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You DNA Is Our Histo Y Our The University of Chicago PressWenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/662629 . Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press and Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Current Anthropology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded on Sun, 10 Mar 2013 09:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Current Anthropology Volume 53, Supplement 5, April 2012 S233 “Your DNA Is Our History” Genomics, Anthropology, and the Construction of Whiteness as Property by Jenny Reardon and Kim TallBear During the nineteenth century, the American School of Anthropology enfolded Native peoples into their histories, claiming knowledge about and artifacts of these cultures as their rightful inheritance and property. Drawing both on the Genographic Project and the recent struggles between Arizona State University and the Havasupai Tribe over the use of Havasupai DNA, in this essay we describe how similar enfoldments continue today—despite most contemporary human scientists’ explicit rejection of hierarchical ideas of race. We seek to bring greater clarity and visibility to these constitutive links between whiteness, property, and the human sciences in order that the fields of biological anthropology and population genetics might work to move toward their stated commitments to antiracism (a goal, we argue, that the fields’ antiracialism impedes). Specifically, we reflect on how these links can inform extralegal strategies to address tensions between U.S. and other indigenous peoples and genome scientists and their facilitators (ethicists, lawyers, and policy makers). We conclude by suggesting changes to scientific education and professional standards that might improve relations between indigenous peoples and those who study them, and we introduce mechanisms for networking between indigenous peoples, scholars, and policy makers concerned with expanding indigenous governance of science and technology. Singh. He does not represent the human sciences as occupying What I’d like you to think about with the DNA stories the authoritative realm of truth while relegating indigenous we’re telling is that they are that. They are DNA stories. knowledge to the realm of culture and mere belief. Instead It’s our version as Europeans of how the world was pop- of this dominant epistemological hierarchy, Wells attempts to ulated, and where we all trace back to. That’s our songline. level the playing field. He represents himself as part of a people We use science to tell us about that because we don’t have (“European” people) who, like Singh, are interested in telling the sense of direct continuity. Our ancestors didn’t pass stories about their origins. In a further reversal of expecta- down the stories. We’ve lost them, and we have to go out tions, it is Wells who is at the disadvantage. As Singh explains and find them. We use science, which is a European way to him, “We know our stories. We know about creation. We of looking at the world to do that. You guys don’t need know we come from here.” It is Wells and the Europeans that. (Wells 2003) who are still searching. However, what at first looks like a new mode of engagement In this remarkable excerpt from the PBS film The Journey of between indigenous peoples and those who wish to study 1 Man: The Story of the Human Species (Wells 2003), Spencer them quickly reverts back to old tropes. After the scene’s end, Wells, population geneticist and leader of the National Geo- Wells laments, “This really isn’t going very well. Tradition graphic Society’s (NGS) Genographic Project, responds to rarely sits well with cutting-edge science.” Aboriginal song- Australian Aboriginal painter Greg Singh. Singh does not ac- lines may say that humans originated in Australia, but DNA cept Wells’s suggestion that his Aboriginal ancestors trace back analysis of the blood of Aborigines tells him a different story.2 to Africa, insisting instead on the veracity of Aboriginal or- A white Land Rover is seen speeding away on a dirt road. igins. Interrupting expectations, Wells does not disagree with Wells gazes out to sea: “Let’s go see if we can make history.” He is off to India. With his cutting-edge genetics, Wells is literally back in the driver’s seat, headed for new lands and Jenny Reardon is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University new discoveries of fundamental truths, leaving Singh behind of California (College 8 Faculty Services, 1156 High Street, Santa Cruz, California 95064, U.S.A. [[email protected]]). Kim TallBear 1. Wells is also the author of the related book The Journey of Man: A is Assistant Professor in the Department of Environmental Science Genetic Odyssey (2002). Policy and Management, University of California (130 Mulford Hall, 2. Also see Priscilla Wald’s essay in which she analyzes how population Berkeley, California 94702, U.S.A. [[email protected]]). genetics research, including the Genographic Project, deploys “stories” This paper was submitted 27 X 10, accepted 2 IX 11, and in ways that are inseparable from science (Wald 2006). She discusses the electronically published 21 II 12. Journey of Man film at length. ᭧ 2012 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. All rights reserved. 0011-3204/2012/53S5-0020$10.00. DOI: 10.1086/662629 This content downloaded on Sun, 10 Mar 2013 09:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions S234 Current Anthropology Volume 53, Supplement 5, April 2012 in the outback of Australia, sitting under a tree by a rock, peoples and own their resources. Indeed, as Wells implicitly with his old traditional beliefs. argues in the Journey of Man, indigenous peoples should give In this scene, what began as a potentially new mode of their DNA in order to support Europeans’ new civilizing pro- understanding genetics—as a storytelling practice—ends by ject: the cosmopolitan antiracist world promised by geno- enacting an old story: in the interest of promoting “European” mics.5 While in the nineteenth century, Europeans sought to knowledge, moral claims to access indigenous lands and bod- tame American wildernesses and the “savages” that inhabited ies get made. This time such claims are not made on the them—a so-called civilizing project now generally viewed as ground that European culture and practices are superior but racist—in the twenty-first century, self-proclaimed Europeans on the grounds of justice. You have your stories, we just want continue to make a claim to indigenous peoples and their ours, Wells says to Singh. In so doing, he presents genetic resources, only this time they do so in the name of the civ- studies of indigenous DNA as part of what it would take for ilizing project of antiracism. both indigenous peoples and Europeans to know their origins. In short, while biological anthropologists and geneticists In this flip of the usual narrative, it is the indigene who commonly state desires to build an antiracist future, often potentially takes away. Singh, for example, can deny his DNA, they do so on conceptual and material terrains that leave a resource without which Wells and his European people will intact old links between whiteness and property. Wells, for lose their past. Through constituting this new injustice, Wells example, argues for access to “nature” (in the form of human retains the old and familiar position of a European making DNA) in order that he might transform it into something of a moral claim on the natural resources of indigenous peoples. value and use: knowledge about human evolution. This enacts To date, most biological anthropologists and genome sci- old understandings of Native peoples, nature, and subjectivity entists who currently make claims to indigenous DNA miss that position Native peoples as having no similar ability or these deeper histories of relations between Europeans and desire to transform nature (in this case, their own natures) indigenous peoples. We suggest that this is because these his- into value. They thus lack subjectivity, becoming mere re- tories are associated with race and racism, and most practi- positories of DNA. These understandings and performances tioners of human genetics and anthropology believe they reflect a very old order of things in which whiteness figures abandoned race as an object of study and racism as a practice. as a rational civilizing project that creates symbolic and ma- Instead, they argue that their efforts will undermine biological terial value of use to all humanity. As a formation that brings conceptions of race and thus counteract racism. Wells and good things to all, whiteness itself becomes a thing of value leaders at the NGS, for example, have sold the Genographic that should be developed and defended—in this case, Wells Project partially on the grounds that it will show race has no argues for the right to study Europeans.6 biological meaning, and thus we are all one people.3 They are Below, we describe the deeper histories of these relations not alone in making this claim. It is a common belief among between whiteness, property, and the human sciences. In par- human population geneticists and biological anthropologists ticular, we show how the American School of Anthropology who use genetic techniques to study human origins and evo- enfolded Native peoples into their histories and claimed lution that if you undercut race as a biological category, you knowledge about and artifacts of these cultures as their right- also undercut racism (Human Genome Diversity Project ful inheritance.
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