanan Artist/Job Classification: Painter Address: B.P. 118 Immouzer kandar 3125 Maroc Telephone: 055.66.39.92 Cell phone: 061.08.22.92 Email: [email protected] or [email protected]

ARTIST WOKSHOPS

Pottery & Zillij 1. Artisanat de Fes Gérant – Fakhkhari Naji 20 Q. I. Ain Nokbi Fes

Telephone : 212. 55. 66.91.66 Fax : 212.55. 63.02.64 Cell phone : 212.61.15.88.03

2. Mr. Serghini Maitre Potier43 Quartier de Poterie 32, Ain Nokbi Route Sidi Hrazem, Fes

Telephone : 035.76.16.29 or 035.64.97.26 Fax : 035.76.39.40 Email : [email protected] Website: www.poteriefes.com

43 As of July, 2008 the website provided to me during my 2006 research was no longer in existence. 361

APPENDIX J

CONTEMPORARY ARTISTS FROM MOROCCO: A BEGINNING ACCESSIBLE RESOURCE GUIDE FOR ART EDUCATORS

362

Contemporary Artists from Morocco

Abouelouakar, Mohammed Born: 1946, Marrakesh Currently Lives/Works: Unkown Artist Classification: Mix Media Sources for Images: Belhassan, Fullerton, and Slaoui, 2003; Brunei Gallery, 2008

Agueznay, Malika Born: 1938, Marrakesh Currently Lives/Works: unknown Artist Classification: Printmaker, Painter Sources for Images: Dana, 2008; Rachdi, 2004

Bachiri, Brahim Born: 1965, Sidi Boubeker, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Roubaix, France Artist Classification: Painter, Sculpture, Installation, Video Sources for Images: Rachdi, 2004

Belkahia, Farid Born: 1934, Marrakesh Currently Lives/Works: Marrakesh Artist Classification: Mix Media, Painter Sources for Images: Belhassan et al., 2003; Brunei Gallery, 2008; Jereb, 1995

Bellamine, Fouad Born: 1950, Fez Currently Lives/Works: Unkown Artist Classification: Paintre Sources for Images: Belhassan et al., 2003; Brunei Gallery, 2008

Benohoud, Hicham Born: 1968, Marrakech, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Paris, France Artist Classification: Photographer Sources for Images: Richdi, 2004; Belhassan et al., 2003; Brunei Gallery, 2008

Binebine, Mahi Born: 1959, Marrakech, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Paris, France Artist Classification: Painter Sources for Images: Rachdi, 2004 363

Boujemaoui, Mustapha Born: 1952, Ahfir, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Rabat, Morocco Artist Classification: Mix Media Sources for Images: Belhassan et al., 2003; Brunei Gallery, 2008

Dihaj, Bouchaib Born: 1956, Casablanca, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: , Netherlands Artist Classification: Painter Sources for Images: Rachdi, 2004

Elbaz, Mohamed Born: 1967, El Ksiba, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Lille, France Artist Classification: Mixed Media Sources for Images: Rachdi, 2004

Erruas, Saffaa Born: 1972, Tetouan, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Tetouan, Morocco Artist Classification: Mix Media (Paper) Sources for Images: Belhassan et al., 2003; Brunei Gallery, 2008; Nafas, 2008

Fakhir, Ymane Born: 1970, Casablanca, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Marseille, France Artist Classification: Photographer Sources for Images: Rachdi, 2004

Fatmi, Mounir Born: 1970, Tangers, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Paris, France and Tangers, Morocco Artist Classification: Video, Mix Media, Installation Sources for Images: Belhassan et al., 2003; Brunei Gallery, 2008; Nafas, 2008; Mounir, 2008

Laabi, Rim Born: 1973, Rabat, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Paris, France Artist Classification: Mix Media Sources for Images: Dana, 2008; Rachdi, 2004

364

Maftah, El Mostafa Born: 1957, Casablanca Currently Lives/Works: Morocco, Italy Artist Classification: Sources for Images: Rachdi, 2004

Maoual, Bouchaib Born: 1959, Casablanca, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Marseille, France Artist Classification: Printmaker (Engraver), Painter, Sculpture Sources for Images: Rachdi, 2004

Oualit, Dounia Born: 1959, Tetouan, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Berlin, Germany Artist Classification: Sculptor Sources for Images: Rachdi, 2004

Selfati Born: 1967, Tanger, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Madrid, Spain Artist Classification: Sources for Images: Rachdi, 2004

Yamou Born: 1959, Casablanca, Morocco Currently Lives/Works: Paris, France Artist Classification: Sources for Images: Rachdi, 2004

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